Civitas by design: Building better communities, from the Garden City to the New Urbanism

Civitas by Design: Building Better Communities, from the Garden City to the New Urbanism

Volumn , Issue , 2010, Pages 1-224

  Gillette Jr , Howard ^a  

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References (752)

1. Cited in Thomas Bender, Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth-Century America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), 4.
2. See Christine Haynes, "The Coupling and Decoupling of Urbs and Civitas," Journal of Urban History 33 (January 2007): 298, on the evolution of the term "civitas."
3. Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1938), 3.
4. See my review essay, "Urban Renewal Revisited," Journal of Urban History 33 (January 2007): 343.
5. See Eric Mumford, The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000), especially 269, noting the association of Le Corbusier's brand of modernism with "anti-urbanism," and symbolized by the destruction of the Pruitt-Igoe housing project in St. Louis described in Chapter 8
6. Emily Talen, New Urbanism and American Planning: The Conflict of Cultures (New York: Routledge, 2005), 49-58.
7. See my essay "Towards Effective Environmental Intervention in Cities: Roy Lubove's Evolving Critique of Urban Planning," Pennsylvania History 68 (Summer 2001): 325-35.
8. For a summary of these trends, see Jason Hackworth, The Neoliberal City: Governance, Ideology, and Development in American Urbanism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2007).
9. Such hopes are generally stated by New York Times architectural critic Nicolai Ouroussoff's reflections on the possible effect on cities of the new president's stimulus package ("Reinventing America's Cities: The Time Is Now," March 29, 2009), and more explicitly by advocacy organizations.
10. See, for instance, the report of the Oakland, California, PolicyLink, and the St. Louis-based Transportation Equity Network report, "An Engine of Opportunity: Achievable Goals to Advocate for Transportation Equity," issued electronically April 1, 2009.
11. Howard Gillette, Jr., Camden After the Fall: Decline and Renewal in a Post-Industrial City (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 247.
12. For a summary of environmental traditions in urban and regional planning and their relationship to issues of social equity, see Thomas L. Daniels, "A Trail Across Time: American Environmental Planning from City Beautiful to Sustainability," Journal of the American Planning Association 75 (Spring 2009): 178-92.
13. Roy Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890-1917 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1962), 187, provided an early and enduring definition of Progressives: "The right of every individual to the normal life, to those material and cultural necessities without which he could not function as a healthy, productive member of society, was a goal which linked together the disparate reform crusades of the Progressive era."
14. Charles Mulford Robinson, Modern Civic Art, or the City Made Beautiful, 2nd ed. (New York: Putnam's Sons, 1904), 257-58.
15. Bonnie Yochelson and Daniel Czitrom, Rediscovering Jacob Riis: Exposure Journalism and Photography in Turn-of-Century New York (New York: New Press, 2007), 37-68.
16. Quoted in Howard Gillette, Jr., Between Justice and Beauty: Race, Planning, and the Failure of Urban Policy in Washington, D.C. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995; reprint Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 116-17.
17. Lubove, Progressives and the Slums, 125.
18. For one example of how Riis drew inspiration from Roosevelt's example, see Howard Gillette, Jr., "The Military Occupation of Cuba, 1899-1902: Workshop for American Progressivism," American Quarterly (October 1973): 408-25. This essay does not take up environmental intervention as such, but it does argue that government interventions in Cuban cities and society were highly influential on the Progressive movement that followed.
19. Richard E. Fogleson, Planning the Capitalist City: The Colonial Era to the 1920s (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), 74, 77.
20. M. Christine Boyer, Dreaming the Rational City: The Myth of American City Planning (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1983), 16-18.
21. Alice N. Lincoln, "Improved Dwellings," Charities Review 4 (June 1895), 433, quoted in ibid., 15.
22. Yochelson and Czitrom, Rediscovering Jacob Riis, 39.
23. "Unsafest of all is any thing or deed that strikes at the home, for from the people's home proceeds citizen virtue, and nowhere else does it live," Riis wrote in 1902. "The slum is the enemy of the home. Because of it the chief city of our land came long ago to be called 'The Homeless City.' When this people comes to be truly called a nation without homes there will no longer be any nation." Riis, The Battle with the Slums (New York: Macmillan, 1902), 7.
24. Michael McGerr, A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 101
25. Lubove, Progressives and the Slums, 66, 67.
26. Lubove, Progressives and the Slums, 73,
27. citing Riis, The Battle with the Slums, 407. I missed Lubove's treatment of Riis's community center approach when I first wrote about Clarence Arthur Perry in the essay that is the basis for Chapter 4. Lubove describes such places as "a kind of neighborhood commons" (80), noting," If the school became, as Riis hoped, a social and intellectual beacon for adults as well as children, it would help restore the family cohesiveness which the tenement had wrecked."
28. Yochelson and Czitrom, Rediscovering Jacob Riis, 117.
29. Gwendolyn Wright, Building the Dream: A Social History of Housing in America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981), 124.
30. Fogleson, Planning the Capitalist City, 70
31. Eugenie Birch and Deborah Gardner, "The Seven-Percent Solution: A Review of Philanthropic Housing, 1870-1910," Journal of Urban History 7 (August 1981): 424.
32. Lubove, Progressives and the Slums, 109, 112. He concludes, "Gould⋯ and others could proclaim the value of model tenements all they wished, but no amount of rhetoric could modify the speculative structure of the housing market or force wealthy individuals and corporations, on any large scale, to channel their capital from more lucrative fields of investment into tenement 'investment philanthropy,"' (113).
33. Robert B. Fairbanks, "From Better Dwellings to Better Neighborhoods: The Rise and Fall of the First National Housing Movement," in John F. Bauman, Roger Biles, and Kristin M. Szylvian, eds., From Tenements to the Taylor Homes: In Search of an Urban Housing Policy in Twentieth-Century America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), 26-31.
34. Robert W. DeForest and Lawrence Veiller, eds., The Tenement House Problem (New York: Macmillan, 1903; Arno Press, 1970), 3.
35. M. C. Boyer, Dreaming the Rational City, 31
36. Shelton Stromquist, Reinventing "The People": The Progressive Movement, the Class Problem, and the Origins of Modern Liberalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006), 90.
37. Joel A. Tarr, "The Pittsburgh Survey as an Environmental Statement," in Maurine W. Greenwald and Margo Anderson, eds., Pittsburgh Surveyed: Social Science and Social Reform in the Early Twentieth Century (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996), 171.
38. See also John F. Bauman and Edward K. Muller, Before Renaissance: Planning in Pittsburgh, 1889-1943 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006), 55-58, for the local context of the Survey.
39. Lubove, Progressives and the Slums, 192.
40. Allen F. Davis, American Heroine: The Life and Legend of Jane Addams (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976)
41. Wright, Building the Dream, 128.
42. Nor was Addams atypical in bending prevailing views of the separation of the spheres to new ends, as Robyn Muncy points out in surveying the movement of women into the settlement movement, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 1890-1935 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 9-11, 30, 36.
43. See M. C. Boyer, Dreaming the Rational City, 20, 25.
44. Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), 224
45. Stromquist, Reinventing "The People", 86-87, 97-98
46. Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion, 35.
47. Daniel Eli Burnstein, Next to Godliness: Confronting Dirt and Despair in Progressive Era New York City (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006), 143.
48. Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work: The Rise of Women's Political Culture, 1830-1900 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 306-11
49. Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumer's Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Knopf, 2003), 21-22.
50. Dale Allen Gyure, "Playgrounds," in David Goldfield, ed., Encyclopedia of American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 2007), 577.
51. M. C. Boyer, Dreaming the Rational City, 22
52. Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 61-62.
53. P. Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, 243
54. Dominick Cavallo, Muscles and Morals: Organized Playgrounds and Urban Reform, 1880-1920 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), 29.
55. Cavallo, Muscles and Morals, 32, 2.
56. Pittsburgh was among the cities that responded to civic efforts to institute play areas accessible to working people. In 1910 voters overturned a city decision not to fund playgrounds after the plight of the city's children had been publicized by the president of the city's nascent playground association. Tarr, "The Pittsburgh Survey," 177.
57. Theodore J. Smergalski, superintendent of playgrounds, West Chicago Parks, writing in 1918, quoted in Galen Cranz, The Politics of Park Design: A History of Urban Parks in America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982), 67.
58. Burnstein, Next to Godliness, 91, 105, 114.
59. Jon A. Peterson, The Birth of City Planning in the United States, 1840-1917 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 141.
60. In this assertion, Peterson directed his attention especially at P. Boyer's Urban Masses and Moral Order.
61. Peterson asserts that "it was the City Beautiful movement as it interacted with the new scheme for Washington, D.C⋯ that established comprehensive planning as a civic ideal and made it the basis for an entirely new body of thought, to be called 'city planning.' The Washington effort thus marked the first of a new, generalized method for shaping a city; the Columbian Exposition had been only the beginning of a wish that some such means would be found." Birth of City Planning, 132.
62. Michele Bogart, Public Sculpture and the Civic Ideal in New York City, 1890-1930 (1989; Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997), 6-7.
63. George Kriehn, "The City Beautiful," Municipal Affairs 3 (December 1899), 600.
64. Boyer, Dreaming the Rational City, citing Robinson, 51, 44.
65. Harvey Shepard, "Municipal Housekeeping in Europe and America," American City 6 (May 1912): 713.
66. Randall Mason, "Historic Preservation, Public Memory, and the Making of Modern New York City," in Max Page and Randall Mason, eds., Giving Preservation a History: Histories of Historic Preservation in the United States (New York: Routledge, 2004), 132-33, 143, 157, 140.
67. Howard Gillette, Jr., "White City, Capital City," Chicago History 18 (Winter 1989-90): 26-45
68. Kenneth Kolson, Big Plans: The Allure and Folly of Urban Design (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 57-59.
69. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1998), 170
70. Daniel Burnham and Edward H. Bennett, Plan of Chicago (Chicago: Commercial Club, 1908),
71. cited in John D. Fairfield, The Mysteries of the Great City: The Politics of Urban Design, 1877-1937 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1983), 123-24.
72. Fairfield, Mysteries of the Great City, 122.
73. Carl Smith, The Plan of Chicago: Daniel Burnham and the Remaking of the American City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 15, 102. Notably, Burnham, like Riis, pointed to school buildings and their playgrounds as key agents for inculcating civic values, expressing his hope that "each child will become attached by those ties of remembrance that are restraining influences throughout life," (102).
74. William H. Wilson, The City Beautiful Movement (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 282
75. P. Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, 275.
76. Davis, Spearheads of Reform, 70.
77. Foglesong, Planning the Capitalist City, 168-79.
78. Jon A. Peterson, "The Birth of Organized City Planning in the United States, 1909-1910," Journal of the American Planning Association 75 (Spring 2009): 131.
79. Peterson, Birth of City Planning, 246-55.
80. See also Wilson, City Beautiful Movement, 286-87.
81. Fogelson (Planning the Capitalist City, 234) points especially to the conflict between private ownership of land and the conflicting social needs of capital and residents, with the result that planning did not become democraticized as Marsh and other more fundamental critics of the industrial order would have hoped.
82. Cited in Daphne Spain, How Women Saved the City (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), 72.
83. For a full account of the concept, see Suellen M. Hoy, "'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices, 1880-1917," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), 173-98.
84. For a description of the shift in historiography in this direction, see Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
85. Nancy Schrom Dye, "Introduction," in Noralee Frankel and Nancy Schrom Dye, eds., Gender, Class, Race, and Reform in the Progressive Era (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1991), 4.
86. In the same volume, Nancy A. Hewitt, "Politicizing Domesticity: Anglo, Black, and Latin Women in Tampa's Progressive Movements," cites Jane Addams's 1910 pronouncement to similar effect: "As society grows more complicated it is necessary that woman shall extend her sense of responsibility to many things outside her own home if she would continue to preserve the home in its entirety⋯. [I]f woman would keep on with her old business of caring for her house and rearing her children she will have to have some conscience in regard to public affairs lying quite outside her immediate household" (24).
87. Ardis Cameron, "Landscapes of Subterfuge: Working-Class Neighborhoods and Immigrant Women," in Frankel and Dye, Gender, Class, Race, and Reform, 62-63.
88. Cited in Maureen A. Flanagan, Seeing with Their Hearts: Chicago Women and the Vision of the Good City, 1871-1933 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002), 86.
89. Alison Eisenberg makes a complementary point: "The 1910s, then, framed a cooperative tension between women as 'natural' leaders and men as economic leaders. The female housekeepers, as urban designers, believed their unique talents allowed them to see and modify the moral properties inherent in the physical landscape⋯. Their work was designed not only to upgrade the appearance of Main Street and make it safer and more prosperous, but also to set higher standards of citizen participation." Eisenberg, Downtown America: A History of the Place and the People Who Made It (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 22.
90. Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion, 38-65.
91. Frederic C. Howe, The City: The Hope of Democracy (New York: Scribner's, 1906), 312-13,
92. reprinted in Jack Tager and Park Dixon Goist, eds., The Urban Vision: Selected Interpretations of the Modern American City (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press, 1970), 22.
93. Robert Fishman, Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century: Ebenezer Howard, Frank Lloyd Wright, and Le Corbusier (New York: Basic Books, 1977), 24.
94. Standish Meacham, Regaining Paradise: Englishness and the Early Garden City Movement (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999), 51-52.
95. Stanley Buder, Visionaries and Planners: The Garden City Movement and the Modern Community (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 14-15.
96. Fishman, Urban Utopias, 33.
97. Kermit C. Parsons and David Schuyler, eds., From Garden City to Green City: The Legacy of Ebenezer Howard (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 4.
98. Fishman, Urban Utopias, 34.
99. Ebenezer Howard, To-Morrow: A Peaceful Path to Real Reform (London: S. Sonnenschein, 1898.
100. Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of To-Morrow, ed. and pref. F. J. Osborne (London: Faber and Faber, 1946), 48. This was the original edition; it was slightly revised and reprinted in 1902 and brought out again in 1946 with a preface from Mumford (London: Faber and Faber, 1946), 48; this is the volume that circulates currently.
101. Fishman, Urban Utopias, 47.
102. Peter Hall, Cities of Tomorrow: An Intellectual History of Urban Planning and Design in the Twentieth Century, updated ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1996), 93.
103. Because later editions of Howard's book truncated the diagram, as Hall and Colin Ward report, many readers missed Howard's faith in the Social City, not the isolated Garden City, for realizing his ideal. Peter Hall and Colin Ward, Sociable Cities: The Legacy of Ebenezer Howard (New York: Wiley, 2000).
104. Standish Meacham puts it succinctly, "Though class antagonisms were to be banished from the suburb, class distinctions would remain." Regaining Paradise, 159.
105. Tristram Hunt, Building Jerusalem: The Rise and Fall of the Victorian City (New York: Henry Holt, 2005), 437-38
106. Raymond Unwin, Town Planning in Practice: An Introduction to the Art of Designing Cities and Suburbs (London: T. Fisher, 1909),
107. reprinted in The Legacy of Raymond Unwin: A Human Pattern for Planning, ed. Walter L. Creese (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1967), 74.
