Governing population, public health, and malaria in the early Turkish republic

Journal of Historical Geography

Volumn 37, Issue 4, 2011, Pages 470-482

  Evered, Kyle T ^a   Evered, Emine Ö ^a  

^a MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

Governmentality; Malaria; Nation building; Population; Public health; Turkey

Indexed keywords

DISEASE PREVALENCE; GOVERNANCE APPROACH; HISTORICAL CARTOGRAPHY; HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE; LEADERSHIP; MALARIA; PUBLIC HEALTH; STATE BUILDING;

TURKEY;

EID: 80755189927     PISSN: 03057488     EISSN: 10958614     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1016/j.jhg.2011.02.002     Document Type: Article

References (163)

1. İsmet Paşa, Başvekil İsmet Paşa Hazretleri'nin Nutku, in: Anonymous (Ed.), Birinci Millî Türk Ti{dotless}b Kongresi Müzakerâti{dotless}, Istanbul, 1926, 1. İsmet Paşa was later known by the name İsmet İnönü, following the taking of last names in the early nation-state. This renaming occurred for many throughout the 1920s but was universal in the republic following the adoption of the surname law of 21 June 1934. Hereafter names of this sort are written initially in their original Ottoman/early republican form with the later surname included in parentheses, as is standard practice in Ottoman/Turkish historiography.
2. Overall, the most notable work in this new tradition of scholarship is the edited volume by Sibel Bozdoǧan and Reşat Kasaba, Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey, Seattle, 1997.
3. Such as lands set aside for the development of the national experimental and model forest-farm known as Gazi Orman Çiftliǧi (later renamed as Atatürk Orman Çiftliǧi).
4. Tuǧluoǧlu indicated that between 1925 and 1932, over 33,000 wetlands were drained; Tuǧluoǧlu, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesi (1924-1950) (note 72), 356.
5. Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 237.
6. TBMM Zabi{dotless}t Ceridesi, İ: 98, 13/5/1926, C:1, 95-96.
7. Cited in Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 234-235.
8. As reported in Resmî Gazete, no. 1489, 06-05-1930.
9. On the Turkish state's controls over sugar beet production in more recent times, note C. Alexander, Personal States: Making Connections between People and Bureaucracy in Turkey, Oxford, 2002.
10. This law included work-related measures such as bans on allowing one's farmworkers to engage in field labor before sunrise or later than an hour before sunset, bans on sleeping on or near fields, and requirements that workers be provided with quinine and nets.
11. TBMM Zabi{dotless}t Ceridesi, İ: 78, 11/6/1936, C:1, 197-203 and 244-247.
12. Cited in Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 238-240.
13. Martini, a scientist at the University of Hamburg, had an active career as a malariologist that involved work in fascist Italy's Pontine Marshes region.
14. Snowden, The Conquest of Malaria (note 22), 188-196.
15. Vogel was also associated with the University of Hamburg and dealt with tropical medicine and helminthology.
16. Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 240.
17. As with S. Bozdoǧan, Modernism and Nation Building: Turkish Architectural Culture in the Early Republic, Seattle, 2001.
18. K.T. Evered, The Truman Doctrine in Greece and Turkey: America's Cold War fusion of development and security, The Arab World Geographer On the Truman Doctrine in Turkey, note 13 (2010) 50-65.
19. I.G.R. Shaw, P.F. Robbins and J.P. Jones III, A bug's life and the spatial ontologies of mosquito management, Annals of the Association of American Geographers 100 (2010) 375.
20. The examples cited from Egypt, Argentina, and Italy derived from the following studies: Mitchell, Rule of Experts (note 64)
21. Carter, State visions, landscape, and disease (note 15)
22. Caprotti, Malaria and technological networks (note 22).
23. Reflecting these histories, as recorded through the colonial records of places like Singapore, India, Egypt, and Panama, among many others, Harrison writes, 'The war on mosquitoes began in the high noon of White man's empire, at the end of the twentieth century.' In surveying this particular experience with malaria, the general English-language historiography of the disease entirely omits sites such as Turkey (an omission also noted by Harrison, Mosquitoes, Malaria, and Man (note 26), 3).
