Draining an Anatolian desert: Overcoming water, wetlands, and malaria in early republican Ankara

Cultural Geographies

Volumn 21, Issue 3, 2014, Pages 475-496

  Evered, Kyle T ^a  

^a MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

Ankara; historiography; malaria; nature; political ecology; public health; Turkey; urban history

Indexed keywords

MALARIA; MODERNITY; NATIONALISM; PUBLIC HEALTH; URBAN HISTORY; URBANIZATION; WATER RESOURCE; WETLAND;

ANKARA [TURKEY]; TURKEY;

EID: 84901792106     PISSN: 14744740     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/1474474013512748     Document Type: Article

References (137)

1. S. Bozdoǧan, Modernism and Nation Building: Turkish Architectural Culture in the Early Republic (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001)
2. S. Bozdoǧan and R. Kasaba (eds), Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997).
3. I. Tekeli and T. Okyay, 'Case Study of a Relocated Capital: Ankara', in J.L. Taylor and D.G. Williams (eds), Urban Planning Practice in Developing Countries (Oxford: Pergamon, 1982), pp. 123-44
4. S. Akgün, Kurtuluş Savaşi{dotless}ni{dotless}n Mekansal Stratejisi ve Ankara'ni{dotless}n Başkent Seçilmesi Karari{dotless}ni{dotless}n İçeriǧi', in E. Yavuz and Ü.N. Uǧurel (eds), Tarih İçinde Ankara (Ankara: Orta Doǧu Teknik Üniversitesi, 1984), pp. 221-31.
5. H. Jansen, Ankara İmar Plani{dotless} (Istanbul: Alaeddin Ki{dotless}ral Basi{dotless}mevi, 1937).
6. F. Yavuz, Ankara'ni{dotless}n İmari ve Şehirciliǧimiz (Ankara: Güney Matbaaci{dotless}li{dotless}k ve Gazetecilik, 1952)
7. G. Tankut, Bir Başkentin İmari{dotless}, Ankara: 1929-1939 (Istanbul: Anahtar Kitablar, 1993)
8. M. Sarioǧlu, Ankara: Bir Modernleşme Öyküsü (1919-1945) (Ankara: Kültür Bakanli{dotless}ǧi{dotless}, 2001)
9. A. Cengizkan, Ankara'ni{dotless}n İlk Plani{dotless}, Lörcher Plani{dotless}: Kentsel Mekan Özellikleri, 1932 Jansen Plani{dotless}'na ve Bugüne Katki{dotless}lari{dotless}, Etki ve Kali{dotless}nti{dotless}lari{dotless} (Ankara: Ankara Enstitüsü Vakfi{dotless}, 2004)
10. K.T. Evered, 'Symbolizing a Modern Anatolia: Ankara as Capital in Turkey's Early Republican Landscape', Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 28(2), 2008, pp. 326-41
11. Z. Kezer, 'An Imaginable Community: The Material Culture of Nation-Building in Early Republican Turkey', Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 27(3), 2009, pp. 508-30
12. D. Kacar, 'Ankara, a Small Town, Transformed to a Nation's Capital', Journal of Planning History, 9(1), 2010, pp. 43-65
13. B. Batuman, 'Early Republican Ankara": Struggle over Historical Representation and the Politics of Urban Historiography', Journal of Urban History, 37(5), 2011, pp. 661-79
14. S. Sak and I. Basa, 'The Role of the Train Station in the Image Formation of the Early Republican Ankara', Journal of Urban History, 38(4), 2012, pp. 777-802.
15. On matters of secularization - in terms of Ankara both as a distinct place from Istanbul (which was the seat of the Caliphate - and under British and French occupation) and as a context for its implementation
16. E.O. Evered and K.T. Evered, 'Decolonization through Secularization: A Geopolitical Reframing of Turkey's 1924 Abolition of the Caliphate', The Arab World Geographer, 13(1), 2010, pp. 1-18
17. Z. Kezer, 'Contesting Urban Space in Early Republican Ankara', Journal of Architectural Education, 52(1), 1998, pp. 11-19.