108. Fishman, Urban Utopias, 70-71
109. Margaret Crawford, Building the Workingman's Paradise: The Design of American Company Towns (London: Verso, 1995), 74
110. Mervyn Miller, "The Origins of the Garden City Residential Neighborhood," in Parsons and Schuyler, From Garden City to Green City, 105-8.
111. Meacham (Regaining Paradise, 105), reports that only three such quadrangles were realized at Letchworth, in subdivisions on the eastern end of the city.
112. Susan L. Klaus, A Modern Arcadia: Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr. and the Plan for Forest Hills Gardens (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2002), 36.
113. Fishman, Urban Utopias, 75.
114. Barry Parker and Raymond Unwin, The Art of Building a Home (London: Longmans Green, 1901), 92-93, 105.
115. M. Miller, "Origins of the Garden City Residential Neighborhood," 115.
116. Buder, Visionaries and Planners, 158-60
117. Crawford, Building the Workingman's Paradise, 75
118. Mel Scott, American City Planning Since 1890 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), 90.
119. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1998), 193.
120. Sheldon Stromquist, Reinventing "The People,": The Progressive Movement, the Class Problem, and the Origins of Modern Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 89
121. Rogers, Atlantic Crossings, 163.
122. M. Miller, "Origins of the Garden City Residential Neighborhood," 31.
123. Crawford, Building the Workingman's Paradise, 108-9.
124. Grosvenor Atterbury, "Model Towns in America," Scribner's Magazine 52 (July 1912), www.library.cornell.edu/Reps/DOCS/atterbur.htm.
125. Klaus, Modern Arcadia, 155
126. Kristin M. Szylvian, "Industrial Housing Reform and the Emergency Fleet Corporation," Journal of Urban History 25 (July 1999): 651.
127. Szylvian, "Industrial Housing Reform," 651
128. quoting Crawford, Building the Workingman's Paradise, 101
129. John S. Garner, "The Garden City and Planned Industrial Suburbs: Housing and Planning on the Eve of World War I," in John F. Bauman, Roger Biles, and Kristin M. Szylvian, eds., From Tenements to the Taylor Homes: In Search of an Urban Housing Policy in Twentieth-Century America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), 43-59.
130. Lawrence J. Vale, From the Puritans to the Projects: Public Housing and Public Neighbors (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 113-14.
131. Michael H. Lang, Designing Utopia: John Ruskin's Urban Vision for Britain and America (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1999), 136.
132. Years later, the neighborhood, now known as Fairview and part of a city known as one of the most dangerous and poorest in the country, drew the praise of the village historic society coordinator, who described it as "the kind of neighborhood that was built to foster interaction with your neighbor, yet still give you a private space that you can make your own." Kevein Friel, quoted in Philadelphia Inquirer, Camden County Neighbors section, May 27, 2007.
133. Szylvian, "Industrial Housing Reform," 668, 671-72
134. Michael H. Lang, "The Design of Yorkship Garden Village," in Mary Corbin Sies and Christopher Silver, eds., Planning the Twentieth-Century American City (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 142
135. Sylvester Baxter, "The Government's War Housing," Architectural Record 45, 2 (1919): 137,
136. quoted in Vale, From the Puritans to the Projects, 134.
137. For information on other war housing embracing Garden City designs, see Jonathan Barnett, The Elusive City: Five Centuries of Design, Ambition, and Miscalculation (New York: Harper and Row, 1986), 78-79.
138. Clarence S. Stein, Toward New Towns for America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1971), 19.
139. For the larger context of the visit, see Kermit C. Parsons, "British and American Community Design: Clarence Stein's Manhattan Transfer," in Parsons and Schuyler, From Garden City to Green City, 131.
140. Mark Luccarelli, Lewis Mumford and the Ecological Region: The Politics of Planning (New York: Guilford Press, 1995), 17-18, 75
141. Robert Wojtowicz, Lewis Mumford and American Modernism: Eutopian Theories for Architecture and Urban Planning (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 14-16, 113.
142. For Geddes's connection to Howard's Garden City concept and related principles, see Volker W. Welter, Biopolis: Patrick Geddes and the City of Life (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2002), esp. chap. 3,
143. "The City and Geography," 54-80.
144. For Geddes's influence on Mumford, especially with regard to civic revitalization, see Casey Nelson Blake, Beloved Community: The Cultural Criticism of Randolph Bourne, Van Wyck Brooks, Waldo Frank, and Lewis Mumford (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 197-201.
145. Donald L. Miller, Lewis Mumford: A Life (New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1989), 190. Mumford stressed his own enthusiasm for Howard's ideas in the introduction to the 1946 reissue of Garden Cities of To-Morrow: "This is not merely a book for technicians: above all it is a book for citizens, for the people whose actively expressed needs, desires, and interests should guide the planner and administrator at every turn. Letchworth and Welwyn themselves have still something to teach the American planner, but Garden Cities of To-morrow, the repository of the ideas that begot Letchworth and Welwyn, has still far more to teach. Howard's ideas have laid the foundation for a new cycle in urban civilization: one in which the means of life will be subservient to the purposes of living, and in which the pattern needed for biological survival and economic efficiency will likewise lead to social and personal fulfilment" (40).
146. Clarence S. Stein, The Writings of Clarence S. Stein: Architect of the Planned Community, ed. Kermit Carlyle Parsons (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 105.
147. Stein, Toward New Towns for America, 24.
148. Describing the mix of row houses and apartments around the open green as "a daring and successful experiment," Carl Sussman reports that these spaces were maintained for communal use by deed restrictions. Planning the Fourth Migration: The Neglected Vision of the Regional Planning Association of America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1976), 24.
149. Quoted in Stein, Toward New Towns for America, 27.
150. Lewis Mumford, "Regions to Live In," Survey Graphic 7 (May 1925),
151. reprinted in Sussman, Planning the Fourth Migration, 90, 92.
152. Stein, Toward New Towns for America, 37.
153. City Housing Corporation, "Radburn: Garden Homes," (1930), copy in U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, library, 4, 21. In addition to Stein and Wright, the flyer listed as technical staff Frederick Ackerman, British Garden City enthusiast Thomas Adams, Robert Kohn, and Raymond Unwin. Progressive social scientist Richard T. Ely served on the board of directors of the City Housing Corporation, and the company listed Mary Simkhovitch, Lillian Wald, Edith Elmer Wood, and Eleanor Roosevelt among the members of its advisory board.
154. D. Miller, Lewis Mumford, 206
155. Wojtowicz, Lewis Mumford and American Modernism, 127.
156. Hall, Cities of Tomorrow, 127.
157. Tugwell quoted in Cathy D. Knepper, Greenbelt, Maryland: A Living Legacy of the New Deal (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 19.
158. Planning historian Mel Scott describes Tugwell as contending "that competitive industry operating under the profit motive was inherently unstable and would have to be transformed into a completely planned economy to save America's mechanized civilization from utter disaster." American City Planning Since 1890, 199.
159. Buder, Visionaries and Planners, 176.
160. Carol Christensen reports that Tugwell "fervently believed" in the Garden City concept "and was apparently more deeply influenced by Howard than by any other idea in his conception of the new towns he proposed to build." Christensen, The American Garden City and the New Towns Movement (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1986), 78.
161. Christensen, American Garden City, 88-89.
162. Stein, Toward New Towns for America, 127-28, 130.
163. Knepper, Greenbelt, 39, 18.
164. Stein quoted in Christensen, The American Garden City, 91.
165. In Toward New Towns for America (119), Stein described the Greenbelt program as the amalgamation of conceptions formed in the Garden City, the Radburn Idea, and the Neighborhood Unit.
166. Although he was enlisted early as a consultant to the program, he was disappointed not to land the commission to design one of the towns himself. The Writings of Clarence S. Stein, 178.
167. Knepper, Greenbelt, 39, 241.
168. She provides more detail in her second chapter, "Creating a Cooperative Community," 40-58.
169. Knepper's upbeat conclusion reflects the first and most comprehensive assessment of the new towns program, Joseph Arnold, The New Deal in the Suburbs: A History of the Greenbelt Town Program, 1935-1954 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1971), especially 244.
170. Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1938), 218, 222, 471, 484.
171. Helen A. Harrison, ed., Dawn of a New Day: The New York World's Fair, 1939-40 (New York: Queens Museum, 1980), 4.
172. New York Times Magazine, March 5, 1939.
173. Harrison, Dawn of a New Day, 14.
174. Describing Democracity as "curiously static, sterile, and unreal," Francis V. O'Connor charged, for instance, that it represented "a planner's version of regional suburban sprawl" that "seemed to deny the existence of the poor, the incompetent and the racially and ethnically dispossessed." "The Usable Future: The Role of Fantasy in the Promotion of a Consumer Society for Art," in Harrison, Dawn of a New Day, 62.
175. Jeffrey L. Meikle, Twentieth-Century Limited: Industrial Design in America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979), 202-3.
176. Journalist Walter Lippmann captured the spirit of the display when he wrote, "General Motors has spent a small fortune to convince the American public that if it wishes to enjoy the full benefit of private enterprise in motor manufacturing it will have to rebuild its cities and its highways by public enterprise." Cited in Robert W. Rydell, World of Fairs: The Century-of-Progress Expositions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 134-35. Rydell describes the 1939 fair as one in a series of expositions representing "a powerful defense of corporate capitalism as a modernizing agency that would lead America out of the depression towards a bountiful future" (115).
177. Referring to the dashed hopes of community planners, Mumford complained, "Today wreckage is strewed about the Fair, so thoroughly smashed and disfigured that their own fathers could scarcely identify the corpses. Democracity, in the Perishphere is one of those wrecks; the Town of Tomorrow is another. As for the film The City⋯ it is a belated attempt at salvage." "The Sky Line in Flushing: Genuine Bootleg," New Yorker, July 29, 1939, 38,
178. cited in Wojtowicz, Lewis Mumford and American Modernism, 144.
179. Meacham, Regaining Paradise, 92.
180. William Fulton, "The Garden Suburb to the New Urbanism," in Parsons and Schuyler, Garden City to Green City, 163
181. Paul Adamson, "Looking Back on Our Future: Conflicting Visions and Realities of the Modern City," in Thomas Deckker, ed., The Modern City Revisited (London: Spon Press, 2000), 232.
182. Hunt, Building Jerusalem, 447.
183. See also John Brewer's review of the book, "City Lights," New York Review of Books, May 11, 2006, 18-21.
184. Lewis Mumford, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1961), 518, 522
185. Mumford, The Urban Prospect (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1968), 131.
186. See also Robert Fishman's conclusion that regional efforts to promote decentralization inadvertently advanced suburban sprawl, "The Metropolitan Tradition in American Planning," in Fishman, ed., American Planning Tradition: Culture and Policy (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2000), 82.
187. Emily Talen, New Urbanism and American Planning: The Conflict of Cultures (New York: Routledge, 2005), 200-202.
188. Robert D. Leighninger, Jr., Long-Range Public Investment: The Forgotten Legacy of the New Deal (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2007), 167.
189. National Resources Committee, Research Committee on Urbanism, Our Cities: Their Role in the National Economy (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1937)
190. cited in Mark I. Gelfand, A Nation of Cities: The Federal Government and Urban America, 1933-1965 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), 96-98.
191. Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (1938; New York: Harcourt Brace, 1970), preface, ix.
192. Richard Griffith, "The Film Faces Facts," Survey Graphic 27 (December 1938): 595.
193. Joseph L. Arnold, The New Deal in the Suburbs: A History of the Greenbelt Town Program, 1935-1954 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1971), 47.
194. Mumford later claimed that "had it not been for the ideas that the Regional Planning Association of America, under Stein's presidency, had put into circulation during the twenties, the Greenbelt Towns undertaken by the Resettlement Administration in 1934 would have been inconceivable." Introduction to Clarence S. Stein, Toward New Towns for America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1971), 14.
195. See Tracy B. Augur, "Radburn: The Challenge of a New Town," Michigan Municipal Review 4 (February 1931): 19-22, 30.
196. Tugwell hired Lorentz to make films for the Resettlement Administration in June 1935, just at the time the decision to implement the Greenbelt Town program was being finalized. See Robert L. Snyder, Pare Lorentz and the Documentary Film (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), 24-25
197. Arnold, The New Deal in the Suburbs, 36-44.
198. Tugwell's college textbook, American Economic Life, coauthored with Roy Stryker and Thomas Munro, contained a picture of Sunnyside Gardens in the first illustrated edition, in 1925. The next edition, five years later, added illustrations of the Radburn town plan and town planning diagrams from the 1925 Regional Plan issue of Survey Graphic, edited by Stein and Mumford. Neither text discussed the illustrations, however, and it is most likely that their inclusion can be credited to Stryker. See F. Jack Hurley, Portrait of a Decade: Roy Stryker and the Development of Documentary Photography in the Thirties (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972), 12.
199. Robert Snyder suggests that Lorentz saw his role primarily in alerting the public to the problems he addressed in his films, rather than spelling out a government solution: "His task was to make the country see the need to spend money for these solutions. He believed he could make the audience see this need by showing the problem as powerfully as possible. Interestingly enough, the same approach to balance the treatment of problem and solution can be seen in the scenario Lorentz wrote for The City." Pare Lorentz and the Documentary Film, 191.
200. Willard Van Dyke, interview with author, New York City, July 8, 1975. In an interview with Harrison Engle, Van Dyke made a similar comment in explaining why he shifted his professional interest away from photography: "I left photography because it could not provide the things I knew films could provide. I was excited and interested in film as a pure medium of expression, but I was more interested in using it for a social end." Cited in Richard Meran Barsam, Nonfiction Film Theory and Criticism (New York: Dutton, 1976), 275.
201. Willard Van Dyke, interview with James Blue, Center for Media Study, State University of New York, Buffalo, August 2, 1973. Grierson had written in 1939 that the basic force behind the documentary movement was social, not aesthetic. "We were, I confess, sociologists, a little worried about the way the world was going⋯. We were interested in all instruments which would crystallize sentiments in a muddled world and create a will towards civic participation." John Grierson, Grierson on Documentary, ed. Forsyth Hardy (London: Faber, 1966), 18,
202. quoted in Barsam, Nonfiction Film Theory, 38-39.
203. G. Roy Levin, Documentary Explorations: 15 Interviews with Film-Makers (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1971), 189.
204. Henwar Rodakiewicz, "Treatment of Sound in 'The City,"' in Lewis Jacobs, ed., The Movies as Medium (New York: Farrar Straus, 1970), 285, 282.
205. William Alexander, Film on the Left: American Documentary Film from 1931 to 1942 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981), 251.
206. "The first documentary films in America achieved camera beauty and maybe some social significance, but not often and not well did they come close to human beings," Richard Griffith wrote. "What made this film is not a knowledge of lenses but an instinct for the experiences shared in common by everyone who lives in America. These experiences, big and little, really get on the screen for the first time in 'The City,' and they pack a wallop, as is shown by audience reaction. Whether or not the people who see this picture are convinced, or half-convinced about city planning, they understand the point because it is put over in terms of traffic jams and hurried meals instead of statistics." Griffith, "Films of the World's Fair of 1939," paper for American Film Center, March 1940, 27.
