Gendering the vote for populist radical-right parties

Patterns of Prejudice

Volumn 49, Issue 1-2, 2015, Pages 135-162

  Spierings, Niels ^a   Zaslove, Andrej ^a  

^a RADBOUD UNIVERSITY NIJMEGEN   (Netherlands)

Author keywords

European Union; Gender gap; Populism; Populist radical right parties; Voting behaviour

Indexed keywords

EID: 84928657243     PISSN: 0031322X     EISSN: 14617331     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2015.1024404     Document Type: Article

References (120)

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4. On both, see Eelco Harteveld, Wouter van der Brug, Stefan Dahlberg and Andrej Kokkonen, 'The gender gap in populist radical-right voting: examining the demand side in Western and Eastern Europe', in these pages.
5. Tim Immerzeel, Hilde Coffé and Tanja van der Lippe, 'Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting: a cross-national investigation in 12 Western European countries', Comparative European Politics, vol. 13, no. 2, 2015, 263-86.
6. However, as Harteveld, van der Brug, Dahlberg and Kokkenen, 'The gender gap in populist radical-right voting' has shown, this assumption is not backed up by empirical evidence.
7. Betz, Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe.
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10. See Betz, Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe.
11. Derks, 'Populism and the ambivalence of egalitarianism'.
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26. We prefer the term 'sex gap' rather than 'gender gap' despite the fact that the latter is more commonly used in the literature. The main reason is that an analysis based on distinguishing between women and men is not one analysis of gender patterns but of differences in the averages of each sex.
27. Cas Mudde, 'The populist radical right: a pathological normalcy', West European Politics, vol. 33, no. 6, 2010, 1167-86.
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44. Immerzeel, Coffé and Lippe, 'Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting'.
45. Immerzeel, Coffé and Lippe, 'Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting'.
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47. Immerzeel, Coffé and Lippe, 'Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting'.
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49. Ivarsflaten, 'What unites right-wing populists in Western Europe?'.
50. Betz, Radical Right Wing Populism in Western Europe.
51. Derks, 'Populism and the ambivalence of egalitarianism'.
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66. See Spierings, Zaslove, Mügge and de Lange, 'Gender and populist radical-right politics: an introduction', in these pages.
67. Akkerman, 'Gender issues and the radical right in Western Europe'.
68. De Lange and Mügge, 'Gender and right-wing populism in the Low Countries'.
69. De Lange and Mügge, 'Gender and right-wing populism in the Low Countries'.
70. Akkerman and Hagelund, '"Women and children first!"'.
71. Zúquete, 'The European extreme-right and Islam'.
72. ESS Round 5: European Social Survey Round 5 Data (2010). Data file edition 3.2. Norwegian Social Science Data Services, Norway, Data Archive and distributor of ESS data. For online data, see the European Social Survey website at www.europeansocial survey.org/data/download.html?r=5 (viewed 12 February 2015).
73. Including these voters does not lead to substantially different results.
74. We do not focus on socio-economic differences or other material explanations for voting behaviour. The exclusion of these factors from our discussion and analysis does not imply that we consider them unimportant. Evidently, demographic and socioeconomic characteristics differ by sex, and they are important explanatory factors of attitudes. Causally they are prior to the attitudes we use as explanations. Therefore, excluding these factors should not bias our models. To test this, we have rerun the pooled full interaction model (Table 1, Model 3) with three core control variables: age (in years), education (in years of full-time education completed), and religiosity (0='Not at all religious' to 10='Very religious'). The results are very similar: all the same coefficients and interaction terms are statistically significant and the coefficients show the same directs and size. In other words, not including these factors has not biased our results. In themselves, particularly having a higher education and being older, they appear to have a negative impact on the probability of voting PRR (p<0.001). For a more detailed analysis of the impact of socio-economic factors on the demand side of PRR politics, see Harteveld, van der Brug, Dahlberg and Kokkenen, 'The gender gap in populist radical-right voting'.