24. D.R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century On histories of Western empire and disease - and especially malaria - note also, Oxford, 1981, 58-79
25. D. Arnold, Introduction: disease, medicine and empire, in: D. Arnold (Ed.), Manchester, Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, 1988, 1-26.
26. Jacques May was a key figure in the development of medical geography. Assessing critically May's foundational role in the field of medical geography
27. see T. Brown and G. Moon, From Siam to New York: Jacques May and the 'foundation' of medical geography, Journal of Historical Geography 30 (2004) 747-763.
28. There were debates from the earliest years of the republic over a 'bachelor tax', which was eventually implemented in 1949.
29. For a full account of these debates and associated state surveys.
30. see Y. Semiz, 1923-1950 Döneminde Türkiye'de Nüfusu Artti{dotless}rma Gayretleri ve Mecburi Evlendirme Kanunu (Bekârli{dotless}k Vergisi), Türkiyat Araşti{dotless}rmalari{dotless} Dergisi 27 (2010) 423-469.
31. The comprehensive nature of the program can be seen not only legally but also in the widespread public health education campaigns undertaken by the republic, as cited in Gümüşçü, Osmanli{dotless}'dan Cumhuriyete Geçiş ve Cumhuriyetin İlk Yi{dotless}llari{dotless}nda Türkiye Halk Saǧli{dotless}ǧi{dotless} (note 71).
32. As epitomized by one celebratory album of the war on malaria; Süyev, Si{dotless}tma Savaşi{dotless} Çali{dotless}şmalari{dotless} Albümü (note 36).
33. See K.T. Evered, Symbolizing a modern Anatolia: Ankara as capital in Turkey's early republican landscape, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East 28 (2008) 326-341.
34. See for example the studies presented in Bozdoǧan and Kasaba, Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey (note 10).
35. This connection of Foucault's ideas with scholarship on histories of medicine, public health, and governance has a long tradition, extending back to the 1980s and early 1990s.
36. See B.S. Turner, Medical Power and Social Knowledge, London, 1987
37. M. Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness, Cambridge, 1991
38. D. Arnold, Colonizing the Body: State, Medicine, and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India, Berkeley, 1993
39. the chapters in C. Jones and R. Porter (Eds), Reassessing Foucault: Power, Medicine, and the Body, London, 1994.
40. G. Kearns, The history of medical geography after Foucault, On the particular place of Foucault in terms of medical geography, see in: J.W. Crampton and S. Elden (Eds), Aldershot, Space, Knowledge, and Power: Foucault and Geography, 2007, 205-222.
41. E.D. Carter, State visions, landscape, and disease: discovering malaria in Argentina, 1890-1920, Geoforum 39 (2008) 278-293.
42. Carter, State visions, landscape, and disease (note 15), 278.
43. M. Poovey, A History of the Modern Fact: Problems of Knowledge in the Sciences of Wealth and Society, On dealing critically with 'fact'-based discourse, note, Chicago, 1998.
44. T.M. Porter, The Rise of Statistical Thinking, 1820-1900, On the rise of numeric/quantitative discourse and its application beyond mathematics and the physical sciences to studies of society, note, Princeton, 1988
45. T.M. Porter, Trust in Numbers: The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life, Princeton, 1996.
46. As Matthew G. Hannah wrote in his account of governmentality in the United States during the 1800s, we should focus our analysis on which 'concrete social problems drove people to explore these new ways of governing' (Governmentality and the Mastery of Territory in Nineteenth-Century America, Cambridge, 2000, 2).