207. Sight and Sound (June 6, 1939) made a similar point that The City "has rendered urban life so sharply that it stands as one of the landmarks of the movie turned to public use." Writing for the June 3, 1939, issue of The Nation, Franz Hoellering said, "Both as picture and social document 'The City' is in parts superb. The shots of the steel town with many an epigrammatic detail, the sequence of the skyscrapers with the thousand voices dictating letters, the satirical portrayal of the congested highways go far beyond descriptive newsreel shots. They tell an exciting story in which are moments of great movie art."
208. Roy Lubove, "New Cities for Old: The Urban Reconstruction Program of the 1930s," Social Studies 53 (November 1962), 205.
209. Perry presented the first full formulation of his idea under the title "The Neighborhood Unit: A Scheme of Arrangement for the Family-Life Community," in Neighborhood and Community Planning, Regional Survey of New York and Its Environs (New York: Regional Plan, 1929), 7: 22-140.
210. Lewis Mumford, "The Neighborhood and the Neighborhood Unit," Town Planning Review 24 (January 1954): 264.
211. Stein, Toward New Towns for America, 119.
212. Mumford's commentary reflected his feeling extending back to the early twenties that suburbs represented a "failure to create a common life in our modern cities," becoming "a common refuge from life." "The Wilderness of Suburbia," New Republic 28 (September 7, 1927): 44-45.
213. Lorentz listed the cart, locomotive, automobile, and airplane as "symbols of continuity" in the first page of his outline. Mumford had used similar references in explaining what he called the "fourth migration," out of the cities, with the covered wagon representing the first migration to the west, the train for the centralization of industrial cities, and the automobile as the symbol of the modern metropolis. Although he alluded to the possible impact of the airplane, it was too early to anticipate its commercial impact when he wrote in 1925. See Mumford, "The Fourth Migration," Survey Graphic 7 (May 1925),
214. reprinted in Carl Sussman, ed., Planning the Fourth Migration: The Neglected Vision of the Regional Planning Association of America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1977), 57-58.
215. See especially the May 1925 special regional planning issue of Survey Graphic, edited by Stein and Mumford, much of it reprinted in Sussman, Planning the Fourth Migration,
216. and Benton MacKaye, New Exploration: A Philosophy of Regional Planning (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1928). Appropriately enough, the opening sequence of The City was shot in MacKaye's home town of Shirley Center, Massachusetts, to which he had dedicated his book.
217. Mumford, The Culture of Cities, 294-95.
218. Paul Rotha, Documentary Film: The Use of the Film Medium to Interpret Creatively and in Social Terms the Life of the People as It Exists in Reality, 3rd ed. (New York: Hastings House, 1952), 361.
219. Mumford specifically cited the Greenbelt towns as "a universal indication of biotechnic city design," in The Culture of Cities, 452.
220. Mumford, The Culture of Cities, 3.
221. Park Dixon Goist argues that while both Wirth and his colleagues at the University of Chicago and members of the RPAA viewed city life as an organism, the architectural planners shared none of the deterministic tendencies of the sociological ecologists. "The City as Organism: Two Recent Theories of the City," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Rochester, 1967, iv.
222. Lewis Wirth, "The Urban Mode of Life," in New Frontiers in Planning: Proceedings of the National Planning Conference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press for the Conference, 1937), 25.
223. Lewis Wirth, "Urbanism as a Way of Life," American Journal of Sociology 44 (July 1938): 2.
224. Griffith, "Films of the World's Fair of 1939," 27.
225. Wirth, "Urbanism as a Way of Life," 15.
226. Roger S. Ahlbrandt, Jr., and James V. Cunningham, "The Ungreening of Neighborhood Planning," South Atlantic Urban Studies 4 (1979): 9-15.
227. Since the original appearance of this article in 1983, other essays have extended Ahlbrandt and Cunningham's criticism of Perry's approach to neighborhood planning. Associating Perry's work more closely with middle-class improvement associations as they emerged in the 1920s, planning historian Christopher Silver charges that Perry's later emphasis on the value of "self-contained" communities was Perry's code word for social homogeneity: "The neighborhood unit plan sought to insulate affluent city residents from the disruptive influence of forced interaction with supposedly incompatible social groups." Silver, "Neighborhood Planning in Historical Perspective," American Planning Association Journal 51 (Spring 1985): 166.
228. The argument is restated in Mary Corbin Sies and Christopher Silver, "Planning the New Metropolis," in Sies and Silver, eds., Planning the Twentieth-Century City (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 463-64.
229. Raphael Fischler places Perry within the emerging planning ethos that promoted zoning with the intent of protecting detached family homes as "the best means of raising future citizens." Although he would appear to place Perry among those planners who stressed order and efficiency over social uplift,
230. The other major revision in the assessment of Perry's contribution has come from Donald Leslie Johnson in 2002. He claims that Perry's role in conceiving neighborhood planning was secondary to that of architect William E. Drummond, whose visualization of the concept appeared first as part of a design competition in Chicago in 1912. By overlooking Perry's own work in the community center movement and its influence, Johnson's argument seems incomplete. Johnson, "Origin of the Neighbourhood Unit," Planning Perspectives 17 (July 2002): 227-45.
231. Mel Scott, American City Planning Since 1890 (Berkeley: University of California Press 1969), 9.
232. For further background on Forest Hills Gardens and Perry's involvement there, see John M. Glenn, Lilian Brandt, and F. Emerson Andrews, Russell Sage Foundation 1907-1946 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1947) 1, 49-51, 322.
233. See Roy Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890-1917 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1962), 22-28.
234. Clarence Arthur Perry, Housing for the Machine Age (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1939), 210.
235. Jean B. Quandt, From the Small Town to the Great Community: The Social Thought of Progressive Intellectuals (New Brunswick, N.J.,: Rutgers University Press 1970), 50.
236. For a historical account of the community center movement, see Jesse F. Steiner, Community Organization: A Study of Its Theory and Current Practice (New York: Century, 1925), 136-45.
237. Perry, Housing for the Machine Age, 205.
238. Lewis Mumford noted Perry's debt to settlement work, suggesting, "What the new Settlement houses had seemed about to achieve in the first generation of their existence, he and his fellow-workers hoped to introduce in every community." The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1961), 501.
239. Civic League of St. Louis, A City Plan for St. Louis (St. Louis: Civic League, 1907), 37-53.
240. Charles Mulford Robinson, "Ambitions of Three Cities," Architectural Record 21 (May 1907): 337-46.
241. See the report of the committee on the city plan study, chaired by John Nolen and presented to the 1913 National Conference on City Planning, in Proceedings of the Fifth National Conference on City Planning (Boston: National Conference on City Planning, 1913), 163-87.
242. See also Arthur Coleman Comey, "Neighborhood Centers," in John Nolen, ed., City Planning (London: Appleton, 1916), 117-38.
243. Perry's association with Henry Wright through the RPAA is mentioned by Lewis Mumford in the introduction to Clarence S. Stein, Toward New Towns for America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1966), 15. I am indebted to Professor Jon Peterson of Queens College for pointing out Wright's involvement in the 1907 St. Louis plan.
244. The Playground Association of America, founded with the assistance of the Russell Sage Foundation in 1906, quickly broadened its purpose from training recreation leaders to organizing the use of leisure time as a force for constructive citizenship, according to one of the association's organizers, Henry Curtis. Lawrence A. Finfer, "Leisure as Social Work in the Urban Community: The Progressive Recreation Movement, 1890-1920," Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1974, 159.
245. See also Curtis, "The Neighborhood Center," American City 7 (July 1912): 14-16
246. John Collier, "City Planning and the Problem of Recreation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 51 (January 1914): 209-13.
247. Civic League, A City Plan for St. Louis, 37.
248. See Robert A. Woods, "The Neighborhood in Nation Building," American Journal of Sociology 19 (March 1914): 577-91,
249. reprinted as chapter 13 of his autobiography, The Neighborhood in Nation-Building (1923; New York: Arno, 1973).
250. Follett wrote, "Neither our cities nor our states can ever be properly administered until representatives from neighborhood groups meet to discuss and thereby to correlate the needs of all parts of the state." Mary Parker Follett, The New State: Group Organization the Solution of Popular Government (New York: Longmans Green, 1918), 245.
251. Charles Horton Cooley, Social Organization: A Study of the Larger Mind (New York: Scribner's, 1909), 26.
252. Follett, The New State, 196.
253. Perry, Housing for the Machine Age, 215.
254. Clarence Arthur Perry, Wider Use of the School Plant (New York, Charities Publication Committee, 1910), 366, 372.
255. Ahlbrandt and Cunningham, "The Ungreening of Neighborhood Planning," 15.
256. Lewis Mumford, "The Neighborhood and the Neighborhood Unit," Town Planning Review 24 (January 1954): 260, 262.
257. Clarence Arthur Perry, "Planning a City Neighborhood from the Social Point of View," Proceedings of the National Conference of Social Work (Chicago: University of Chicago Press for the Conference, 1924), 421.
258. Clarence Arthur Perry, "The Neighborhood Unit: A Scheme of Arrangement for the Family-Life Community," in Perry et al., Neighborhood and Community Planning, Regional Survey of New York and Its Environs (New York: Regional Plan, 1929), 7: 25, 129.
259. The committee on city planning and zoning, for instance, opened a section on neighborhood unit planning by stating that "loyalty to a community of comprehensible size, something between the family and the great metropolitan city, may be fostered as an appropriate introduction to training in citizenship." President's Conference on Home Building and Home Ownership, Report of the Committee on City Planning and Zoning (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1931), 1: 7.
260. The principal recommendation of the committee on housing and delinquency was "that any large-scale plan for the development of housing should be related to a plan for the construction of neighborhood units in which the problems of social life, including delinquency problems, can be more readily brought under control of the local group." President's Conference, 8: 48.
261. President's Conference, 7: 104.
262. Architectural Record 71 (January 1932), 41.
263. "A Housing Policy for the Government," Octagon 5 (June 1933), 6.
264. Lewis Mumford, "The Planned Community," Architectural Forum 58 (April 1933): 253-54
265. Catherine Bauer, Modern Housing (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1934), xv, 154-56.
266. Whitnall arrived at this approach to neighborhoods in the 1920s, according to Mark S. Foster, "The Decentralization of Los Angeles During the 1920s," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern California, 1971, 149-50.
267. Whitnall reiterated his approach at a 1941 conference on principles of city replanning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, declaring that "big cities do not need to lose the pleasant amenities of daily living enjoyed by smaller communities if they will design their component parts into smaller neighborhoods, each provided with all the essential requisites to make it a complete city plan, well balanced and functionally sound." Urban Land Institute Bulletin 1 (November 1941): 3.
268. Clarence A. Dykstra for U.S. National Resources Committee, Committee on Urbanism, Our Cities: Their Role in the National Economy (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1937), 85.
269. Mary K. Simkhovitch, Group Life (New York: Association Press, 1940), 8.
270. Simkhovitch maintained ties with RPAA as a member of the advisory board to the City Housing Corporation, which sponsored the Sunnyside and Radburn developments. Judith Ann Trolander, Settlement Houses and the Great Depression (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1975), 120.
271. J. Joseph Huthmacher, Senator Robert F. Wagner and the Rise of Urban Liberalism (New York: Atheneum, 1968), 206.
272. See John F. Bauman, "Public Housing in the Depression: Slum Reform in Philadelphia Neighborhoods in the 1930s," in William W. Cutler, III, and Howard Gillette, Jr., eds., The Divided Metropolis: Social and Spatial Dimensions of Philadelphia, 1800-1975 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 230-33.
273. Both James Dahir, reviewing the impact of neighborhood planning for the Russell Sage Foundation, and Reginald Isaacs, criticizing the concept, agreed on its popularity in the planning profession. James Dahir, The Neighborhood Unit Plan: Its Spread and Acceptance (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1947)
274. Reginald R. Isaacs, "Are Urban Neighborhoods Possible?" Journal of Housing 5 (July 1948): 177.
275. Jesse Steiner, "Whither the Community Movement?" Survey, April 15, 1929, 130-31.
276. In his 1925 text on community organization Steiner had praised settlement work for directing attention to the value of the neighborhood as a social unit. But even then Steiner recognized the growing power of specialized association, noting that "this tendency toward the breaking up of the traditional neighborhood unit is one of the most serious obstacles with which the school community center movement has to contend." Community Organization, 117, 146.
277. Niles Carpenter, "Neighborhood," in Edwin R. A. Seligman and Alvin Johnson, eds., Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences (New York, Macmillan, 1933), 11: 356-57.
278. In a 1913 textbook Carpenter challenged Cooley's emphasis on the primacy of the urban neighborhood, calling it "an anemic social organism," which "in many areas has all but disappeared." Carpenter, The Sociology of City Life (New York: Longmans, Green, 1931), 240-41.
279. Reginald R. Isaacs, "The Neighborhood Theory: Analysis of Its Adequacy," Journal of the Institute of Planners 14 (Spring 1948): 17-18.
280. For continued support of the neighborhood unit approach, see the series of comments on Isaacs' article in The Journal of the Institute of Planners 15 (Summer 1948): 38-43.
281. For additional criticism, see the report of a symposium held at the University of Wisconsin in September 1948 entitled, "Frontiers of Housing Research," as reprinted in Land Economics 25 (February 1949): 67-88.
282. Suzanne Keller, The Urban Neighborhood: A Sociological Perspective (New York: Random House, 1969)
283. carries over the criticism of neighborhood planning, as does Quandt, in From Small Town to Great Community.
284. Mark Gelfand, A Nation of Cities: The Federal Government and Urban America, 1933-1965 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), 109.
285. Clarence Arthur Perry, The Rebuilding of Blighted Areas: A Study of the Neighborhood Unit in Replanning and Plot Assemblage (New York: Regional Plan Association, 1933), 47, 12.
286. Perry, "Planning a City Neighborhood," 420.
287. Perry, The Neighborhood Unit, 110.
288. Prospective purchasers, Perry reported, were "required to give references and their former status was looked into with a view to discovering whether they would make congenial members of the colony. Thus through all these processes came about that residents, as a class, were marked by rather more than the usual homogeneity as respects those characteristics which affect living co-operatively together and realizing through concerted efforts common ends. The special features of the development bound them together and furnished a motive for uniting in efforts to perfect and preserve them," (The Neighborhood Unit, 94).
289. "A Method for Private Enterprise to Rebuild Cities," Architectural Record 81 (January 1937): 11-17.
290. Henry Wright, "Rehabilitation of Blighted Areas," in Mabel L. Walker and Wright, Urban Blight and Slums: Economic and Legal Factors in Their Origin, Reclamation and Prevention (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938), 94.
291. Frederick Gutheim, Worthy of the Nation: The History of Planning for the National Capital (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1977), 232, 314-15.