18. Finally, on Turkey's particular experiences with urban sprawl/squatting (i.e. gecekondu)
19. K.H. Karpat, Gecekondu: Rural Migration and Urbanization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976)
20. T. Şenyapili, Ankara Kentinde Gecekondu Gelişimi (1923-1960) (Ankara: Bati{dotless}kent Konut Üretim Yapi{dotless} Kooperatifleri Birliǧi, 1985).
21. While ideas and symbolisms of nature, the environment, and associated human-natural landscapes are cited in existing works (e.g. in terms of urban green space, with regard to the conquest-of-nature symbolisms evident from Ankara's Çubuk Dam, and with respect to the objectives underlying Ankara's urban forest-farm and associated efforts to 'colonize the countryside' - all mentioned in Bozdoǧan, Modernism and Nation Building), there exist thus far no sources that seek to problematize these issues in rudimentary terms (e.g. 'how was nature constructed in/by the early republic?'). To that end, this article seeks to initiate this inquiry.
22. A. Yazici Yakin, '"There is a Village Somewhere Out There": Representations of Anatolia as Terra Incognita', Journal of Historical Sociology, 20(1/2), 2007, pp. 182-99.
23. I. Tekeli and S. Ilkin, 'Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi', in G.E. Kundakçi{dotless} (ed.), 70. Yi{dotless}li{dotless}nda Ulusal ve Uluslararasi{dotless} Boyutlari{dotless}yla Atatürk'ün Büyük Nutuk'u ve Dönemi (Ankara: ODTÜ Basi{dotless}m İşliǧi, 1999), pp. 209-55.
24. On architecture and identity in Turkey, note Bozdoǧan, Modernism and Nation Building, and Bozdoǧan and Kasaba (eds), Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey. Among emerging works to examine historical geographies of disease and public health in Turkey.
25. K.T. Evered and E.O. Evered, 'Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic', Journal of Historical Geography, 37(4), 2011, pp. 470-82
26. K.T. Evered and E.O. Evered, 'Syphilis and Prostitution in the Socio-medical Geographies of Turkey's Early Republican Provinces', Health and Place, 18(3), 2012, pp. 528-35
27. K.T. Evered and E.O. Evered, 'State, Peasant, Mosquito: The Biopolitics of Public Health Education and Malaria in Early Republican Turkey', Political Geography, 31(5), 2012, pp. 311-23
28. E.O. Evered and K.T. Evered, 'Sex and the Capital City: The Political Framing of Syphilis and Prostitution in Early Republican Ankara', Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 68(2), 2013, pp. 266-99.
29. E.O. Evered and K.T. Evered, '"Protecting the National Body": Regulating the Practice and the Place of Prostitution in Early Republican Turkey', Gender, Place and Culture, 2013, doi: 10.1080/0966369X.2012.753584.
30. Most archival documents analyzed for this study derive from the Başbakanli{dotless}k Cumhuriyet Arşivi (the Prime Minister's Archive of the Republic), located in Ankara, Turkey. As is customary in Turkish historiography, I reference these sources hereafter with the acronym 'BCA' (i.e. Başbakanli{dotless}k Cumhuriyet Arşivi) and then list their assigned record numbers.
31. Batuman, '"Early Republican Ankara"'. Exemplifying the latter tradition, we must include the aforecited works of Bozdoǧan, Modernism and Nation Building, and those appearing in Bozdoǧan and Kasaba (eds), Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey. Moreover, adding to these sources, Batuman cited in his article a number of related PhD dissertations authored in the late 1990s that also reflected this tradition.
32. Batuman, 'Early Republican Ankara"'.
33. As but one example, we may note a recent article that sought to analyze 'spatial strategies used to achieve national integration in the formative years (1923-45) of the Turkish Republic' - with a self-declared special focus on state 'infrastructural projects' and related services; Kezer, 'An Imaginable Community'. Though the study presents a compelling narrative and argument, there are absolutely no primary sources incorporated in the study that date prior to 1930.
34. This observation should not be interpreted as a criticism of analyzing images per se (e.g. as when maps or other representations of the landscape - or the landscape itself - are examined 'as text'). Indeed, such scholarship has come to constitute both a significant tradition and an established approach within human geography
35. J.B. Harley, 'Historical Geography and the Cartographic Illusion', Journal of Historical Geography, 15(1), 1989, pp. 80-91.