75. Terri E. Givens, 'The radical right gender gap', Comparative Political Studies, vol. 37, no. 1, 2004, 30-54.
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77. McGann and Kitschelt, 'The radical right in the Alps'.
78. Norris, Radical Right.
79. Harteveld, van der Brug, Dahlberg and Kokkenen, 'The gender gap in populist radicalright voting'.
80. See Donald N. McCloskey, 'The rhetoric of economics', Journal of Economic Literature, vol. 21, no. 2, 1983, 481-517.
81. Stephen T. Ziliak and Deirdre N. McCloskey, The Cult of Statistical Significance: How the Standard Error Costs us Jobs, Justice, and Lives (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 2008).
82. Principal axis factoring, with oblique rotation.
83. KMO 0.851.
84. Bartlett's Test significant (p<0.001).
85. Eigen value 3.888; all factor loadings >0.650.
86. Both items load well above 0.4 on the same factor. The Eigen value is 1.414.
87. KMO 0.500 and Bartlett's Test is significant (p<0.001). In an EFA including two other items, the two items used load together on one factor, the only factor with an Eigen value >1. The items that do not measure are whether it is 'important to help people and care for others' well being' and whether it is 'important to be rich, have money and expensive things'.
88. The three items not included in the three indexes used in this study were: does the respondent find it important in choosing a job whether it allows one to combine family and work; does the respondent feel that his/her gender group is discriminated against.
89. Does the respondent feel that his/her sexuality group is discriminated against.
90. Drude Dahlerup and Monique Leyenaar (eds), Breaking Male Dominance in Old Democracies (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2013).
91. Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris, Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change around the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2003), 81-5.
92. For full names of parties and their left-right characterization, see Appendix.
93. A model that only includes this explanatory variable has a Nagelkerke R square of 0.149.
94. Harteveld, van der Brug, Dahlberg and Kokkenen, 'The gender gap in populist radicalright voting'.
95. This cannot be derived from Model 3 directly; re-estimating this model while changing the reference category of the sex variable yields the expected coefficient of 0.014 (0.059- 0.045) with a p-value well above 0.10.
96. Akkerman, 'Gender issues and the radical right in Western Europe'.
97. Sarah Bracke, 'From "saving women" to "saving gays": rescue narratives and their dis/continuities', European Journal of Women's Studies, vol. 19, no. 2, 2012, 237-52.
98. De Lange and Mügge, 'Gender and right-wing populism in the Low Countries'.
99. Mudde, 'The populist radical right'.
100. See 'PVV de grootste onder homo's', 9 November 2010, available on the Sargasso website at http://sargasso.nl/pvv-de-grootste-onder-homos (viewed 16 February 2015).
101. '"PVV is de grootste partij onder homo's"', AD, 9 November 2010.
102. See, for example, Betz, Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe.
103. Norris, Radical Right.
104. Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe.
105. Immerzeel, Coffé and Lippe, 'Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting'.
106. Harteveld, van der Brug, Dahlberg and Kokkenen, 'The gender gap in populist radicalright voting'.
107. See Betz, Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe.
108. Derks, 'Populism and the ambivalence of egalitarianism'.
109. Ivarsflaten, 'The vulnerable populist right parties'.
110. Ivarsflaten, 'What unites right-wing populists in Western Europe?'.
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112. McGann and Kitschelt, 'The radical right in the Alps'.
113. Akkerman, 'Gender issues and the radical right in Western Europe'.
114. For a supply-side analysis, see Betz and Meret, 'Revisiting Lepanto'.
115. Akkerman, 'Gender issues and the radical right in Western Europe'.
116. De Lange and Mügge, 'Gender and right-wing populism in the Low Countries'.
117. Wouter van der Brug and Joost van Spanje, 'Immigration, Europe and the "new" cultural dimension', European Journal of Political Research, vol. 48, no. 3, 2009, 309-34.
118. For the application of intersectionality to quantitative studies, including voting studies, see Niels Spierings, 'The inclusion of quantitative techniques and diversity in the mainstream of feminist research', European Journal of Women's Studies, vol. 19, no. 3, 2012, 331-47.
119. Mudde, 'The populist radical right'.
120. See Harteveld, van der Brug, Dahlberg and Kokkenen, 'The gender gap in populist radical-right voting'.