47. M. Foucault, Governmentality, in: The Essential Foucault: Selections from Essential Works of Foucault, 1954-1984, P. Rabinow and N. Rose (Eds), New York, 2003, 241.
48. Carter, State visions, landscape, and disease (note 15), 282.
49. As Carter observed, until the 1930s, Argentina 'did not make much progress in actually fighting the disease.'
50. Carter, State visions, landscape, and disease (note 15), 290.
51. F. Caprotti, Internal colonisation, hegemony, and coercion: investigating migration to southern Lazio, Italy, in the 1930s, Geoforum 39 (2008) 942-957
52. F. Caprotti, Destructive creation: fascist urban planning, architecture, and new towns in the Pontine Marshes, Journal of Historical Geography 33 (2007) 651-679
53. F. Caprotti, Malaria and technological networks: medical geography in the Pontine Marshes, Italy, in the 1930s, Geographical Journal 172 (2006) 145-155
54. C. Ipsen, Dictating Demography: The Problem of Population in Fascist Italy, Cambridge, 1996
55. F.M. Snowden, The Conquest of Malaria: Italy, 1900-1962, New Haven, 2006.
56. See also E.D. Carter, 'God bless General Perón': DDT and the endgame of malaria eradication in Argentina in the 1940s, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 64 (2008) 78-122.
57. Caprotti, Destructive creation (note 22), 945-948.
58. Caprotti, Internal colonisation, hegemony, and coercion Especially in (note 22).
59. While eugenics arguably began to emerge in Turkish social sciences as early as the mid-1920s, the slightly later development of an orientation towards eugenics in the Turkish medical community in the 1930s is established by the recent PhD dissertation of Sanem Güvenç-Salgirli, Eugenics as Science of the Social: A Case from 1930s Istanbul, Binghampton, 2009. Analyzing the 1937 typhus epidemic in Istanbul, Güvenç-Salgirli argued that eugenics was not a guiding principle of state ideology, planning, or policy but rather stemmed from a particular segment of the urban upper class. This stratum of an entrenched urban upper class was rooted in Istanbul and not among the emergent elites of the new republican capital, Ankara.
60. As Gordon Harrison concluded in his study on malaria, there were many traditions of European imperial connections between race, civilization, and malaria; 'Disease was seen as the ally of barbarism' (Mosquitoes, Malaria, and Man: A History of the Hostilities Since 1880, New York, 5), 1978.
61. Ipsen, Dictating Demography (note 22), 21.
62. S.M. Sufian, Healing the Land and the Nation: Malaria and the Zionist Project in Palestine, 1920-1947, Chicago, 2007, 55.
63. As with S. Craddock, Sewers and scapegoats: spatial metaphors of smallpox in nineteenth century San Francisco, Social Science and Medicine 41 (1995) 957-968.
64. Foucault, Governmentality (note 2), 243.
65. Recall Güvenç-Salgirli, Eugenics as Science of the Social (note 25).
66. A good example of an earlier application of governmentality in historical geography is Hannah, Governmentality and the Mastery of Territory in Nineteenth-Century America (note 19).
67. M. Dean, Authoritarian governmentality, in Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society, This potential for modes of modern governance in otherwise illiberal or totalitarian states is addressed in London, 1999, 131-148.
68. These dates are most commonly associated with the Tanzimat (or 'reordering'), though the two major pieces of reform legislation were promulgated in 1839 and 1856, while the 1876 end date of the era is based upon a particular reading of nineteenth-century Ottoman history and the subsequent Hamidian era.
69. This effort at modernization took place despite what simplistic traditions of history writing have characterized as the Hamidian state's 'exclusively authoritarian' conduct. On Ottoman governmentality, see the first chapter, 'No Ottoman Child Left Behind: On Governmentality and Education,' of E.Ö. Evered's forthcoming book, provisionally entitled, The End of the Eternal State: Empire, Education, and Ethno-religious Politics in the Fragmenting Peripheries of the Late Ottoman Era (July 2011).