36. D.E. Cosgrove and S.J. Daniels (eds), The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic Representation, Design and Use of Past Environments (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987)
37. J. Duncan and D. Ley (eds), Place/Culture/Representation (London: Routledge, 1993)
38. G. Rose, Visual Methodologies: An Introduction to Researching with Visual Materials, 3rd edn (London: SAGE, 2012).
39. However, the degrees to which one can analyze effectively imagery (e.g. architectural styles, motifs, and so forth) must depend - in no small measure - upon the degrees to which one also analyzes thoroughly and competently accompanying - and preceding - written texts that exist within the associated historical record.
40. We are finally beginning to witness the appearance of a significant number of works - especially from emergent scholars - that focus on this transitional period in ways that extend beyond the central core of the early republic and its leader, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and that engage matters within a critical/ social history framework. In particular, I would point to the growing number of excellent master's and doctoral theses emerging from Boǧaziçi University's Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History (at: http://www.ata.boun.edu.tr/thesis.html).
41. M.D. Wyers Wicked' Istanbul: The Regulation of Prostitution in the Early Turkish Republic (Istanbul: Libra Kitapçi{dotless}li{dotless}k ve Yayi{dotless}nçi{dotless}li{dotless}k, 2012) as a published example of a work that delves thoroughly into the primary literature of the 1920s to render a more complete view of the 'early republic'.
42. Ottoman Turkish was the state language of both the Ottoman Empire and the early republic - until the implementation of alphabet and linguistic reforms in the late 1920s and thereafter.
43. G. Lewis, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).
44. This tendency to overlook key texts from and about the state during the 1920s and early 1930s is made evident through recent historical geographies concerning disease and public health. Relying upon key - but largely overlooked - primary publications by Turkey's Ministry of Health and Social Assistance (many of which were in Ottoman Turkish), such works demonstrate critical ways in which public health concerns prioritized state-wide decision-making in the early republican era; Evered and Evered, 'Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic', 'Sex and the Capital City', 'Syphilis and Prostitution in the Socio-medical Geographies of Turkey's Early Republican Provinces', and 'State, Peasant, Mosquito'.
45. If we were to think of such histories of the early Turkish republic in line with those of the early Soviet era, for example, we would need to envision a tradition of writing about 'early Soviet history' that would not commence until after the New Economic Policy, the death of Lenin in 1924, the imposition of collectivization, and the 1932 announcement of the conclusion of the first Five-Year Plan; at least we could learn about the purges of the late 1930s. However, we would also need to envision a history attributed almost entirely to Stalin. While 'great man' theories of Stalinist-era Eurasia clearly are not accepted by today's historians of the Soviet Union, scholars of Turkey's 'early republic' could benefit appreciably by further distancing themselves from the 'great man' approach.
46. J. Migdal, 'Finding the Meeting Ground of Fact and Fiction: Some Reflections on Turkish Modernization', in Bozdoǧan and Kasaba (eds), Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey, pp. 256-7.
47. Jansen, Ankara İmar Plani{dotless}; on Lörcher
48. Cengizkan, Ankara'ni{dotless}n İlk Plani{dotless}, Lörcher Plani{dotless}
49. A.O. McCormick, The Self-Determined Turk: From His Mud Village of Angora He Has Declared His Independence of East and West', The New York Times, 4 May 1924, p.
50. SM1. McCormick continued her depiction of foreign intrigues - and local misgivings about them - by claiming, 'no manifestation of foreign opinion passes unnoticed. Nothing that goes on anywhere escapes the ranging eye of Angora.The foreigner is under constant surveillance.'
51. K.H. Karpat (ed), Ottoman Past and Today's Turkey (Leiden: Brill, 2000).
52. A. Mills, 'The Ottoman Legacy: Urban Geographies, National Imaginaries, and Global Discourses of Tolerance', Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, 31(1), 2011, pp. 183-95
53. A. Mills, J.A. Reilly and C. Philliou, 'The Ottoman Empire from Present to Past: Memory andIdeology in Turkey and the Arab World', Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, 31(1), 2011, pp. 133-6.