292. Harland Bartholomew, "Technical Problems in Slum Clearance: The City Planner's Viewpoint," in National Conference on City Planning, Planning and National Recovery: Housing Problems Presented at the Twenty-Fifth National Conference on City Planning (Philadelphia: Wm. Fell for the Conference, 1933), 121-29
293. Norman J. Johnston, "Harland Bartholomew: His Comprehensive Plans and Science of Planning," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1964, 205-33.
294. Harland Bartholomew, "The Neighborhood-Key to Urban Redemption," in Harlean James, ed., American Planning and Civic Annual: A Record of Recent Civic Advance (Washington, D.C.: American Planning and Civic Association, 1941), 246.
295. For Bartholomew's early comments on competing with suburbs, see his "Can Blighted Urban Areas by Rehabilitated?" National Real Estate Journal (September 1, 1931): 17-20.
296. Harland Bartholomew, in "Neighborhood Rehabilitation and the Taxpayer," American City 53 (February 1938): 57.
297. Herbert U. Nelson, quoted in "For the Replanning of Cities by Neighborhood Areas," American City 53 (February 1938): 56.
298. Scott, American City Planning, 364-65.
299. see also Garnett Laidlaw Eskew, Of Land and Men: The Birth and Growth of an Idea (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1959), 88-89.
300. New York Times, January 28, 1941, March 14, 1941.
301. Urban Land Institute Bulletin 2 (June 1943): 3
302. Eskew, Of Land and Men, 94.
303. See Urban Land Bulletin 8 (October 1949): 2.
304. See William R. Barnes, "A Battle for Washington: Ideology, Racism, and Self Interest in the Controversy over Public Housing, 1943-1946," Records of the Columbia Historical Society 50 (1980): 45-83.
305. New York Times, February 20, 1941
306. Arthur Simon, Stuyvesant Town, U.S.A.: Pattern for Two Americas (New York: New York University Press, 1970), 21-22.
307. Fortune, April 1946,
308. quoted in Simon, Stuyvesant Town, 15.
309. Mel Scott emphasized the importance of Stuyvesant Town, writing that "the Metropolitan scheme brought to national attention most of the issues debated by state legislators and members of Congress as they considered redevelopment legislation in the period 1943-1949." Scott, American City Planning, 421.
310. Joseph D. McGoldrick, "The Superblock Instead of Slums," New York Times Magazine, November 19, 1944, 54-55.
311. Tracy Augur, "An Analysis of the Plan of Stuyvesant Town," Journal of the Institute of Planners 10 (Autumn 1944): 9.
312. John Ihlder, "A Housing Policy-And Planning," Planners' Journal 2 (January/February 1936): 39-40.
313. Mary Kingsbury Simkhovitch, Neighborhood: My Story of Greenwich House (New York: Norton, 1938), 293.
314. Eugenie Ladner Birch describes the change in housing policy during this period as a shift away from a particularly feminine perspective with the eclipse of leadership after 1937 of such prominent women as Bauer, Simkhovitch, and Edith Elmer Wood, in "Women-Made America: The Case of Early Public Housing Policy," Journal of the American Institute of Planners 44 (April 1978): 130-42.
315. Her point might be broadened to mark a shift away from the social issues with which settlement workers, many of them women, were most concerned in the first part of the century. For Simkhovitch's own emphasis on women's special contribution to housing reform, see her "All-Women Committee Gives New York Authority Feminine Housing Views," Journal of Housing 4 (February 1947): 50.
316. Catherine Bauer, "Good Neighborhoods," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 242 (November 1945): 104-5. "The feudalistic planning and racial discrimination of Stuyvesant Town was only one example of what might happen," she said of the Metropolitan project. "It is inconceivable that we should have to tolerate private enclaves" (112).
317. Simon, Stuyvesant Town, U.S.A., 32-40.
318. William R. Barnes, "The Origins of Urban Renewal: The Public Housing Controversy and the Emergence of a Redevelopment Program in the District of Columbia," Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University, 1977, 125-26, 139.
319. Reginald R. Isaacs, "The 'Neighborhood Unit' Is an Instrument for Segregation," Journal of Housing 5 (August 1948): 215-18.
320. Mary K. Simkhovitch, "Neighborhood Planning and the Settlements," Survey 79 (June 1943): 174-75.
321. H. Daniel Carpenter, The Neighborhood: Grass Roots of Democracy (New York: New York Society for Ethical Culture, 1949), 24.
322. See, for instance, Nelson's signed editorials for the NAREB newsletter, Headlines, "Realtors Against Socialism," November 29, 1948
323. and "Public Housing is the Foundation of a Socialist Economy," April 11, 1949. Rodney M. Lockwood, president of the National Association of Homebuilders, was among those businessmen who claimed that rigid code enforcement, as publicized especially in Baltimore, was sufficient remedy to slum conditions. House Committee on Banking and Currency, 81st Cong., 1st sess., 1949, 321.
324. The logic of the 1949 Housing Act was extended in the 1954 Housing Act, according to Harold Wolman, who writes that a Republican administration "moved urban renewal from a program whose primary purpose was to improve housing for poor people towards a program whose purpose is more to renew the central city tax base and to recall middle- and high-income whites from the suburbs to the city." Wolman, The Politics of Federal Housing (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1971), 40,
325. quoted in Jeffrey R. Henig, Neighborhood Mobilization: Redevelopment and Response (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1982), 24.
326. My argument here that specific efforts to redirect Perry's integrative approach paved the way to the brutally elitist and racially charged pattern of urban redevelopment has since been confirmed to a degree in Emily Talen's assessment of the roots of the contemporary New Urbanist movement, when she describes the effect of a transformed "Perry-Bartholomew neighborhood idea" as the "worst kind of anti-urbanism produced in this century." Talen, New Urbanism and American Planning: The Conflict of Cultures (New York: Routledge, 2005), 270.
327. See Margaret Crawford, "The World in a Shopping Mall," in Michael Sorkin, ed., Variations on a Theme Park: The New American City and the End of Public Space (New York: Hill and Wang, 1992), 3-30
328. Lizabeth Cohen, "From Town Center to Shopping Center: The Reconfiguration of Community Marketplaces in Postwar America," American Historical Review 101 (October 1996): 1050-81.
329. See also Cohen, A Consumers' Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Knopf, 2003), chap. 6,
330. "Commerce: Reconfiguring Community Marketplaces," 257-89.
331. M. Jeffrey Hardwick, Mall Maker: Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), recounts Gruen's ultimate disillusionment with suburban malls, even as he recounts his early optimism about their potential beneficial effects.
332. David Schuyler details the ill effects of Gruen's work specifically in Lancaster in A City Transformed: Redevelopment, Race, and Suburbanization in Lancaster, Pennsylvania (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002).
333. Roy Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890-1917 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1962)
334. Lubove, Twentieth-Century Pittsburgh: Government, Business, and Environmental Change (New York: Wiley, 1969).
335. J. Ross McKeever and Nathaniel M. Griffin, Shopping Center Development Handbook (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1977).
336. Homer Hoyt, "The Status of Shopping Centers in the United States," Urban Land 19, 9 (1960): 3-6.
337. Geoffrey Baker and Bruno Funaro, Shopping Centers: Design and Operation (New York: Reinhold, 1950)
338. J. C. Nichols, "Mistakes We Have Made in Developing Shopping Centers," Urban Land Institute Technical Bulletin 4 (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1945)
339. Nichols, "Planning and Management of Nichols Shopping Centers," National Real Estate Journal 40, 2 (1939): 48-55.
340. James Dahir, Communities for Better Living: Citizen Achievement in Organization, Design and Development (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950)
341. H. Evert Kincaid, "A New Community Design for Better Living," American Planning and Civic Annual (Washington, D.C.: American Planning and Civic Association, 1951).
342. Baker and Funaro, Shopping Centers.
343. Clarence S. Stein and Catherine Bauer, "Store Building and Neighborhood Shopping Centers," Architectural Record 75, 2 (1934): 175-87
344. Clarence S. Stein, Toward New Towns for America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1971)
345. Daniel Schaffer, Garden Cities for America: The Radburn Experience (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982), 160-61.
346. Clarence Arthur Perry, "Planning a City Neighborhood from the Social Point of View," in Proceedings of the National Conference on Social Work (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1924), 421
347. Howard Gillette, Jr., "The Evolution of Neighborhood Planning from the Progressive Era to the 1949 Housing Act," Journal of Urban History 9, 4 (1983): 421-44.
348. Peter O. Muller, Contemporary Suburban America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1981), 122.
349. Hoyt, "Status of Shopping Centers," 5
350. "Shopping Centers 1964-Where Do We Go from Here?" Shopping Center Age 3, 1 (1964): 10-11.
351. S. O. Kaylin, "The Planned Shopping Center," Chain Store Age (administrative edition) 28 (May 1954): 14.
352. Edward T. Thompson, "The Shopping Center Macy's Built," Fortune 61, 2 (1960): 195-200.
353. Bruno Funaro and Geoffrey Baker, "Shopping Centers," Architectural Record 106, 2 (1949): 129.
354. New York Times, January 16, 1957
355. "Boomtowns on the Byways," Time, July 20, 1953, 73
356. "Planned Postwar Shopping Centers Come Big," Business Week, October 11, 1952, 124-28.
357. Robert W. Dowling, "Neighborhood Shopping Centers," Architectural Forum 79, 4 (1943): 76-78.
358. Kenneth C. Welch, "Regional Shopping Centers: Some Projects in the Northeast," Journal of the American Institute of Planners 14, 4 (1948): 7.
359. Gordon H. Steadman, "The Rise of Shopping Centers," Journal of Retailing 31, 1 (1955): 14.
360. "Shopping Centers," Architectural Record 114, 4 (1953): 197
361. "Shopping Centers: Story of Three New Giants," Department Store Economist 17, 2 (1954): 40-43.
362. New York Times, January 22, 1956.
363. Meredith L. Clausen, "Northgate Regional Shopping Center-Paradigm from the Provinces," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 43, 2 (1984): 144-61.
364. Muller, Contemporary Suburban America, 127-28.
365. Robert Jensen, "Shopping Malls in Suburbs," Architectural Record 151, 3 (1972): 13-14.
366. Gurney Breckenfeld, "Downtown Has Fled to the Suburbs," Fortune 86, 4 (1972): 80, 82.
367. Gruney Breckenfeld, Columbia and the New Cities (New York: I. Washburn, 1971), 215
368. Muller, Contemporary Suburban America, 124.
369. New York World Telegram, January 31, 1941
370. Clausen, Northgate Regional Shopping Center," 153
371. "Rye Shopping Center," Architectural Forum 85, 2 (1946): 76-79.
372. Funaro and Baker, "Shopping Centers," 130-31.
373. Victor Gruen, "What to Look for in Shopping Centers," Chain Store Age (administrative edition) 22 (July 1948): 63-66.
374. "Northland: A New Yardstick for Shopping Center Planning," Architectural Record 100, 6 (1954): 102-19.
375. Victor Gruen, Speech at Northland Shopping Center, March 15, 1954, Gruen Speeches, Library of Congress.
376. Victor Gruen, Centers for the Urban Environment: Survival of the Cities (New York: Reinhold, 1973), 22.
377. Victor Gruen and Larry Smith, Shopping Towns USA: The Planning of Shopping Centers (New York: Reinhold, 1960), 22-24.
378. Walter Guzzardi, Jr., "An Architect of Environment," Fortune 65, 1 (1962).
379. Gruen and Smith, Shopping Towns USA, 11, 23.
380. Gruen, Centers for Urban Environment, 11.
381. Victor Gruen, "Introverted Architecture," Progressive Architecture 38, 5 (1957): 208.
382. Victor Gruen and Larry Smith, "Shopping Centers: The New Building Type," Progressive Architecture 33, 6 (1952): 69.
383. Leo Marx, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), 5-6.
384. Gruen, "Northland."
385. Leonard K. Eaton, "A Historic Pattern: Pedestrian Planning in 17thCentury Holland," Progressive Architecture 40, 7 (1959): 123.
386. "Towneast: The Integration of Shopping and Entertainment," Architectural Record 147, 3 (1970): 123.
387. "Northpark Regional Shopping Center," Architectural Record 139, 4 (1966): 51.
388. "A Breakthrough for Two-Level Shopping Centers," Architectural Forum 105, 6 (1956): 119.
389. Women's Wear Daily, October 18, 1949.
390. Victor Gruen, Speech to Boston conference on distribution, October 18, 1955, Gruen speeches, Library of Congress.
391. "Downtown Needs to Learn from the Suburbs," Business Week, October 22, 1955.
392. Victor Gruen, The Heart of Our Cities: The Urban Crisis: Diagnosis and Cure (New York: Reinhold, 1964), 214, 220.
393. Urban Land Institute, Conservation and Rehabilitation of Major Shopping Districts, Technical Bulletin 22 (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1954)
394. "New Thinking on Shopping Centers," Architectural Forum 98, 3 (1953): 122.
395. Women's Wear Daily, November 18, 1955.
396. Victor Gruen, "Dynamic Planning for Retail Areas," Harvard Business Review 22 (November/December, 1954): 53-62.
397. Victor Gruen, "Highways and the Modern City," speech to the Connecticut General Life Insurance symposium, Hartford, Conn., September 9, 1957, Gruen speeches, Library of Congress
398. Wilfred Owen, Cities in the Motor Age (New York: Viking Press, 1959), 46, 48.
399. Mark H. Rose, Interstate: Express Highway Politics, 1941-1956 (Lawrence: Regents Press of Kansas, 1979), 57, 61-62.
400. Jane Jacobs, "Downtown Is for People," in William H. Whyte and the editors of Fortune, The Exploding Metropolis (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958).
401. Arthur D. McVoy, "Pedestrian-Way Business," American City 72, 3 (1957): 136-38, 171-77.
402. Fred Forman, "A Downtown Shopping Center," Traffic Quarterly 13, 4 (1959): 496-97.
403. "The Downtown Center: Rochester, New York, Opens 'Midtown Plaza,"' Architectural Forum 116, 4 (1962): 112.
404. Gruen and Smith, Shopping Towns USA, 209.
405. New York Times, May 31, 1962.
406. Jeanne R. Lowe, Cities in a Race with Time: Progress and Poverty in America's Renewing Cities (New York: Random House, 1967), 439.
407. Victor Gruen, "The Sad Story of Shopping Centers," Town and Country Planning 46, 7/8 (1978): 350-52.
408. Gruen and Smith 1960, Shopping Towns USA, 258.
409. James Rouse, "Must Shopping Centers Be Inhuman?" Architectural Forum 116, 6 (1962): 105.
410. Breckenfeld, Columbia and the New Cities, 211.
411. Mel Scott, American City Planning Since 1890 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 498, 501.
412. James Rouse, "Will Downtown Face Up to Its Future?" Urban Land 16, 2 (1957): 5.
413. James Rouse, "The Regional Shopping Center: Its Role in the Community It Serves," Ekistics 16, 3 (1963): 97-101.
414. "Pleasure-Domes with Parking," Time, October 15, 1956, 80.
415. William Severinei Kowinski, The Malling of America: An Inside Look at the Great Consumer Paradise (New York: William Morrow, 1985), 310.