70. Q. Hoare and G.N. Smith (Eds), Selections from the Prison Notebooks, Though the Foucauldian conceptualization of governmentality is deployed here, there is a consonance Gramsci's notion of hegemony: see New York, 1971.
71. For example, M. Süyev, Si{dotless}tma Savaşi{dotless} Çali{dotless}şmalari{dotless} Albümü, Istanbul, 1952
72. a triumphalist historicizing of malaria eradication efforts, history writing, and nation-building.
73. As a comparative note, just as the Ottoman Empire strived to modernize its public health system, similar trends were observable in the adjacent empire of Qajar Persia (1794-1925).
74. H. Ebrahimnejad, Medicine, Public Health, and the Qājār State: Patterns of Medical Modernization in Nineteenth-Century Iran, These efforts towards modernization of public health in Persia have been dealt with in two recent studies: Leiden, 2004
75. W. Floor, Public Health in Qajar Iran, Washington, D.C., 2004.
76. The changes include increasing references to the confrontation of disease and epidemics in terms that reflected military engagements - an emerging vernacular parallel to ways of viewing the confrontation reflected in Western languages. For example, we see increasing use of terms such as mücadelle ('struggle') or savaş ('war'). Commenting on the West's vernacular and citing several examples, Harrison wrote of the language associated with early anti-malarial campaigns: 'doctors in the field saw themselves at war; the language of battle came easily to their minds and pens' (Mosquitoes, Malaria, and Man (note 26), 2).
77. R. Murphey, Ottoman medicine and transculturism from the sixteenth through the eighteenth century, Bulletin of the History of Medicine On the truly syncretic nature of Ottoman medicine in the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, note 66 (1992) 376-403.
78. Foucault, Governmentality (note 2), 240.
79. B. Arda, Anatolia: the cradle of modern medicine, Ankara Üniversitesi Ti{dotless}p Fakültesi Mecmuasi For a brief survey of the contributions from Anatolia to modern medicine, see; 62 (2009) 8-12.
80. E. Kahya and A.D. Erdemir, Medicine in the Ottoman Empire (and Other Scientific Developments), For a more summary treatment of Ottoman medicine, see Istanbul, 1997.
81. G.N. Vlahakis, I.M. Malaquias, N.M. Brooks, F. Regourd, F. Gunergun and D. Wright, Imperialism and Science: Social Impact and Interaction, A broader discussion of medicine within the context of Ottoman sciences can be found in 'Science in the Ottoman world', in Santa Barbara, 2006, 71-118.
82. Vlahakis, Imperialism and Science (note 41), 78.
83. Vlahakis, Imperialism and Science (note 41) and 105-106, 97-100.
84. For information on the history of quinine, note the book by literary journalist F. Rocco, Quinine: Malaria and the Quest for a Cure That Changed the World, New York, 2003.
85. S. Aydüz and E. Yildirim, Bursali{dotless} Ali Münşî ve Tuhfe-i Aliyye/Ki{dotless}na Ki{dotless}na Risâlesi Adli{dotless} Eserinin Çevirisi, Yeni Ti{dotless}p Tarihi Araşti{dotless}rmalari{dotless} 8 (2002) 86.
86. One of the few surviving copies of this booklet was transcribed into modern Turkish in Aydüz and Yildirim, Bursali{dotless} Ali Münşî ve Tuhfe-i Aliyye/Ki{dotless}na Ki{dotless}na Risâlesi Adli{dotless} Eserinin Çevirisi (note 45).
87. Aydüz and Yildirim, Bursali{dotless} Ali Münşî ve Tuhfe-i Aliyye/Ki{dotless}na Ki{dotless}na Risâlesi Adli{dotless} Eserinin Çevirisi (note 45), 87-89.