54. Bozdoǧan, Modernism and Nation Building, pp. 11, 75-8, 120-3, 179-80.
55. Sultan Abdülhamid II's desire to develop the region later associated with the Atatürk Dam and wider G.A.P. initiatives were noted (with cited documents) in Ö.F. Yilmaz, Belgelerle Sultan İkinci Abdülhami^d Han (Istanbul: Osmanli{dotless} Yayi{dotless}nevi, 1999), pp. 259-61.
56. Bozdoǧan, Modernism and Nation Building, pp. 11, 75-77.
57. Y{dotless}lmaz, Belgelerle Sultan İkinci Abdülhamîd Han, pp. 237-43.
58. Bozdoǧan, Modernism and Nation Building, pp. 87-105.
59. As addressed in both B.C. Fortna, Imperial Classroom: Islam, the State, and Education in the Late Ottoman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) and E.O. Evered, Empire and Education under the Ottomans: Politics, Reform, and Resistance from the Tanzimat to the Young Turks (London: I.B. Tauris, 2012). On educational efforts during the Hamidian period, see also Yi{dotless}lmaz, Belgelerle Sultan İkinci Abdülhamîd Han, pp. 226-35.
60. This restating of the state (and its narrative) occurs in much the same manner as identified by Batuman when he observed that many critical studies of 'early republican Ankara' are beholden to the same nostalgia that they seek to cast away; Batuman, '"Early Republican Ankara"'. This predicament of trying to escape from the modern nation-state's typically unilinear narrative of its own history is addressed, in particular, in P. Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1995).
61. In her introduction to Modernism and Nation Building, Bozdoǧan discussed why she felt James C. Scott omitted Turkey from inclusion among those examples of 'high modernism' that he profiled in Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). In doing so, she spoke directly of why Turkey and Atatürk should be excluded from such a study - and her statement reveals such an appreciation for not merely form or style but also conviction; Atatürk was '[d]eified as a secularist and Westernizer by many Turks, detested for the same reasons by others, but ultimately revered as a soldier and national hero by all', p. 11. Drawing examples from the secondary literature on many cases of modernist developmentalism, Scott's distinguished essay could have included Turkey, I contend, as the work did not seem to claim an exhaustive summary of all relevant cases. Moreover, many examples that Scott did include were cases in which citizens also evidenced profound measures of conviction. For instance, though Scott included one of the greatest failures of Soviet modernist planning (i.e. collectivization, pp. 193-222), the most vivid example of citizens' attachment to a pre-German invasion Soviet state that I recall from my own studies includes people giving their children names like Elektrifikatsia, Traktor, and even Stalina or Stalnira; A. Sinyavsky, Soviet Civilization: A Cultural History (New York: Arcade Publishing, 1990), pp. 194-5.
62. J. Migdal, Finding the Meeting Ground of Fact and Fiction', p. 255.
63. J. Migdal, Finding the Meeting Ground of Fact and Fiction', p. 255.
64. J.C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).
65. Regarding the social construction of nature and its study in environmental history, one of the first significant examples (focused on the context of colonial New England) came with W. Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Economy of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983) - a theme developed further in W. Cronon, 'The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature', in W. Cronon (ed.), Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995) pp. 69-90. For a discussion of the concept - almost 20 years since Changes in the Land - that incorporated subsequent approaches (e.g. ANT), note also D. Demeritt, 'What is the "Social Construction of Nature"? A Typology and Sympathetic Critique', Progress in Human Geography, 26(6), 2002, pp. 767-90.
66. 'Angora From the Anatolia Restaurant', The New York Times, 14 January 1923, p. SM6.