416. Harvey Oppmann, "Cleveland's Old Arcade Casts a Magic Spell," Historic Preservation 34, 2 (1982): 10-11
417. Floy Brown, "Dayton, Ohio: Rebirth of an Urban Market," National Mall Monitor 9, 4 (1979): 60-61.
418. William Severinei Kowinski, "The Malling of America," New Times 10, 9 (1978): 34-38; 1978
419. Gurney Breckenfeld, "Jim Rouse Shows How to Give Downtown Retailing New Life," Fortune 97, 4 (1978): 85-91.
420. Penelope Lemov, "Celebrating the City," Builder 7, 2 (1984): 90.
421. Ann Satterthwaite, "The Cultural Transformation of the Shopping Center: Bringing the Suburb Back to the City," paper presented at Ninth Biennial Convention of the American Studies Association, Philadelphia, November 4, 1983.
422. Washington Post, December 22, 1981.
423. Kowinski, Malling of America, 313-14.
424. Jack Meltzer, Metropolis to Metroplex: The Social and Spatial Planning of Cities (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984), 19.
425. "Broadway Plaza," Architectural Record 155, 4 (1974): 138-52.
426. Kenneth Treister, "Historical Perspective Invaluable in Planning Rebirth of Lively Cities," National Mall Monitor 11, 4 (1981): 65-66.
427. Jacobs, "Downtown Is for People," 161.
428. William H. Whyte, "The Humble Street-Can It Survive?" Historic Preservation 32, 2 (1980): 34-41.
429. Stephen Kurtz and Fred Kent, "Pedestrian Power," Design and Environment 3, 3 (1972): 20-29.
430. Patricia Leigh Brown, "Is South Street Seaport on the Right Track? Preservation News 33, 4 (1981): 10-19.
431. Two full-length biographies of Rouse have appeared since 1999: Joshua Olsen, Better Places, Better Lives: A Biography of James Rouse (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 2003)
432. and Nicholas Dagen Bloom, Merchant of Illusion: James Rouse, America's Salesman of the Businessman's Utopia (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2004).
433. Bloom's book is the more critical, blaming Rouse's "business utopianism," for the tilt in contemporary urban policy towards private over public interests. Both Olsen and Ann Satterthwaite, in Going Shopping: Consumer Choices and Community Consequences (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2001), esp. chap. 5, "Planning for Shopping: An Insurance Policy for Community Well-Being," sympathize with Rouse's environmental approach to commerce, including the suburban mall. But they too note the failed expectations Rouse encountered in his own work.
434. "Cities Are Fun," Time, August 24, 1981.
435. Robert K. Landers, "The Conscience of James Rouse," Historic Preservation 37 (December 1985): 61-62.
436. Morton's study was commissioned by the Reid Memorial Guild House, on the 900 block of East Madison, an area undergoing racial succession from white to black when the church abandoned its mission there. The Sun stories publicized the kind of information first uncovered by Works Progress Administration surveys conducted in a number of cities in the 1930s, that 40 percent of Baltimore's population was living in filth and blight, and that the city had the largest proportion of substandard housing of any of the nation's large cities. William T. Durr, "The Conscience of a City: A History of the Citizens Planning and Housing Association and Efforts to Improve Housing for the Poor in Baltimore, Maryland, 1937-1954," Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1972
437. Martin Millspaugh and Gurney Breckenfeld, The Human Side of Urban Renewal: A Study of the Attitude Changes Produced by Neighborhood Rehabilitation (New York: Ives Washburn, 1960).
438. Huntington Williams, "City Health Department Aids Slum Clearance," American City 58, 9 (1943).
439. Katherine Lyall, "A Bicycle Built-for-Two: Public-Private Partnership in Baltimore," in R. Scott Fosler and Renee A. Berger, eds., Public-Private Partnership in American Cities (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1982), 20.
440. Howard Gillette, Jr., "The Evolution of Neighborhood Planning: From the Progressive Era to the 1949 Housing Act," Journal of Urban History 9 (August 1983): 436.
441. Millspaugh and Breckenfeld, The Human Side of Urban Renewal.
442. Miles L. Colean, Renewing Our Cities (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1953).
443. Durr, "Conscience of a City," 399-400.
444. Frances Morton Froelicher, "The Urban Renewal Challenge to Community Leaders," Vassar Summer Institute, Citizens Planning and Housing Association (CPHA) papers, University of Baltimore Archives.
445. Fight Blight, Protect Your Home and Help Save Our City, brochure, 1954, CPHA papers, University of Baltimore Archives.
446. Millspaugh and Breckenfeld, The Human Side of Urban Renewal, 17.
447. This report, published originally by Fight Blight in 1958 with a grant secured by Rouse from the Fund for Adult Education, was published in hardcover for national distribution by Ives Washburn in 1960. Telephone interview with Martin Millspaugh, August 13, 1997. Hollyday made a similar claim, that "After the application of the Plan to a specific neighborhood for a reasonable period of time, the inhabitants of that neighborhood cease to regard themselves as slum dwellers." Guy Hollyday, "Slum Rehabilitation Through the Baltimore Plan: A Challenge to Business Interests," reprint of speech, Mortgage Bankers Association of America, Washington, D.C., January 16, 1953, CPHA Papers, University of Baltimore Archives.
448. Fight Blight, Protect Your Home.
449. Jack Siegel and C. William Brooks, Slum Prevention Through Conservation and Rehabilitation, Report to the President's Advisory Committee on Government Housing Policies and Programs (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1953), 112.
450. Durr, "Conscience of a City," 481-82.
451. In her 1993 interview, Frances Morton Froelicher indicated that although she and Hans Froelicher favored the kind of reorganization Rouse argued for, they felt the necessary groundwork to plan a new agency and get public support for it had not yet taken place. Several years later the city formed just such an agency. In the meantime, the CPHA, by continuing to work with the mayor, got his support for extending the Health and Hygiene Act and for a reasonable replacement for Yates Cook, who had decided to leave Baltimore for a position in Washington, D.C. See also Cook's obituary, Washington Post, December 10, 1996.
452. Nathaniel Keith, Politics and the Housing Crisis Since 1930 (New York: Universe Books, 1973).
453. Mel Scott, American City Planning Since 1890 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), 500.
454. Richard M. Flanagan, "The Housing Act of 1954: The Sea Change in National Urban Policy," Urban Affairs Review 33 (November 1997): 265-86.
455. Rouse's position naturally followed the division between labor and business over FHA mortgages, with the former believing that the FHA had been more interested in bailing out the industry than making it possible for working people to own their own homes. See also Gail Radford, Modern Housing for America: Policy Struggles in the New Deal Era (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 188.
456. Mark I. Gelfand, A Nation of Cities: The Federal Government and Urban America, 1933-65 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975).
457. Tony Schuman and Elliott Sclar, "The Enterprise of American City Building: The Exceptional Case of Columbia, Maryland," paper delivered at the Fifth National Conference on American Planning History, November 18-21, 1993
458. Colean, Renewing Our Cities. Rouse indicated in 1985 that he had read Colean's book and had carried away from it the phrase "urban renewal" "to describe the aim of a comprehensive program of redevelopment, rehabilitation and conservation."
459. Landers, "Conscience of James Rouse," 62. This throws some doubt on William Durr's claim that the term emerged somewhat earlier out of discussions between Rouse and Hans Froelicher.
460. President's Advisory Committee on Government Housing Policies and Programs, Recommendations on Government Housing Policies and Programs (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1953), 114-15.
461. President's Advisory Committee, Recommendations, 1953, 119.
462. James Rouse and Nathaniel Keith, No Slums in Ten Years (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1955), 3-4.
463. Martin Millspaugh, Baltimore's Charles Center: A Case Study of Downtown Renewal, Urban Land Institute Technical Bulletin 51 (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1964)
464. Lyall, "Bicycle Built-for-Two." Like the redevelopment of Washington's southwest, the Charles Center was a large institutionalized project, but Rouse had very little to do with its execution, according to one of its chief instigators, his former partner Hunter Moss.
465. New York Times, May 15, 1955.
466. See "Crusade Against Slums," New York Times, September 22, 1955,
467. Also serving as directors of ACTION were Washington Post publisher Philip Graham, a chief proponent of bold redevelopment measures in Washington, and Robert Weaver, who was then serving as chairman of the National Committee against Discrimination in Housing. Fred Kramer, president of the Metropolitan Housing and Planning Council of Chicago and a governor of the Mortgage Bankers Association of America, was named director of research. Washington Post, November 16, 1954.
468. In 1965 ACTION absorbed a longstanding planning advocacy organization, the American Planning and Civic Association, which in 1956 had changed its name to Urban America. The new organization ultimately evolved into the National Urban Coalition. For a summary of ACTION publications and philosophy, see Martin Meyerson, Foreword to Meyerson, Barbara Terrett, and William L. C. Wheaton, Housing, People, and Cities (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962), vii-xi.
469. "ACTION's Rousing Mr. Rouse," Architectural Forum 110, 5 (1959): 129.
470. Victor Gruen and Larry Smith, Shopping Town USA: The Planning of Shopping Centers (New York: Reinhold, 1960), 258.
471. James Rouse, "Must Shopping Centers Be Inhuman?" Architectural Forum 116 (June 1962): 105
472. President's Advisory Committee, Recommendations, 1953, 124
473. Schuman and Sclar, "The Enterprise of American City Building," 1993.
474. James Rouse, "Building a Sense of Place," in Donald C. Kline, ed., The Psychology of the Planned Community: The New Town Experience (New York: Human Science Press, 1978), 53.
475. Columbia has rightfully provoked comparisons with another privately developed new town only an hour away, Reston, Virginia. Also influenced by Garden City principles, Reston nonetheless evolved somewhat less consciously as a moral as well as material enterprise. For the parallels, see Frederick Gutheim, "New Towns?" in Roger Revelle and Hans H. Landsberg, eds., America's Changing Environment (Boston: Beacon Press, 1970), 191-200.
476. James Rouse, "It Can Happen Here," paper presented to Conference on the Metropolitan Future, University of California at Berkeley, September 23, 1963 Columbia, Maryland, Archives. Rouse recruited Finley and Morton Hoppenfeld from the National Capital Planning Commission to coordinate planning for Columbia. Although Rouse used much the same language in the July 23 memo as in the September 23 address, his stated purpose of "making a city into neighborhoods where a man, his wife and family can live and work and above all else grow," went back to an address Rouse made as president of ACTION at a conference in Newark, New Jersey, in May 1959. W. Hamilton, personal communication, April 8, 1964. Rouse continued to use similar language in public statements, as in his testimony in 1967 before the Commission on Urban Problems, where he stated that "the really important ingredient lacking in the city is a sense of community; that unless there is a physical organization of buildings, space, institutions, in a manner that gives identity, separation, and scale so that a person lives in a place he can understand, belong to and identify, get a handle on, feel proud of and ashamed of, have neighbors respond as neighbors and feel neighborliness-until these characteristics that are very fundamentally human, until these yearnings can be fulfilled and these demands be put upon us as a people-there are not the forces for responsibility working in a way that will cause a growth environment for people." Hearings, National Commission on Urban Problems, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1968), 10.
477. Morton Hoppenfeld, "The Columbia Process: The Potential for New Towns," Architects Year Book (1971): 14-15.
478. Rouse gave credit to the Berkeley talk, saying that without the stimulus it provided "I would never have thought systematically or comprehensively about the city," (ix). Like a number of others who worked with Rouse earlier in their careers, Hoppenfeld returned to Columbia to work with the Enterprise Development Corporation after serving as dean of the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of New Mexico from 1975 to 1980. See his obituary in The Washington Post, March 28, 1985.
479. Carol A. Christensen, "The American Garden City: Concepts and
480. "Pleasure Domes with Parking," Time, October 15, 1956, 98.
481. See Edward Gunts's series of articles on Rouse in The Baltimore Sun starting May 26, 1985,
482. especially the May 27 article, "Rouse Works with Cities as Partners-or Not At All."
483. Washington Post, July 2, 1980.
484. Herbert Gans, "Planning for the Everyday Life and Problems of Suburban and New Town Residents," memo to James Rouse, Columbia Archives.
485. Gans subsequently wrote that Rouse "wanted to plan Columbia as a small town, with neighborhoods, actually called villages, that would encourage face-to-face relationships, maximal citizen participation, and a strong sense of community⋯. I felt that most people would not want the village life, intense community participation, and adult education being proposed for them, and that they would be more interested in developing their personal and familial lives, and in getting along with their neighbors." Gans used this experience to illustrate a central theme of his 1968 book of essays, contesting the idea that planning for the physical environment could improve living conditions. Poverty and discrimination, he argued, were the chief causes of the urban crisis, and they had to be addressed "if cities are going to provide the quality of life which planners are seeking." Gans, People and Plans: Essays on Urban Problems and Solutions (New York: Basic Books, 1968), 130, ix.
486. James Rouse, "Rational Visions Generate Energy to Transform the Lives of the Poor," Vital Speeches of the Day, March 15, 1992.
487. Elizabeth O'Connor, Call to Commitment: The Story of the Church of the Saviour, Washington, D.C. (New York: Harper & Row, 1963)
488. Jubilee Housing, "The Making of a Jubilee Coop: The Ontario Court," (Washington, D.C., n.d.), 26.
489. Newsletter of the Adams-Morgan Advisory Neighborhood Commission, 1983.
490. Enterprise Foundation, annual report, 1992, 1.
491. Enterprise Foundation, annual report, 1996.
492. America, Rouse said, lacked the conviction "that we can have good cities because nobody has seen one. The biggest single thing that could happen in the United States would be to produce one good city. If you produced one good city in America, the chain reaction, the generating force that it would have on this country would be incredible." Hearings before National Commission on Urban Problems, 9.
493. Paul C. Brophy, "Emerging Approaches to Community Development," in Henry G. Cisneros, ed., Interwoven Destinies: Cities and the Nation (New York: Norton, 1993).
494. Claire Carter, "Whatever Ought to Be, Can Be," interview with James Rouse, Parade, May 12, 1991.
495. Edward Gunts, "Home Sweet First Home: How the Enterprise Foundation Is Helping the Working Poor Buy Homes and Save Their Neighborhoods in the Process," Baltimore Sun Magazine, July 21, 1991.
496. Christensen, "American Garden City," 299.
497. These goals are outlined in a draft memo directed to Mayor Schmoke dated February 26, 1993, and reported in Neal R. Peirce's column in The Baltimore Sun, July 12, 1993.
498. Richard C. Hula, Cynthia Y. Jackson, and Marion Orr, "Urban Politics, Governing Nonprofits, and Community Revitalization," Urban Affairs 32 (March 1997): 459-89.
499. Harold A. McDougall, Black Baltimore: A New Theory of Community (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993).
500. Nicholas Lemann, "The Myth of Community Development," New York Times Magazine, January 9, 1994.
501. Washington Post, April 14, 1996
502. Michael Porter, "The Competitive Advantage of the Inner City," Harvard Business Review 73, 3 (1995): 55-71.
503. James Rouse, Foreword to Robert Tennenbaum, ed., Creating a New City: Columbia, Maryland (Columbia, Md.: Partners in Community Building and Perry Publishing, 1996), ix.