88. T. Eren, Ormanci{dotless}li{dotless}ǧi{dotless}mi{dotless}zda Aǧaçlandi{dotless}rma Çali{dotless}şmalari{dotless}, Türk Ormanci{dotless}li{dotless}ǧi{dotless} Yüzüncü Tedris Yi{dotless}li{dotless}na Girerken (1857-1957), H. Kutluk and H. Asmaz (Eds), Ankara, 1957, 213
89. H. Kutluk, Türkiye Ormanci{dotless}li{dotless}ǧi{dotless} ile İlgili Tarihi Vesikalar, Istanbul, 1948.
90. İ. Tekeli and S. İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi, 70. Yi{dotless}li{dotless}nda Ulusal ve Uluslararasi{dotless} Boyutlari{dotless}yla Atatürk'ün Büyük Nutuk'u ve Dönemi, G.E. Kundakçi{dotless} (Ed.), Ankara, 1999, 230.
91. K.T. Evered, Turkey, Nations and Nationalism: A Global Historical Overview, Vol. II: 1880-1945, On the emergence of Turkish nationalism, see G.H. Herb and D.H. Kaplan (Eds), Santa Barbara, 2008, 760-775.
92. A.D. Erdemir and O. Oncel, Development of the foundations of quarantine in Turkey in the nineteenth century and its place in the public health, Journal of the International Society for the History of Islamic Medicine 2 (2003) 42-44.
93. G. Şari{dotless}yi{dotless}ldi{dotless}z, Hicaz Karantina Teşkilati{dotless} (1865-1914), On public health and quarantine as pretext for penetration into the sacred region of the empire that included Mecca and Medina, see, Ankara, 1996.
94. N.E. Gallagher, Egypt's Other Wars: Epidemics and the Politics of Public Health, Syracuse, Citing Şari{dotless}yi{dotless}ldi{dotless}z, Oya Daǧlar showed this was a far wider pattern. She also relied upon 1997
95. L. Kuhnke, Lives at Risk: Public Health in Nineteenth-Century Egypt, Berkeley, 1989
96. O. Daǧlar, War, Epidemics, and Medicine in the Late Ottoman Empire (1912-1918), Harlem, 2008, xxix-xxxii.
97. The Committee of Union and Progress, referred to more generally as the Young Turks, was the ultra-nationalistic movement that forced the abdication of Sultan Abdülhamīd II and supported a constitutional monarchy in Turkey.
98. M.Ş. Hanioǧlu, The Young Turks in Opposition, For more information on the movement, see Oxford, 1995.
99. E.K. Unat, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Atatürk Döneminde Bulaşi{dotless}ci{dotless} Hastali{dotless}klarla Savaş, Cerrahpaşa Ti{dotless}p Fakültesi Dergisi 12 (1981) 383.
100. Subsequent consultation with Ottoman laws for this article revealed that, in 1917, the state passed a law that enabled cheaper acquisition of quinine by the public.
101. Milasli{dotless} İsmail Hakki{dotless}, Malarya Yani Si{dotless}tma Hakki{dotless}nda Kimler Neler Bilmeli, Istanbul 1341/1925, 1-2.
102. Mustafa Kemal Paşa (Atatürk), opening session of the second session of parliament, 1 March 1924; in Türk İnki{dotless}lap Enstitüsü, Atatürk'ün Söylev ve Demeçleri, Vol. I, Istanbul, 1945, 316.
103. Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 211.
104. Beginning in the 1850s with the Crimean War, the Cretan Revolt, and the Ottomans expulsion from Serbia in the 1860s, conflicts and losses of territory and population continued with the Romanian War of Independence and the Russo-Turkish/Ottoman War of the 1870s, the loss of Tunisia and Egypt in the 1880s, the Cretan Revolution and its loss to the Great Powers in the 1890s, the Italo-Turkish War and both Balkan Wars of the 1910s, World War I (1914-1918), and culminated with the Turkish War of Independence (1919-1923). The Turkish nation thus had a vital common history not only of collective struggle but also of loss of land and human lives in conflicts with other European powers and ethno-religious minorities. With this shared experience as a backdrop, the arguments over population were compelling in the rhetoric of the emerging republic.