67. McCormick, The Self-Determined Turk', p. SM1.
68. E. Marshall, 'Kemal Had Vision in Building Angora', The New York Times, 19 December 1926, p. E3.
69. Based upon his survey of archival records of the Rockefeller Foundation (i.e. RFA, RG 1.1, series 805, box 1, folder 3-4), the late archivist and Assistant Director at Rockefeller Archive Center Kenneth W. Rose noted that Admiral Mark Bristol, the United States High Commissioner in Turkey, 'was anxious for public health work' to commence 'especially because many Americans sent to the new capital of Ankara came down with malaria'; K.W. Rose, 'The Rockefeller Foundation's Fellowship Program in Turkey, 1925-1983'. Unpublished paper presented at 'The First Turks in America' Symposium, Yeditepe University, Istanbul, Turkey, 4 January 2003, p. 25.
70. H. Denny, 'The City That Reveals the New Turkey', The New York Times, 8 March 1936, p. SM11. In this article, Denny primarily spoke to the advances of the city over the past decade; as the subhead to the title read, 'Ancient Ankara, a Lively Capital, Has Cast Off Its Forty Centuries of Orientalism and Become an Ultra-Modernistic Community.'
71. A.E. Yalman, Turkey in My Time (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1956).
72. Y.K. Karaosmanoǧlu, Ankara, 3rd edn (Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 1964), pp. 74-5.
73. For example, this predicament of water scarcity was dealt with - in an almost mocking fashion - in the short news article 'Angora Has Running Water', The New York Times, 27 July 1927, p. 28. With a subhead that read 'But Turkish Capital's Supply Is Only by Cupful as Yet', the otherwise unattributed piece notes that in many places (i.e. 'the best restaurants and hotels') within the capital, 'running water' simply implies that it is poured by an attendant.
74. Clearly, there have been countless examples in the history of the United States both of transforming nature to be more aesthetically pleasing or commercially fruitful and of subduing it as a frontier to be overcome. There have also been, however, innumerable examples from other contexts.
75. On Ankara's symbolism of - and on its invention as the center of - Anatolia's internal frontier, note Evered, 'Symbolizing a Modern Anatolia', pp. 329-30.
76. In this context, we might note the increasing prevalence of ideas concerning governance and biopolitics; on both concepts and the specific case of malaria in Turkey, note Evered and Evered, 'Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic' and 'State, Peasant, Mosquito'.
77. In Timothy Mitchell's Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), we see in his first chapter ('Can the Mosquito Speak?', pp. 19-53) the integration of otherwise disparate historical narratives from Egypt's modern history to better analyze and explain how malaria spread more broadly and constituted a greater danger to human lives. At the scale of Ankara at the time of its emergence as a capital city, this article also demonstrates a bringing together of disparate narratives (i.e. those of Turkish urban history and of medical history) to better interrogate and convey how perceptions of both a disease and the appropriate ways to confront it contributed to particular trajectories in the city's development and its associated political and built landscapes.
78. This scientism was a cultural theme that had a solid foundation in the late Ottoman context, and it became ever more manifest through much of the republican era - arguably into the present day, as evidenced by one Turkish authority on mental health. Commenting specifically on the transition from empire to republic in the sphere of science and malariology, Mazhar Osman (1884-1961) noted that World War I-era doctors - more than any of their predecessors - contributed to emergent understandings about the disease and established the 'necessity of the antimosquito struggle, state quinine, swamp drainage, etc.' Though undertaken at limited scales, they helped to arrive at the fennî çareler (or 'scientific solutions') adopted by the modernist republic of the 1920s; 'Cümhuriyetin Si{dotless}hhat Siyaseti', in M. Osman (ed.), Si{dotless}hhat Almanaki{dotless}: Cumhuriyetin Onuncu Senesini Kutlularken (Istanbul: Kader Matbaasi{dotless}, 1933), p. 39.
79. On cultures of science and scientism - particularly from a geographic viewpoint, note D.N. Livingstone, Putting Science in Its Place: Geographies of Scientific Knowledge (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003).
80. Again, this brings us back to the central issues of governance and biopolitics, as addressed in Evered and Evered, 'Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic' and 'State, Peasant, Mosquito'.
81. Focusing on this public health propaganda, note Evered and Evered, 'State, Peasant, Mosquito'.
82. As the early republic's director of public health for Ankara declared, 'This first struggle will lead to more successful examples in our country in the future.'
83. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyasi{dotless}: Ankara Vilâyeti (Istanbul: Hilâl Matbaasi{dotless}, 1925), p. 92.