504. The chapter title comes from David Brain, "From Good Neighborhoods to Sustainable Cities: Social Science and the Social Agenda of the New Urbanism," International Regional Science Review 28 (April 2005): 226.
505. According to Shelley Poticha, the organization's first executive director, "CNU is one of only a few voices addressing the confluence of community, economics, and environment in our cities. And it is the only national organization dedicated to addressing these issues through urban design and planning." Foreword to Michael Leccese and Kathleen McCormick, eds., Charter for the New Urbanism (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2000), 2. Peter Calthorpe links the movement to other major design movements of the twentieth century in the same volume (177-78): "Not since the City Beautiful and Arts-and-Crafts movements at the turn of the century, or the Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM) in the 1920s, has there been an attempt to create a design vision that unifies the differing scales and disciplines shaping the built environment."
506. The charter for the Congress for the New Urbanism may be accessed at the organization's web site at www.cnu.org
507. and is reprinted in Andres Duany, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, and Jeff Speck, Suburban Nation: The Rise of Sprawl and the Decline of the American Dream (New York: North Point Press, 2000), 260-65.
508. New York Times, August 1, 1998
509. These connections are pointed out in two important reviews of the initial New Urbanist literature, David Schuyler, "The New Urbanism and the Modern Metropolis," Urban History 24, 3 (1997): 344-58
510. and David L. Ames, Journal of Urban Affairs 24, 1 (2002): 118-22.
511. See also Andres Duany and Emily Talen, "Transect Planning," APA Journal 68 (Summer 2002): 247, 257-58
512. Emily Talen, "Beyond the Front Porch: Regionalist Ideals in the New Urbanist Movement," Journal of Planning History 7 (February 2008): 20-47
513. John A. Dutton, New American Urbanism: Re-Forming the Suburban Metropolis (Torino: Skira, 2000), 32, 61, where he traces New Urbanist principles to Unwin and Parker's ability to link enclosures, open spaces, street edges and intersections to the perception of the pedestrian moving along the street.
514. Stephen M. Wheeler also connects the contemporary movement with earlier efforts, noting in "The New Regionalism: Key Characteristics of an Emerging Movement," APA Journal 68 (Summer 2002): 273, a rebirth in the emphasis on physical design: "Regional-scale design in particular, largely dormant in the United States since the early decades of the 20th century, has been resurrected. New Urbanism, smart growth, and other physical planning movements are arising out of a new understanding on the part of planners and citizens that 'design matters,' and that good design must be integrated across regional, subregional, neighborhood, and site scales."
515. Emily Talen, "Sense of Community and Neighbourhood Form: An Assessment of the Social Doctrine of New Urbanism," Urban Studies 36, 8 (1999): 1361.
516. Duany et al., Suburban Nation, 43-44.
517. The New Urbanist critique of zoning is summarized in Jill Grant, Planning the Good Community: New Urbanism in Theory and Practice (London: Routledge, 2006), 50-51.
518. As Robert Fishman points out, Mumford had come to much the same conclusion as early as 1968, describing suburban sprawl as the "anti-city" and claiming that because it was by nature fragmentary: "Any part can be built by anybody anywhere at any time. This is the ideal formula for promoting total urban disintegration." Lewis Mumford, The Urban Prospect (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1968), 133,
519. quoted by Fishman, "The Fifth Migration," Journal of the American Planning Association 71 (Autumn 2005): 361.
520. Brain, "From Good Neighborhoods to Sustainable Cities," 226.
521. See also Charles C. Bohl, "New Urbanism and the City: Potential Applications and Implications for Distressed Inner-City Neighborhoods," Housing Policy Debate 11, 4 (2000): 764.
522. Peter Calthorpe, The Next American Metropolis: Ecology, Community, and the American Dream (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1993), 16
523. Bruce Stephenson, "The Roots of the New Urbanism: John Nolen's Garden City Ethic," Journal of Planning History 1 (2002): 100.
524. Michelle Thompson-Fawcett, "Leon Krier and the Organic Revival Within Urban Policy and Practice," Planning Perspectives 13 (April 1998): 177-79
525. Grant, Planning the Good Community," 52-53.
526. Vincent Scully, "The Architecture of Community," in Peter Katz, ed., The New Urbanism: Toward an Architecture of Community (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994), 225.
527. Duany et al., Suburban Nation, xiii, 83.
528. Katz, The New Urbanism, 63.
529. New York Times, August 1, 1998.
530. Duany et al., Suburban Nation, 47, 198.
531. Keller Easterling, "Public Enterprise," in David Mohney and Keller Easterling, eds., Seaside: Making a Town in America (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1991), 55.
532. Grant, Planning the Good Community, 65.
533. Duany et al., Suburban Nation, 221-24.
534. Easterling, "Public Enterprise," 60.
535. Katz, The New Urbanism, 30-45
536. Duany et al., Suburban Nation, 48-49.
537. Andrew Ross, The Celebration Chronicles: Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Property Value in Disney's New Town (New York: Ballantine, 1999), 27.
538. Rene C. Kane, "Prairie Flower," Landscape Architecture (October 2003): 15.
539. New York Times, September 10, 1998, July 11, 1999
540. Jeffrey Zimmerman, "The 'Nature' of Urbanism on the New Urbanist Frontier: Sustainable Development, or Defense of the Suburban Dream?" Urban Geography 22, 3 (2001): 256.
541. A case study evaluation of Prairie Crossing notes that single-family homes cost 23 percent more than comparable homes in the competitive market area. Still, demand remained high. In retrospect, the developers admitted that they might have assured greater economic and racial diversity had they partnered with a nonprofit development corporation. "Prairie Crossing," in Jo Allen Gouse, ed., Developing Sustainable Planned Communities (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 2007), 208-9.
542. Alan Ehrenhalt, "Suburbs With a Healthy Dose of Fantasy," New York Times, July 9, 2000
543. Grant, Planning the Good Community, 90, 99, provides additional information on Orenco Station and the heightened costs of New Urbanist developments.
544. Reid H. Ewing, Keith Bartholomew, Steve Winkelman, Jerry Walters, and Don Chen, Growing Cooler: Evidence on Urban Development and Climate Change (Washington D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 2008)
545. cited by William M. Rohe, "From Local to Global: One Hundred Years of Neighborhood Planning," Journal of the American Planning Association 75 (Spring 2009): 226.
546. NewYork Times, May 24, 2006.
547. Katz, New Urbanism, 18-29
548. Calthorpe, Next American Metropolis, 147-49.
549. Peter Calthorpe and William B. Fulton, The Regional City: Planning the End of Sprawl (Washington, D.C,: Island Press, 2001), 32-34
550. Calthorpe, Next American Metropolis, 17.
551. Katz, New Urbanism, 19.
552. Alan Ehrenhalt, "Suburbs with a Healthy Dose of Fantasy," New York Times, July 9, 2000.
553. See also comments of Alex Marshall, New York Times, August 1, 1998.
554. Michael Southworth, "Walkable Suburbs? An Evaluation of Neotraditional Suburbs at the Urban Edge," Journal of the American Planning Association 63 (Winter 1997): 28-45.
555. Writing under the subtitle "The False Promise of Neotraditional Planning," Steve Belmont cites Southworth on the way to charging that "Neotraditionalists' efforts to create urban virtues in suburbs divert resources, intellectual energy, and middle-class households from distressed cities⋯. The neotraditionalists cannot, in their neosuburbs, come close to matching cities' capacity to extract metropolitan benefits from urban density housing." Belmont, Cities in Full: Recognizing and Realizing the Great Potential of Urban America (Chicago: Planners Press, 202), 215.
556. Calthorpe, Next American Metropolis, 49-50.
557. See historian Marc A. Weiss's account of the rationale behind HUD's decision and illustrations of a frequently cited early model for the conversion, at Diggs Town in Norfolk, Virginia, in Leccese and McCormick, eds., Charter of the New Urbanism, 89-95.
558. Weiss was serving as special assistant to Secretary Cisneros at the time HUD adopted New Urbanist principles for the HOPE VI program. See also Dutton, New American Urbanism, 107.
559. Ray Gindroz, "New Urbanism and Smart Growth: City Life and New Urbanism," Fordham Urban Law Journal 29 (April 2002): 1436.
560. Douglas W. Rae makes a similar point in City: Urbanism and Its End (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2003), 31.
561. Gindroz quoted in Sabina Deitrick and Cliff Ellis, "The Importance of Design: New Urbanism and Community Revitalization," Shelterforce (March/April 2001): 20.
562. Urban Design Associates, for which Gindroz serves as chairman, defines design on its web page (www.urbandesignassociates.com) as "a participatory process in which we bring together citizens, economists, engineers, architects, developers, policy makers, government officials, and builders to construct humane and appropriate visions for the future."
563. Sabrina Deitrick and Cliff Ellis, "New Urbanism in the Inner City," Journal of the American Planning Association (Autumn 2004): 439-40.
564. Bohl, "Urbanism and the City," 794-95.
565. The charge of physical determinism was made most famously by David Harvey, "The New Urbanism and the Communitarian Trap," Harvard Design Magazine (Winter/Spring 1997)
566. and taken up by Susan S. Fainstein, "New Directions in Planning Theory," Urban Affairs Review 35 (March 2004): 463-66.
567. Fainstein questioned the sincerity of New Urbanist charettes as the means of garnering citizen input for design decisions, a theme also taken up in Archon Fung, "Beyond and Below the New Urbanism: Citizen Participation and Responsive Spatial Reconstruction," Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review 28 (Summer 2001), comparing a more incremental approach favorably to that of the New Urbanism, which he charged "aims at a⋯ totalizing transformation of space, ambitiously imposing its principles and physical picture by erasing that which preceded it," (617).
568. Talen, "Sense of Community and Neighbourhood Form," 1369.
569. See Christopher Silver, "Neighborhood Planning in Historical Perspective," Journal of the American Planning Association 51 (Spring 1985): 161-74.
570. Brain, "From Good Neighborhoods to Sustainable Cities," 219.
571. In this formulation of civility, Brain approaches Robert Putnam's explanation of social capital when he writes, "Frequent interaction among a diverse set of people tends to produce a norm of generalized reciprocity. Civic engagement and social capital entail mutual obligation and responsibility for action." Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 21.
572. Emily Talen, "The Problem with Community in Planning," Journal of Planning Literature 15 (November 2000): 179, 180.
573. Brain, "From Good Neighborhoods to Sustainable Cities," 229.
574. David Brooks, "A Bushian Laboratory," New York Times, September 18, 2005.
575. Jason DeParle, "Liberal Hopes Ebb in Post-Storm Poverty Debate," New York Times, October 11, 2005
576. Peter Dreier, "Katrina and Power in America," Urban Affairs Review 41 (March 2006): 528-49.
577. Quoted in New York Times, May 24, 2006.
578. Robert Tanner, "Experiment may revive devastated Miss. Towns," Courier-Post, January 22, 2006.
579. Governor's Commission on Recovery, Rebuilding and Renewal, Mississippi Renewal Forum: Summary Report, posted by Town Paper, Gaithersburg, Maryland, November 2005, 4, at www.tndtownpaper.com.
580. For a summary of the recommendations, see Robin Pogrebin, "A Challenge for Six Days: Planning Mississippi's Coast," New York Times, October 19, 2005.
581. Sandy Sorlein and Leland R. Speed, "Walking to Wal-Mart: Planning for Mississippi and Beyond," in Eugenie L. Birch and Susan M. Wachter, eds., Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster: Lessons from Hurricane Katrina (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 329-41. Sorlein served as head of the coding team for the Mississippi Renewal Forum. Speed, as Executive Director of the Mississippi Development Authority, was responsible for recruiting Andres Duany to head the forum.
582. Emily Talen, "New Urbanism, Social Equity, and the Challenge of Post-Katrina Rebuilding in Mississippi," Journal of Planning Education and Research 27 (Spring 2008): 286.
583. In these comments, Talen reiterates a central concern for New Urbanists, to determine whether implementation of design efforts fail "because the structural basis-the political, economic, and social requirements for change-were not altered or alterable." Talen, New Urbanism and American Planning: The Conflict of Cultures (New York: Routledge, 2005), 289.
584. Jim Lewis, "Battle for Biloxi," New York Times Magazine, May 21, 2006.
585. See also the report from Biloxi in The New York Times, December 8, 2005, and other locally generated criticism in the House & Home section for the same date.
586. Michael Sorkin, "Will New Plans for the Gulf Drown It Again, This Time in Nostalgia?" Architectural Record (February 1, 2006).
587. Sorkin's previous comments on Hurricane Katrina were reported in The New York Times, September 14, 2005.
588. His criticism of New Urbanism as a modern version of Modernist determinism finds additional support in the book-length critique of the movement, Jill Grant's Planning the Good Community (19):
589. "Equipped with a theory of good urban form, and the power of their convictions, planners would have the expertise needed to generate good communities. In many ways, the new urbanist position thus seems closer to modernist view of expertise than the designers might like to admit." The chief CIAM chronicler of Eric Mumford concurs, writing that contemporary approaches to the built environment, including the New Urbanism, "have held up the Modern Movement and CIAM's Functional City solutions as the antithesis of what they propose, yet they too have tended to combine an appeal to future communal transformation with specific urbanistic forms and methods." The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000), 7.
590. Grant, Planning the Good Community, 21-22.
591. See Judith T. Kenny and Jeffrey Zimmerman, "Constructing the 'Genuine American City': Neo-Traditionalism, New Urbanism and Neo-Liberalism in the Remaking of Downtown Milwaukee," Cultural Geographies 11 (January 2004): 74-98, an especially pertinent article as it evaluates Milwaukee in light of New Urbanist chairman and former Milwaukee mayor John Norquist's efforts in the city and the way the Congress for a New Urbanism highlighted the city at its 1999 annual meeting there.
592. See also A. Joan Saab's comments on the New Urbanist community of Baxter in Fort Mill, South Carolina, in "Historical Amnesia: New Urbanism and the City of Tomorrow," Journal of Planning History 6 (August 2007): 193-95.
593. Similarly, Delores Hayden, in her synthetic survey, Building Suburbia: Green Fields and Urban Growth, 1820-2000 (New York: Vintage, 2004), concludes, "Better architecture cannot, in itself, change the larger patterns of social and economic exploitation developed by growth machines which profit from round after round of fringe development," (229). Like Steve Belmont (see note 31 above), she favors reinvestment in older suburbs in the cause of greater equity and sustainability.
594. Grant, Planning the Good Community, 77
595. Zimmerman, "The 'Nature' of Urbanism," 263.
596. Fainstain, "New Directions in Planning Theory," 462
597. Duany and Talen, "Transect Planning," 262.
598. Cliff Ellis, "The New Urbanism: Critiques and Rebuttals," Journal of Urban Design 7 (October 2002): 273.
599. Talen, "New Urbanism, Social Equity, and the Challenge of Post-Katrina Rebuilding," 286.
600. Grant, Planning the Good Community, 101-3.
601. Harvey, "New Urbanism and the Communitarian Trap," 3.
602. Robert Fairbanks notes that it was a concern for community-"the need to encourage civic coherence and commitment by developing facilities for inculcating an appropriate urban way of life in neighborhoods across the face of the metropolis-that produced the extraordinary form of the first federally subsidized slum clearance public housing projects." Fairbanks, Making Better Citizens: Housing Reform and the Community Development Strategy in Cincinnati, 1890-1960 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 1.