105. O. Yi{dotless}ldi{dotless}ri{dotless}m, Diplomacy and Displacement: Reconsidering the Turco-Greek Exchange of Populations, 1922-1934, As dealt with in histories such as London, 2006.
106. E. Aydi{dotless}n, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Savaşi{dotless}, Ankara, 1998, 7.
107. P. Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China, On the ways in which nation-states author singular, or 'linear,' narratives as an integral component of wider nation-building projects, see Chicago, 1995.
108. Unat, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Atatürk Döneminde Bulasi{dotless}çi{dotless} Hastali{dotless}klarla Savaş (note 53), 394
109. Aydi{dotless}n, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Savaşi{dotless} also referenced in (note 59), 7.
110. Ahmed Emin (Yalman), Turkey in the World War, New Haven, 1930, 253. The author indicated that one set of figures derived from the second volume of a study titled The Sanitary History of the War, 'edited by the Medical department of the Ministry of War,' but we have not been able to locate it.
111. Similar figures for malaria were presented by Neşet Ömer (likely Neşet Ömer İrdelp, following the surname law) at the September 1925 congress, though he rounded them to 460,000 cases and 23,000 deaths. In his use of these figures, Neşet Ömer did not state whether there was an overlap of case and death figures. Moreover, he did not limit the reference of these figures solely to veterans, as done by Ahmed Emin (Yalman).
112. Neşet Ömer, Si{dotless}tma Mucadelesi, in: Anonymous (Ed.), Birinci Millî Türk Ti{dotless}b Kongresi Müzakerâti{dotless}, Istanbul, 1926, 45.
113. Ahmed Emin (Yalman), Turkey in the World War (note 61), 253. He cited the statement by Dr. Riza Nour Bey from Turkish History, I, 19.
114. T. Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity, Berkeley, 2002, 19-53.
115. On this historic trend towards rice cultivation in Anatolia (and its displacement of rice imports from Egypt and India for the affluent of Turkey) and the crop's associations with malaria, see M.Ş. Korkut, Isi{dotless}tma ve Çeltik, Ankara, 1950. Korkut himself was both a physician and a representative in the Turkish parliament and provided a powerful critique of the crops, capitalism, and the conduct of particular types of officials in regulating malaria and public health more generally.
116. A. Lütfi and A. Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless}, Birinci Millî Türk Ti{dotless}b Kongresi Müzakerâti{dotless}, Anonymous (Ed.), Istanbul, 1926, 221.
117. L. Aksu, Malarya (Si{dotless}tma), Ankara, 1943, 25. Cited in Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 226. In many earlier Turkish-language sources, and in subsequent histories, the terms 'Tropicana' and 'Malaria tropicana' seemed to be used for what is recognized today as Plasmodium falciparum - the deadliest form of malaria. Additional confusion can arise because the most common strain, Plasmodium ovale, was listed oftentimes as 'tersiana' or 'Malaria tersiana.' Likewise, Plasmodium malariae was mentioned commonly as 'quartan' or 'Malaria quartan.'
118. Prior to the arrival (or at least the widespread distribution) of Plasmodium falciparum in Anatolia, Plasmodium ovale had been the more common variety, with some presence of Plasmodium malariae - with correction of terms as described above. A. Ünalan, Si{dotless}tma: Si{dotless}tmali{dotless} Yerlerde Çali{dotless}şan ve Yaşayanlara Pratik Bilgiler, Istanbul, 1946, 30, cited in Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 226. Moreover, the Plasmodium falciparum strain of malaria was also strongly associated in the literature at that time with blackwater fever, as in a leading text of the day, H.R. Ziemann, Malaria und Schwarzwasserfieber (aus dem Pathologischen Museum der Universität Berlin), Leipzig, 1924.