84. We may note this function of Ankara both as pilot project and as subsequent example for the nation in the kinds of narratives generated by the state. In public health, this was clearly the case with the republic's confrontation of another medical scourge, syphilis (see Evered and Evered, 'Sex and the Capital City'). More broadly, for agriculture, we might again recall the intended functions for Atatürk Orman Çiftliǧi - Ankara's so-called forest farm, a site intended both to promote modern research in agricultural (and even food) sciences (almost like the land grant state universities of the American Midwest) and to function as an idyllic and unifying green space within the modern capital; see also K.T. Evered, 'Past and Present Symbolisms of Ankara's Atatürk Orman Ciftliǧi: A Landscape of National Corporatism', research paper presented at the AAG annual conference, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2003; and, Evered, 'Symbolizing a Modern Anatolia', pp. 330-1.
85. On such examinations and their legacies, see E.O. Evered and K.T. Evered, '"Protecting the National Body": Regulating the Practice and the Place of Prostitution in Early Republican Turkey', Gender, Place, and Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography, accepted/forthcoming/in-press.
86. Given the republic's anxieties over a collapse in the population (see Evered and Evered's discussion of a 'demographic discourse' in 'Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic'), we thus witness one example of how a discourse of 'biosecurity' can 'wed' - and derive from - biopolitics and geopolitics, as per B. Braun, 'Biopolitics and the Molecularization of Life', cultural geographies, 14(1), 2007, pp. 6-28.
87. T.C. Si{dotless}hhiye ve Muavenet-i İçtimaîye Vekaleti, Si{dotless}hhî Müze Atlasi{dotless} (no publisher information, 1926), p. 4; copy examined is held at the TBMM (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi) Kütüphanesi (the Library of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey), Ankara. Images accompanying this illustration from the atlas were presented and analyzed previously in Evered and Evered, 'State, Peasant, Mosquito'.
88. Dr Besim Zühtü, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhi^-i İçtimai^ Coǧrafyasi{dotless}: Hamidabad (Isparta) Sancaǧi{dotless} (Ankara: Öǧüd Matbaasi{dotless}, 1922); Dr Hi{dotless}fzi{dotless} Nuri, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhi^-i İçtimai^ Coǧrafyasi{dotless}: Kayseri Sancaǧi{dotless} (Ankara: Öǧüd Matbaasi{dotless}, 1922); Dr Kemal, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhi^-i İçtimai^ Coǧrafyasi{dotless}: Kastamonu Vilayeti (Ankara: Öǧüd Matbaasi{dotless}, 1922); Dr Mehmet Hayri, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhi^-i İçtimai^ Coǧrafyasi{dotless}: Niǧde Sancaǧi{dotless}, transcribed by I. Gedik (Niǧde: n.p., 1994/1922 original); Dr Nazmi, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhi^-i İçtimai^ Coǧrafyasi{dotless}: Konya Vilayeti (Ankara: Öǧüd Matbaasi{dotless}, 1922); and Dr Hasan Tahsin, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhi^-i İçtimai^ Coǧrafyasi{dotless}: Sivas Vilâyeti (Istanbul: Hilâl Matbaasi{dotless}, 1932). Apart from the socio-medical geography published for Niǧde, only one other has been transcribed and made available thus far in modern Turkish; Dr Mehmet ali, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhi^-i İçtimai^ Coǧrafyasi{dotless}: Sivas Vilâyeti, transcribed by M.S. Koz (Istanbul: Çatalca Belediye Başkanli{dotless}ǧi{dotless}, 1991/1925 original).
89. Dr Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhi^-i İçtimai^ Coǧrafyasi{dotless}. Providing more insight into how Muslihiddin Safvet pursued his duties in Ankara - with a focus on antisyphilis campaigns in the city, see Evered and Evered, 'Sex and the Capital City'.