603. John F. Bauman, "Catherine Bauer: The Struggle for Modern Housing in America, 1930-1960," in Roger Biles, ed., The Human Tradition in Urban America (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 2002), 157.
604. Under the program the PWA built 21,000 apartments between 1934 and 1936. D. Bradford Hunt, "Public Housing," in David Goldfield, ed., Encyclopedia of American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 2007), 623.
605. Quoted in Eric J. Sandeen, "The Design of Public Housing in the New Deal: Oskar Stonorov and the Carl Mackley Houses," American Quarterly 37 (Winter 1985): 667.
606. John F. Bauman, Public Housing, Race, and Renewal: Urban Planning in Philadelphia, 1920-1974 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987), 24-25
607. Gail Radford, Modern Housing for America: Policy Struggles in the New Deal Era (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 24, 132.
608. Mackley's emphasis on community activity was the early norm in public housing, not the exception. A report issued by the Newark Housing Authority dated November 1944, for instance, claimed, "More different activities are found in a public housing project than at Madison Square Garden. Groups of all ages use the community halls and meeting rooms for dances, concerts, songfests, amateur shows, movies, handcraft, newspaper publishing, nursing and first aid classes, and almost anything else you can think of. There are baby-keep-well stations, health clinics and branches of the public library." "Public Housing in Newark," copy in the Department of Housing and Community Development library, Washington, D.C.
609. Robert D. Leighninger, Jr., Long-Range Public Investment: The Forgotten Legacy of the New Deal (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2007), 126-29.
610. Radford, Modern Housing for America, 147-76.
611. Kelly Anne Quinn, "Making Modern Homes: A History of Langston Terrace Dwellings, a New Deal Housing Program in Washington, D.C.," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland, 2007, 132, 127. Quinn notes as well the influence of Oskar Stonorov both on Hilyard's design philosophy and in bringing him to the attention of PWA housing director Robert Kohn (120-21).
612. Gwendolyn Wright, Building the Dream: A Social History of Housing in America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981), 229-30. Among the well-designed complexes Wright cites was the St. Thomas complex in New Orleans, "which incorporated the tall windows and cast-iron balconies of nineteenth-century Louisiana row houses."
613. Radford, Modern Housing for America, 197-98.
614. Arnold R. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940-1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
615. Hirsch's important contribution is the subject of evaluation twenty years later in a special section of The Journal of Urban History 29 (March 2003): 233-309.
616. Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh, American Project: The Rise and Fall of a Modern Ghetto (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 3-5
617. J. S. Fuerst with D. Bradford Hunt, When Public Housing Was Paradise: Building Community in Chicago (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2003), 3.
618. Alexander Von Hoffman, "High Ambitions: The Past and Future of American Low-Income Housing Policy," Housing Policy Debate 7, 3 (1996): 432
619. Alexander von Hoffman, "Why They Built Pruitt-Igoe," in John F. Bauman, Roger Biles, and Kristin M. Szylvian, eds., From Tenements to the Taylor Homes: In Search of an Urban Housing Policy in Twentieth-Century America (University Park: Pennsylvania State Press, 2000), 187, 195, 201.
620. As testimony to the positive effect the structure had at its outset, former residents attending a reunion in 2005 recalled the community fondly, saying they missed the sense of community they had been able to create. Catherine C. Galley, "Pruitt-Igoe Housing Project," in Goldfield, Encyclopedia of American Urban History, 616.
621. Catherine Bauer, "The Dreary Deadlock of Public Housing." Architectural Forum 106 (May 1957)
622. cited in Bauman, "Catherine Bauer," 154, 167.
623. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of American Cities (New York: Vintage, 1961), 394-395, 398
624. cited in Lawrence J. Vale, Reclaiming Public Housing: A Half Century of Struggle in Three Public Neighborhoods (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002), 19.
625. For further comments on the shortcomings of the superblock, especially as applied to public housing projects, see Eugenie Ladner Birch, "Radburn and the American Planning Movement: The Persistence of an Idea," in Donald A. Krueckeberg, ed., Introduction to Planning History (New Brunswick, N.J.: Center for Urban Policy Research, 1983), 141-42.
626. Lee Rainwater, Behind Ghetto Walls: Black Families in a Federal Slum (Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970).
627. Oscar Newman, Defensible Space: Crime Prevention Through Urban Design (New York: Macmillan, 1972), 2-3.
628. Sociologist William L. Yancey arrived at a similar conclusion in an essay published the same year. Using the term "defensible space," he decried Pruitt-Igoe's lack of semipublic areas capable of providing," the ecological basis around which informal networks of friends and relatives develop." Based on his own funded research, the essay was informed by discussions with Lee Rainwater and his colleague Alvin Gouldner. Yancey, "Architecture, Interaction, and Social Control: The Case of a Large-Scale Housing Project," in Joachim F. Wohlwill and Daniel H. Carson, eds., Environment and the Social Sciences: Perspectives and Applications (Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1972), 134.
629. Newman, Defensible Space, 19.
630. Oscar Newman, Community of Interest (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1981).
631. In a bibliographical note, Vale reports that "Although Newman's work was criticized for overstating the capacity of architecture and urban design to determine behavior, "his work must be seen as part of a well-established tradition of attempts to link the qualities of the built environment to the beliefs and actions of those who live in it, dating back at least to the slum-reformers of the nineteenth century. Newman's work was different not only because it proposed a theoretical framework based on human predilections for territoriality, but also because it was accompanied by a wide array of empirical data to support his contentions that many of the most egregious failures of public housing environments could be ameliorated by more sensitive design. Despite an initial barrage of criticisms, Newman's approach to public housing design and redesign gradually caught on, to the point where 'defensible space' became a part of the working vocabulary and state strategy of HUD and public housing authorities across the country." Vale, Reclaiming Public Housing, 416.
632. See, for instance, Susan J. Popkin, Victoria E. Gwiasda, Lynn M. Olson, Dennis P. Rosenbaum, and Larry Buron, The Hidden War: Crime and the Tragedy of Public Housing in Chicago (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2000), 28
633. Neal Kumar Katyal, "Architecture as Crime Control," Yale Law Journal 111 (March 2002): 1076.
634. The definition of social capital is drawn from Sheila R. Foster, "The City as an Ecological Space: Social Capital and Urban Land Use," Notre Dame Law Review 82 (December 2006): 529.
635. For the origins of the term, see Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 19-20.
636. Katyal, "Architecture as Crime Control," 1062-63, 1046.
637. Although he does not stress the value of design in citing the unusual success of New York City's housing authority, emphasizing good management instead, Nicholas Dagan Bloom nonetheless cites the positive effect of landscaping innovation in the 1960s and a variation on Newman's approach labeled Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design. Bloom, Public Housing That Worked: New York in the Twentieth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 161-66, 256.
638. Newman's influence on New Urbanist thinking is clear in several central publications. In his contribution to a series of essays on the Charter of the New Urbanism, Ray Gindroz stresses the importance of public safety, noting, "Design, once considered only a minor factor in security concerns, is now known to be an essential component of urban safety." While he appears to challenge Newman indirectly by asserting, "The issue is not so much how to create spaces that can be defended," his own seven-point prescription closely follows Newman's own evaluation, following the observation that the presence of well-maintained buildings "that show a way out and help us find our way through the city⋯ seem safe (and are) because they are orderly, cared for, and therefore under control," in Michael Leccese and Kathleen McCormick, eds., Charter of the New Urbanism (New York: McGraw-Hill: 2000), chap. 21, 133-35.
639. See also "Safety by Design," in Robert Steuteville and Philip Langdon, eds., New Urbanism: Comprehensive Report and Best Practice Guide, 3rd ed. (Ithaca, N.Y.: New Urbanism News, 2003), 19-5-6.
640. Janet Smith connects the HOPE VI program not just to Newman's influence but also specifically to the Pruitt-Igoe project that inspired his work. "Public Housing Transformation: Evolving National Policy," in Larry Bennett, Janet L. Smith, and Patricia A. Wright, eds., Where Are Poor People to Live? Transforming Public Housing Communities (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 2006), 32.
641. Susan J. Popkin, "The Hope VI Program: What Has happened to the Residents?" in Bennett et al., Where Are Poor People to Live?, 68-90, 71
642. Popkin et al., The Hidden War, 188.
643. Popkin subsequently concluded, as reported in The Financial Times, August 17, 2007, that the Chicago Transformation effort, which she had followed closely, was a contentious situation had been successful: "They started with bumps, a lot of angry residents, and then they regrouped. They put a lot of money and effort into making sure they knew where all the residents were and that they were offered [alternatives to the old housing]. They did it, and I would not have predicted that in 2000.
644. You need effective leadership who are willing to engage with people who are angry." In his review of the literature on the effects of mixed income housing, in inner cities as well as suburbs, Mark L. Joseph reaches a similar conclusion, writing, "mixed-income development alone cannot reasonably be expected to promote more direct effects as behavioral changes and substantial gains in employment and self-sufficiency. Promoting sustainable changes in the lives of low-income residents who move from neighborhoods of concentrated poverty to mixed-income developments will require housing with investments in social services, education, job readiness, training and placement, and transportation. Moreover, it will require, above all, attention to more fundamental structural barriers that constrain access to opportunity by race and class." Joseph, "Is Mixed-Income Development an Antidote to Urban Poverty?" Housing Policy Debate 17, 2 (2006): 223.
645. Foster, "The City as Ecological Space," 562-63.
646. At Westfield, Stonorov succeeded in incorporating a number of communitarian features despite considerable bureaucratic pressure to eliminate them. A special point of contention was the use of generous insert porches extending from a stair landing to unite neighboring units as they had been pioneered at Mackley. Lisa Ann Greenhouse, "Oskar Stonorov: Building Community on Shifting Ground, 1934-1954," M.A. thesis, George Washington University, 1997.
647. Howard Gillette, Jr., Camden After the Fall: Decline and Renewal in a Post-Industrial City (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 147, 167.
648. Harmon's experiences may be placed in the context of other black women whose activism was directed at making a decent home in public housing. See Rhonda Y. Williams, The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women's Struggles Against Urban Inequality (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).
649. Leonard S. Rubinowitz and James E. Rosenbaum, Crossing the Class and Color Lines: From Public Housing to White Suburbia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000)
650. John Goering and Judith D. Feins, Choosing a Better Life? Evaluating the Moving to Opportunity Social Experiment (Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute Press, 2003)
651. Susan Clampert-Lundquest, "HOPE VI Relocation: Moving to New Neighborhoods and Building New Ties," Housing Policy Debate 15, 2 (2004): 415-47.
652. Foster, "The City as an Ecological Space," 566.
653. She cites an especially poignant example assessing Chicago's effort to transform public housing: Sudhir Venkatesh and Isil Celimi, "Tearing Down the Community," Shelterforce 138 (November/December 2004), http://www.nhi.org/online/issues/138/chicago.html.
654. Janet L. Smith, "The Chicago Housing Authority's Plan for Transformation," in Bennett et al., Where Are Poor People to Live?, 93-124
655. New York Times, March 18, 2007.
656. Gillette, Camden After the Fall, 220.
657. Audrey G. McFarlane, "The New Inner City: Class Transformation, Concentrated Affluence and the Obligations of the Police Power," University of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law 8 (January 2006): 10.
658. Emphasis on the importance of peer relationships and especially the absence of middle class role models in inner-city areas owes much to the work of William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987)
659. Wilson, When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor (New York: Knopf, 1996).
660. Janet L. Smith spells out the concept in conjunction with the New Urbanist philosophy in "Mixed-Income Communities: Designing Out Poverty or Pushing Out the Poor?" in Bennett et al., Where Are Poor People to Live?, 271.
661. Steve Belmont, Cities in Full: Recognizing and Realizing the Great Potential of Urban America (Chicago: Planners Press, 2002), 362.
662. Gillette, Camden After the Fall, 233-40.
663. City of Camden, "Bergen Square Neighborhood Redevelopment Plan," Camden Redevelopment Agency Website, accessed February 10, 2005. In addition to listing among its design principles mixed use, transportation choices, and design codes along lines suggested by the New Urbanists, the plan embraced the goal of promoting "public spaces that are attractive, safe, uncluttered and work effectively for all people in the society."
664. David Rusk, "Hurricane Sprawl-Worse Than Hurricane Katrina," paper delivered at Rutgers University-Camden conference "Beyond the Post-Industrial City," November 18, 2005.
665. Camden's place in the vision for "regional equity" is spelled out in Signs of Promise: Philanthropic Leadership in Advancing Regional and Neighborhood Equity, produced by the Funders' Network for Smart Growth and Livable Communities (Coral Gables, Fl.,: Funders' Network, 2005), 32-33.
666. For a statement of the broader philosophy behind regional equity, see Manuel Pastor, Jr., Chris Benner, and Martha Matsuoka, This Could be the Start of Something Big: How Social Movements for Regional Equity are Reshaping Metropolitan America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009), 2-3.
667. Statement of Camden's Chief Operating Officer, Melvin R. Primas, at initial meeting of the regional impact council, as reported by Paul Scully, July 1, 2005, cited in Howard Gillette, Jr., "Planning After Mount Laurel: To Gild 'the Ghetto' or Disperse It?" Journal of Planning History 5 (May 2006): 160.
668. Here, the dominant political interest asserted its intention to sustain what Steve Belmont describes as the Faustian bargain between liberals and conservatives to keep poverty entrenched in cities. Cities in Full, 330.
669. Philadelphia Inquirer, August 18, 2002.
670. Courier-Post, September 16, 2003.
671. Herbert Gans, The Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the Life of Italian Americans (New York: Free Press, 1962)
672. Gans, The Levittowners: Ways of Life and Politics in a New Suburban Community (New York: Knopf, 1967).
673. James Borchert, Alley Life in Washington: Family Community, Religion, and Folklife in the City, 1850-1970 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 108-17, 128.
674. David Rusk, "Measuring Regional Equity in the New Orleans Area: An Unsentimental Assessment," September 15, 2005, circulated electronically. Rusk subsequently, on October 5, circulated a series of essays he had written as a 1999 tabloid insert to The Times-Picuyune arguing that the combined effects of concentrated poverty and continued sprawl made differences in income in New Orleans the worst among 90 other metropolitan areas he had analyzed. "For effective economic development," he wrote, "a region needs to disperse its poverty and concentrate its wealth strategically."