119. This post-war affliction in the Ottoman situation is reminiscent of similar experiences among the American population following the contemporary return of troops to the United States, as documented in one oft-cited history, A.W. Crosby, Epidemic and Peace, 1918, Westport, 1976.
120. Ottoman Turkish refers to the state language of the Ottoman Empire and the early republic (before alphabet and linguistic reforms were enacted and implemented). It was written in an Arabic-based script and was something of an amalgam of old Turkish (i.e., pre-republican era), Arabic, and Persian, and that the particular combination of terms from these languages depended upon the authors, the receiver (or intended readership), their presumed intents, the content of the material addressed, and the period in which it was written. For a sense of how the older forms of Turkish differ substantially from contemporary, colloquial, and written forms since the republic's ambitious and ongoing linguistic campaigns towards 'Turkification,'
121. see G. Lewis, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success, Oxford, 1999.
122. In this period, it is important to remember the limits of medical science. Indeed, until the 1880s, it was not known that the mosquito was implicated in the spread of the disease or that there were different varieties of it. Medical surveys for malaria at the time relied upon both the examination of peoples' spleens and blood counts. Though the resultant data are problematic today, they conveyed broadly areas of impact and the state of medical knowledge that informed decisions at the time. Tekeli and İlkin noted one of these early studies as conducted by Third Army health officer Colonel Tevfik Salim Bey in 1917 in the Black Sea region.
123. Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 227.
124. O. Gümüşçü, Osmanli{dotless}'dan Cumhuriyete Geçiş ve Cumhuriyetin İlk Yi{dotless}llari{dotless}nda Türkiye Halk Saǧli{dotless}ǧi{dotless}, Atatürk Araşti{dotless}rma Merkezi Dergisi 19 (2003) 125-146.
125. For an authoritative overview of public health in the Atatürk era, see Unat, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Atatürk Döneminde Bulasi{dotless}çi{dotless} Hastali{dotless}klarla Savaş (note 53).
126. İstanbul Üniversitesi Cerrahpaşa Ti{dotless}p Fakültesi, Cumhuriyetin İlk 15 Yi{dotless}li{dotless}nda Saǧli{dotless}k Hizmetleri, Istanbul, 1998, 334
127. cited in F. Tuǧluoǧlu, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesi (1924-1950), Türkiye Parazitoloji Dergisi 32 (2008) 351.
128. Gümüşçü, Osmanli{dotless}'dan Cumhuriyete Geçiş ve Cumhuriyetin İlk Yi{dotless}llari{dotless}nda Türkiye Halk Saǧli{dotless}ǧi{dotless} (note 71).
129. On these volumes see O. Gümüşçü, Milli Mücadele Dönemi Türkiye Coǧrafyasi{dotless} İçin Bilinmeyen Bir Kaynak, 'Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhî-İçtimaî Coǧrafyasi{dotless}.' Atatürk Araşti{dotless}rma Merkezi Dergisi 15 (1999) 939-969.
130. This first page was included as an illustration in a later album commemorating the nation-state's triumph over malaria; Süyev, Si{dotless}tma Savaşi{dotless} Çali{dotless}şmalari{dotless} Albümü (note 36), 40.
131. Süyev, Si{dotless}tma Savaşi{dotless} Çali{dotless}şmalari{dotless} Albümü (note 36), 40, with incomplete and inaccurate modern Turkish transcription and English translation on 41 and 42.
132. Türk İnki{dotless}lap Enstitüsü, Atatürk'ün Söylev ve Demeçleri (note 56), 316. Translated from the citation in Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 211.
133. Lütfi and Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless} (note 66), 232.
134. Lütfi and Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless} (note 66), 212.
135. For greater information, see his detailed memoirs covering both Ottoman and republican eras: A.L. Noyan, Son Harplerde Salgi{dotless}n Hastali{dotless}klarla Savaşi{dotless}m, Ankara, 1956. We have been unable to obtain information regarding his co-author, Ahmed Fikri.