90. M. Süyev's Si{dotless}tma Savaşi{dotless} Çali{dotless}şmalari{dotless} Albümü (Istanbul: Hüsnütabiat Matbaasi{dotless}, 1953)
91. a celebratory work on the nation's presumed victory in its 'malaria war,' this sort of nationalist appropriation (and embellishment) of the republic's antimalarial campaigns was not particularly uncommon; see Evered and Evered, 'Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic' and 'State, Peasant, Mosquito'. Indeed, even in Muslihiddin Safvet's survey, the public health director declared, 'Until now, people who ruled the land viewed malaria as insignificant and neglected it; malaria thus settled in nicely [in Anatolia]. I believe that our Republican government will attend to this important issue and save the country from malaria.'
92. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyasi{dotless}, p. 92.
93. M. Talat, 'Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', Si{dotless}hhiye Mecmuasi{dotless}, 5(31-2), 1929, pp. 1311-59.
94. Numerous other foreign physicians who worked either at the behest of the empire (and of the republic, in later years) or for other concerns (e.g. for research institutes, for foreign entities involved in the construction of railways, and for others) are also mentioned in these surveys. During the years of World War I, for example, a Dr Betmann - who had been working with the poor since 1916 - was active in Ankara, and he also indicated surges in the incidence of malaria from 1917 onward; Dr Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyasi{dotless}, pp. 92-3. Though there have been studies examining the internationalization of architecture and planning (such as E. Akcan, Architecture in Translation: Germany, Turkey, and the Modern House [Durham: Duke University Press, 2012]), no such studies yet exist with regard to the pre-World War II medical communities of Ottoman and republican Turkey.
95. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin S{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyas{dotless}, p. 93.
96. M. Osman, Cümhuriyetin Si{dotless}hhat Siyaseti', in M. Osman (ed.), S{dotless}hhat Almanak{dotless}: Cumhuriyetin Onuncu Senesini Kutlularken (Istanbul: Kader Matbaasi{dotless}, 1933), p. 39.
97. M. Talat, Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', p. 1312
98. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin S{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyas{dotless}, p. 93.
99. Refik Halit Karay contribution to the 18 July 1918 issue of the periodical Yeni Mecmua 3(53) in H. Dilevurgun, Sosyal Ijyen (Istanbul: Güven Basi{dotless}mevi, 1947), p. 443.
100. K. Özbay, Türk Asker Hekimliǧi Tarihi ve Asker Hastaneleri (Istanbul: Yörük Basi{dotless}mevi, 1976), pp. 412-14.
101. M. Talat, Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', pp. 1312-13.
102. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin S{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyas{dotless}, p. 94.
103. Following this quote was a detailed account of the efforts of bacteriologist Hüseyin Kemal Bey at the Cebeci Military HospitalMuslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin S{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyas{dotless}, pp. 92-3.
104. M. Talat, Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', p. 1311.
105. These assertions as to the severity of the 1923 and 1924 outbreaks are verified repeatedly by references to the problem of malaria during these years as found in related archival documents (e.g. BCA 030-10-00-00-7-39-27).
106. BCA 030-10-00-00-7-39-27. The Minister of Health and Social Assistance was not present on 29 December 1924, and the request was forwarded to the ministry the following day. There was no direct mention in the archival records or in the parliament's published record (i.e. TBMM Tutanak Dergisi) for 1925 of any direct response to the representative's request.
107. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin S{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyas{dotless}, pp. 101-2.
108. In the following year, the physicians Abdülkadir Lütfi (Noyan) and Ahmed Fikri presented their comprehensive map of malaria throughout Anatolia at the nation-state's first medical congress, and through their map they strived to incorporate graduated zones of risk
109. Abdülkadir Lütfi Noyan and Ahmed Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless}', in Anonymous (ed.), Birinci Millî Türk Ti{dotless}b Kongresi Müzakerâti{dotless} (Istanbul: Kader, 1926), pp. 212-33.
110. This map was analyzed and reproduced previously in Evered and Evered, Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic', pp. 476-9.
111. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin S{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyas{dotless}, p. 100.
112. It should be noted that the cultivation of rice was conducted in Turkey during this period largely for the market, whereas cultivation for subsistence more often involved the production of bulgur (a wheatbased staple consumed throughout rural Turkey)
113. T. Güneş, Türkiye Çeltik Ekonomisi (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Basi{dotless}mevi, 1971), pp. 164-5.