675. Powell and his associates at Ohio State University's Kirwin Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity urge a racially and economically just framework focused on access to opportunity: "Adopting a regional approach to planning, therefore, is essential. Segregation, fragmentation, and concentrated poverty create barriers to opportunity for people of color and undermine the vitality and competitiveness of the entire region. An approach to rebuild in a just way must look at regions as a whole unit and create ways to more equitably distribute resources and opportunity throughout the region." john a. powell, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Daniel W. Newhart, and Eric Stiens, "Towards a Transformation of Race: The Crisis and Opportunity of Katrina," in Chester Hartman and Gregory D. Squires, eds., There Is no Such Thing as a Natural Disaster (New York: Routledge, 2006), 78.
676. Brookings Institution, Metropolitan Policy Program, New Orleans After the Storm: Lessons from the Past, a Plan for the Future (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, Metropolitan Policy Program, October, 2005), 30-31
677. Bruce Katz, "Concentrated Poverty in New Orleans and Other American Cities," Chronicle of Higher Education, August 4, 2006, posted on Brookings website (accessed August 17, 2006).
678. Sheryll Cashin took a similar position in her essay, "Katrina: The American Dilemma Redux," in David Dante Troutt, ed., After the Storm: Black Intellectuals Explore the Meaning of Katrina (New York: New Press, 2006), 35.
679. Susan J. Popkin, Margery A. Turner, and Martha Burt, "Rebuilding Affordable Housing in New Orleans: The Challenge of Creating Inclusive Communities," in Turner and Sheila R. Zedlewski, eds., After Katrina: Rebuilding Opportunity and Equity into the New New Orleans (Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute, January 2006), 9.
680. See, for instance, Brookings Institution Metropolitan Policy Program, New Orleans After the Storm"
681. Katz, "Concentrated Poverty."
682. See also Peter Dreier, "Katrina and Power in America," Urban Affairs Review 41 (March 2006): 528-49.
683. Randall Mason, "Promoting Cultural Preservation," in Eugenie L. Birch and Susan M. Wachter, eds., Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster: Lessons from Hurricane Katrina (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 273.
684. Nick Spitzer, "Rebuilding the 'Land of Dreams' with Music," in Birch and Wachter, Rebuilding Urban Places, 305-28
685. Spitzer quoted in Mimi Reed, "Loving New Orleans, With a Ready Escape," New York Times, June 7, 2007.
686. Karen Kingsley reinforces the point: "If engineers, architects, and planers give cities their form, they do not control the meaning of their creations. Buildings and places derive their meaning from the way they are used, the events that grow up around them, the myths and stories that are created over time. Buildings and their neighborhoods were the setting where New Orleanians defined their identity, developed their customs and rituals, and understood their sense of place. After Katrina disrupted those histories and memories, people looked to their buildings and neighborhoods even more desperately." Kingsley, "New Orleans Architecture: Building Renewal," Journal of American History 94 (December 2007): 719.
687. Helen A. Regis considers New Orleans's second line tradition in particular an agent for building civil society across physical and social distance and accumulating cultural capital. "Second Lines, Minstrelsy, and the Contested Landscapes of New Orleans Afro-Creole Festivals," Cultural Anthropology 14 (November 1999): 472-504.
688. Sandy Sorlien and Leland R. Speed, "Walking to Wal-Mart: Planning for Mississippi and Beyond," in Birch and Wachter, Rebuilding Urban Places, 331-32.
689. See also the report in the real estate section of The Philadelphia Inquirer, February 5, 2006.
690. Dell Upton, "Understanding New Orleans's Architectural Ecology," in Birch and Wachter, Rebuilding Urban Places, 286.
691. Smith, "Mixed-Income Communities," 278.
692. Nicolai Ouroussoff, "Katrina's Legacy: Theme Park or Cookie Cutter?" New York Times, October 18, 2005.
693. According to a New York Times, November 22, 2005, report, public housing accommodated 20,000 persons in New Orleans before the storm, nearly 5 percent of the city population.
694. Martha Mahoney, "Law and Racial Geography: Public Housing and the Economy in New Orleans," Stanford Law Review 42 (May 1990): 1267.
695. For a more direct argument on the ways even the most notorious housing complexes can sustain communities, in this case focusing on Chicago's Cabrini-Green complex, see Arthur M. Wolfson, "Lost in the Rubble: How the Destruction of Public Housing Fails to Account for the Loss of Community," Chapman Law Review 9 (Fall 2005): 51-72.
696. Scott Keller quoted in "A Political Storm," Financial Times, August 17, 2007.
697. Nicolai Ouroussoff, "All Fall Down," New York Times, November 19, 2006.
698. "A Better Life in New Orleans; Failed Public Housing Must Be Demolished," Editorial, Washington Post, December 20, 2007.
699. Ouroussoff, "All Fall Down"
700. Nicolai Ourussoff, "High Noon in New Orleans: The Bulldozers Are Ready," New York Times, December 19, 2007.
701. New York Times, December 21, 2007.
702. Stacy E. Seichnaydre, "The More Things Change, the More they Stay the Same: In Search of a Just Public Housing Policy Post-Katrina," Tulane Law Review 81 (March 2007): 1263.
703. "The Right Answer in New Orleans," Editorial, New York Times, December 25, 2007.
704. New York Times, December 18, 2007.
705. Jason DeParle, "Katrina's Tide Carries Many to Hopeful Shores," New York Times, April 23, 2006, provides a nuanced picture of evacuees from New Orleans, looking at 17 counties associated with the two largest destination points, Atlanta and Houston. While new residents found themselves in areas of higher income and better schools than they had experienced in New Orleans, jobs were not always forthcoming. Moreover, the areas where they concentrated showed signs of moving toward greater minority concentration in schools, often a sign that neighborhood segregation would follow.
706. Kent B. Germany, "The Politics of Poverty and History: Racial Inequality and the Long Prelude to Katrina," Journal of American History 94 (December 2007): 750-51.
707. According to a report from the Oakland, California-based think tank PolicyLink, of the 41,000 affordable units lost to Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, only 43 percent could be expected to be rebuilt under federal programs. The figure was even lower, at 16 percent for those earning under $26, 150. Reported in an Associated Press story, Philadelphia Inquirer, January 26, 2008.
708. When the Levees Broke: A Requiem in Four Acts, dir. and prod. Spike Lee, 40 Acres & A Mule Filmworks Production and HBO Home Documentary Films (2006),
709. profiled in New York Times, August 3, 2006,
710. reviewed in Journal of American History 93 (December 2006): 997-98.
711. powell et al., "Towards a Transformation of Race," 81.
712. Nicolai Ouroussoff was no more reassuring when he wrote of New Orleans in an extended article, "it's still possible to imagine a more sustainable, socially inclusive city, one that could serve as a model as powerful and far reaching as the American subdivisions of the 1950s. For that to happen, however, a range of government agencies would need to work together to come up with a more coordinated plan." Ouroussof, "Reinventing America's Cities: The Time Is Now," New York Times, March 29, 2009.
713. John Archer, Architecture and Suburbia: From English Villa to American Dream House, 1690-2000 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005), 342.
714. Herbert J. Gans, "Toward a Human Architecture: A Sociologist's View of the Profession," in Gans, People, Plans, and Policies: Essays on Poverty, Racism, and Other National Urban Problems (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 12.
715. Jill Grant, Planning the Good Community: New Urbanism in Theory and Practice (London: Routledge, 2006), xviii.
716. Alexander von Hoffman, "High Ambitions: The Past and Future of American Low-Income Housing Policy," Housing Policy Debate 7, 3 (1996): 423-46.
717. Eric H. Monkkonen, America Becomes Urban: The Development of U.S. Cities and Towns, 1780-1980 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 14.
718. D. Bradford Hunt concurs with these assessments, asserting that while many Chicago highrise public housing units functioned poorly, "blaming architects for public housing's failures exaggerates their importance. Such arguments assume that the complex social problems of families and cities could be solved merely by proper design - a variant of the environmental determinism that plagued the logic of progressive slum reformers. Instead, architects operated within planning assumptions and policy restrictions that tightly constrained design possibilities." Hunt, Blueprint for Disaster: The Unraveling of Chicago Public Housing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 122.
719. Jon Lang, Creating Architectural Theory: The Role of the Behavioral Sciences in Environmental Design (New York: Van Nostrand, 1987), 104.
720. Charles C. Bohl, "New Urbanism and the City: Potential Applications and Implications for Distressed Inner-City Neighborhoods," Housing Policy Debate 11, 4 (2000): 761-801.
721. Archer, Architecture and Suburbia, 342.
722. Lewis Mumford, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformation, Its Prospects (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1961), 101,
723. cited in Kenneth Kolson, Big Plans: The Allure and Folly of Urban Design (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 121.
724. Alexander Garvin, The American City: What Works, What Doesn't (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1996), 275. Radburn's influence, Garvin asserts, was much more widespread in Europe, especially England, where government had a more direct role in development. He cites especially the new town of Stevenage, outside London, which includes superblocks, specialized road systems, and numerous pedestrian underpasses.
725. Eugenie Ladner Birch, "Radburn and the American Planning Movement: The Persistence of an Idea," in Donald A. Krueckeberg, ed., Introduction to Planning History in the United States (New Brunswick, N.J.: Center for Urban Policy Research, 1983), 140.
726. For a summary of the ways commerce has overridden community goals in regional shopping centers, see Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumer's Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Knopf, 2003), 274-78. Shortly after her book appeared, Cohen dropped the idea of doing a signing in the Cherry Hill Mall in New Jersey, the only mall Gruen and Rouse collaborated on, when a Rouse Company representative said it would cost her a $5,000 fee to gain access to the mall's customers.
727. Introduction to Frederic J. Osborn and Arnold Whittick, New Towns: Their Origins, Achievements and Progress, 3rd rev. ed. (London: Leonard Hill, 1977), xvii,
728. cited in Robert Wojtowicz, Lewis Mumford and American Modernism: Eutopian Theories for Architecture and Urban Planning (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 160.
729. Jonathan Barnett, The Elusive City: Five Centuries of Design, Ambition and Miscalculation (New York: Harper and Row, 1986), 88.
730. Planned unit development emerged in the 1970s as a means of giving developers of larger sites greater flexibility with lot size and density than traditional zoning might allow. According to a standard assessment of community design, such efforts offer "a flexible alternative to traditional zoning that can, if properly administered, result in developments that are more compatible with the landscape and with the lifestyles of humans who live in them." Eric Damian Kelly and Barbara Becker, Community Planning: An Introduction to the Comprehensive Plan (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 2000), 17-18.
731. See also Garvin, American City, 275-80.
732. William M. Rhohe, "From Local to Global: One Hundred Years of Neighborhood Planning," Journal of the American Planning Association 75 (Spring 2009): 224, notes that the traditional neighborhood development approach was specifically designed to make up for the shortcomings of planned unit development.
733. An early description of Wright and Stein's approach to development by Roy Lubove makes clear the connection to contemporary efforts to cluster development: "By means of largescale grouping or clustering of dwellings-either row or detached-these innovators tried to minimize the space usually 'wasted' upon roads, alleys, narrow courts or driveways, or small non-functional lawns or yards and to combine this saved space for more effective use. The overall intent was to achieve compact design, reduced land coverage and density, economics in construction, and an organization of open space which would best serve human biological and social needs." Lubove, "A Community-Planning Approach to City-Building," Social Work 10, 2 (1965): 60.
734. Alexander Von Hoffman, "Housing and Planning: A Century of Social Reform and Local Power," Journal of the American Planning Association 75 (Spring 2009): 236
735. Keller Easterling, Organization Space: Landscapes, Highways, and Houses in America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1999), 165. For more detail, see 169-71.
736. Andrew Hope, "Evaluating the Significance of San Lorenzo Village, A Mid-20th Century Suburban Community," CRM: The Journal of Heritage Stewardship 2 (Summer 2005): 55-56.
737. Emily Talen, "The Problem with Community Planning," Journal of Planning Literature 15 (November 2000): 179.
738. Christopher B. Leinberger takes the optimistic position that the pendulum of consumer preference has already swung away from what he calls the drivable sub-urban environment to walkable urban centers, though the evidence for such a claim remains sketchy. Leinberger, The Option of Urbanism: Investing in a New American Dream (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 2008).
739. Grant, Planning the Good Community, 196.
740. Cliff Ellis dismisses such critiques as "driven by their own theoretical predispositions far more than careful analysis of New Urbanist communities." Quoting Ronald Beiner, he asserts, "Living as we do in a postmodern life, it might be thought that we need least of all a postmodern philosophy that can only help destabilize further the often chaotic jumble of contemporary social relations." Ellis, "The New Urbanism: Critiques and Rebuttals," Journal of Urban Design 7 (October 2002): 272.
741. Robert A. Beauregard, "New Urbanism: Ambiguous Certainties," Journal of Architectural and Planning Research 19 (Autumn 2002): 185-86.
742. John Chase, Margaret Crawford, and John Kaliski, eds., Everyday Urbanism (New York: Monacelli Press, 1999).
743. Douglas S. Kelbaugh, Repairing the American Metropolis (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002), 170-73.
744. The Post Urban view could also be associated with David Harvey, most notably his book Justice, Nature, and the Geography of Difference (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1996).
745. As Robert Leighninger reports, some of the earliest New Deal public housing projects remain viable housing options, including recently rehabilitated Carl Mackley Houses. Robert D. Leighninger, Jr., Long-Range Public Investment: The Forgotten Legacy of the New Deal (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2007), 128.
746. Emily Talen, "Design That Enables Diversity: The Complications of a Planning Ideal," Journal of Planning Literature 20 (February 2006): 242
747. Talen, "The Problem with Community Planning," Journal of Planning Literature 15 (November 2000): 177.
748. Talen further argues that a regional approach respecting nature to create a diversity of living environments, through what Andres Duany has called the transcept, supports a "diversity of physical frameworks within which a diversity of people may flourish." "Help for Urban Planning: The Transcept Strategy," Journal of Urban Design 7 (October 2002): 306-7.
749. Cliff Ellis, "The New Urbanism: Critiques and Rebuttals," 277-78,
750. quoting Yodan Rofè, "Space and Community: The Spatial Foundations of Urban Neighborhoods," Berkeley Planning Journal 10 (1995): 120.
751. David Brain's critique of planning practice described in Chapter 7, for instance, follows rather closely Lubove's description of the RPAA. The RPAA, Lubove asserted, was "a movement opposed to the commodity conception of land and housing and its consequences for the urban physical and social environment⋯. Above all, RPAA denounced the surveyor-type, pseudo-planning of cities which reflected speculative imperatives and had produced the standardized grid subdivision; the uniform, often wasteful road width; and the deep narrow house lot of American cities. RPAA complained that such mechanical subdivision had no necessary relationship to human biological or social needs, let alone the long-term economic needs of the community as a whole. Historically, RPAA conceded, the pseudoplanning of residential environments had brilliantly served the purposes of speculative subdivision, trade, and sale by expediting survey and transfer of title. But it had also produced economic waste, visual monotony, and a design motif that made it almost impossible to relate mass and open space effectively." Lubove, "A Community-Planning Approach to City-Building," Social Work 10, 2 (1965): 62.
752. Robert Fishman, "The Metropolitan Tradition in American Planning," in Fishman, ed., American Planning Tradition: Culture and Policy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 65, 83.