136. This later period during the Cold War and since the introduction of DDT will be dealt with in a subsequent article.
137. Lütfi and Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless} (note 66), 222. Established in the late Ottoman era, the Gülhane Commission's role in late Ottoman military medical services and education is discussed in A. Ataç, Gülhane Askeri Ti{dotless}p Akademisinin Kuruluşu, Ankara, 1996.
138. A modified version of this original map was contained in Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 222.
139. Again, we can draw comparisons with Mitchell's inquiry into malaria in Egypt that examined interactions and overlooked linkages, such as World War I troop deployments, associated migrations, aspects of the disease, and other factors in spreading the disease to previously lesser- (or un-) affected regions of the country (Mitchell, Rule of Experts (note 64)).
140. Lütfi and Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless} (note 66), 219-220.
141. On the lives, livelihoods, and hardships of such marginalized migratory populations of the wider Çukurova region of the southeast, there are few better accounts than the many novels by Yaşar Kemal.
142. Lütfi and Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless} (note 66), 220-222.
143. Lütfi and Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless} (note 66), 232.
144. Lütfi and Fikri, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tmani{dotless}n Coǧrafyasi{dotless} (note 66), 227.
145. J.C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, New Haven, 1998, 52.
146. Refik Bey (Saydam) would later serve as Minister of Health and Prime Minister.
147. A.D. Erdemir and Ö. Öncel, A famous Turkish physician from military medical school: Dr. Refik Saydam and his public health works, Journal of the International Society for the History of Islamic Medicine 5 (2006) 47-53.
148. Examples from this earlier tradition in Turkish studies that engaged with the modernization of the republic include J. Parker, Modern Turkey, London, 1942
149. D. Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East, Glencoe, 1958
150. B. Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, Oxford, 1961.
151. As mentioned above and recorded in proceedings published in Ottoman Turkish; Anonymous (Ed.), Birinci Millî Türk Ti{dotless}b Kongresi Müzakerâti{dotless}, Istanbul, 1926.
152. Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 233.
153. TBMM Zabi{dotless}t Ceridesi, İ: 91, 26/4/1926, C:1, 229. Cited in Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 234.
154. Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 234.
155. Tekeli and İlkin, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesinin Tarihi (note 49), 234.
156. Interestingly, this law even gave instructions on how to engage with patients. Tuǧluoǧlu, Türkiye'de Si{dotless}tma Mücadelesi (1924-1950) (note 72), 356.
157. The application of these laws did not go without criticism. Though he avoided criticism of the requirements themselves, throughout his short booklet, Korkut noted failures to implement them universally and impartially due to the corruptible nature of many rural officials entrusted to enforce such measures. Korkut, Isi{dotless}tma ve Çeltik (note 65).
158. As a point of comparison with the malaria eradication campaigns of other states, associated transformations of the natural and built landscapes, and related ideals and politics, see: Caprotti, Internal colonisation, hegemony, and coercion (note 22); Caprotti, Destructive creation (note 22)
159. Caprotti, Malaria and technological networks (note 22)
160. E.D. Carter, Malaria, landscape, and society in Northwest Argentina in the early twentieth century, Journal of Latin American Geography 7 (2008) 7-38
161. E.D. Carter, Development narratives and the uses of ecology: malaria control in Northwest Argentina, 1890-1940, Journal of Historical Geography 33 (2007) 619-650.
162. On the nationalist project of selecting and planning a new capital, see Evered, Symbolizing a modern Anatolia (note 12).
163. This was a particular priority given the high incidence of malaria in the emergent capital in the early 1920s; see the early republic's health report for Ankara, Türkiye'nin Si{dotless}hhî-İçtimaî Coǧrafyasi{dotless}, Ankara, Vol. 17, 1925.