114. Connecting the country's circumstances of poverty, capitalist agriculture, profiteering by rice growers, their purchase of political influence, and the consequences of malaria on the people, the physician and parliamentarian
115. M. Şerif Korkut later wrote a radical critique; Isi{dotless}tma ve Çeltik (Ankara: Yeni Matbaa, 1950).
116. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin S{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyas{dotless}, insert.
117. İ. Tekeli and S. Ilkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi', p. 237.
118. M. Talat, Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', pp. 1347-8.
119. As with one case from June 1925 that involved lands designated to be drained for public health reasons; once this was achieved, they were designated for redevelopment as a park (BCA 030-0-18-01-01-014- 42-7-001). As an example of how costs of such projects were shared at republic and municipal levels, not also the specifics of initial projects in Ankara (BCA 030-0-18-01-01-013-13-11-001).
120. BCA 030-0-18-01-01-013-13-11-001.
121. M. Talat, 'Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', p. 1313. For greater detail on these initiatives, see Evered and Evered, 'Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic'.
122. Lebib, 'Ankara Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesi Tedkikatindan: Sivil Ahaliye Vaki Olaral Kinin İtasi', in Anonymous (ed.), Birinci Millî Türk Ti{dotless}b Kongresi Müzakerâti{dotless} (Istanbul: Kader, 1926), pp. 306-13.
123. M. Talat, 'Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', p. 1355.
124. M. Talat, 'Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', p. 1334.
125. M. Talat, Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', pp. 1340-4
126. Muslihiddin Safvet, Türkiye'nin S{dotless}hhî-i İçtimaî Coǧrafyas{dotless}, pp. 92-3. Note that these terms employed in Turkey at this time to indicate varieties of malaria most likely were as follows: Tropika, tropicana, and Malaria tropicana were used for what is recognized today as Plasmodium falciparum - the most deadly strain of malaria; Tersyana, tersiyana, and Malaria tersiana were utilized commonly for Plasmodium ovale; and Kuvartana, quartan and Malaria quartan implied Plasmodium malariae
127. Evered and Evered, Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic', p. 476
128. M. Talat, 'Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', p. 1342.
129. M. Talat, Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', pp. 1346-51.
130. M. Talat, 'Ankara'da Si{dotless}tma ve Si{dotless}tma Mücadele Teşkilati{dotless}', p. 1355.
131. M. Osman, Cümhuriyetin S{dotless}hhat Siyaseti', p. 40.
132. M. Özpekcan, 'Büyük Millet Meclisi Tutanaklari{dotless}na Göre Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Saǧli{dotless}k Politikasi{dotless} (1923-1933), II. Bölüm,' Yeni Ti{dotless}p Tarihi Araşti{dotless}rmalari{dotless}/The New History of Medicine Studies, 8, 2002, p. 211.
133. In particular, noted malariologists from Germany, E. Martini and H. Vogel, were hired;
134. M. Özpekcan, Büyük Millet Meclisi Tutanaklari{dotless}na Göre Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Saǧli{dotless}k Politikasi{dotless} (1923-1933), II. Bölüm,' p. 191.
135. For example, in his study, Recep Akdur concludes that the initiative to establish Ataturk Orman Çiftliǧi resulted in an eventual failure. He attributes the demise of this project to two factors: (1) a lack of education and training for the farmers recruited to work on and manage the farm, and (2) the prevalence of mosquitoes and malaria in the area of the farm. According to Akdur, those families that settled in the farm's housing could not endure the mosquitoes and malaria, and large numbers simply left. In the end, shortly after Atatürk's death, the original vision of the farm was also abandoned by republican leaders, and the site was relegated to being merely a place for picnics
136. Si{dotless}tma Temel Bilgiler (Ankara: Palme Yayi{dotless}nci{dotless}li{dotless}k, 2004), p. 9.
137. It should be noted that other key diseases were also identified and prioritized ever since the establishment of the Ministry of Health and Social Assistance. Other significant maladies included syphilis, trachoma, typhoid, and tuberculosis. Analyzing particular key papers presented at this congress, note Evered and Evered, 'Governing Population, Public Health, and Malaria in the Early Turkish Republic'.