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Volumn 24, Issue 1, 2013, Pages 142-155

Regime types and democratic sequencing

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[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords


EID: 84875715487     PISSN: 10455736     EISSN: 10863214     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jod.2013.0010     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (42)

References (47)
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    • note
    • For a systematic overview of alternative definitions of rule of law and their relationship to each other, see Møller and Skaaning, "Systematizing Thin and Thick Conceptions of the Rule of Law, " Justice System Journal 33 (Fall 2012)
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    • 7544242988 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
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    • note
    • Guillermo O'Donnell, "Why the Rule of Law Matters, " Journal of Democracy 15 (October 2004), 33.
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    • note
    • See Thomas Carothers, "The End of the Transition Paradigm, " Journal of Democracy 13 (January 2002): 5-21.
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    • Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way, "The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism, " Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 51-65.
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    • See www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-aggregate-and-subcategoryscores.
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    • 84873424413 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • All thresholds are based on our knowledge of particular countries and on comparisons with the country distribution derived when employing the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) to operationalize the three attributes. See Møller and Skaaning, Requisites of Democracy. Compared to the FH indicators, the BTI indicators have the advantage that the score levels are linked to qualitative descriptions, meaning that determining thresholds is less arbitrary.
    • Requisites of Democracy
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  • 31
    • 84875724397 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Japan just missed the thresholds on both the freedom of expression indicator (scoring a 13) and the freedom of association indicator (scoring a 10).
  • 32
    • 84875748738 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Had we instead introduced more fine-grained distinctions, for example by distinguishing between three levels on all attributes (rather than only on electoral rights), the empirical fit would be lower, but still impressive. The additional thresholds used for this exercise are a score of (at least) 7 for the "freedom of expression and belief" indicator, and a score of (at least) 9 for the indicators on associational and organizational rights and rule of law. Using this further breakdown, 15 countries score in a way that is not in accord with the empirical hierarchy between the attributes. If the criterion is made even stricter by demanding a perfect cumulative (step-wise) logic between the three-level attributes, the number increases to 24 countries, meaning that 88 percent of all countries still match the conceptual hierarchy. Moreover, the clear patterns in the distribution of countries are virtually identical for the other years for which we have access to the disag-gregated Freedom House scores (2005-10). The precise distribution of countries for each year is available in an appendix that is available at www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/ supplemental-material.
    • Freedom House scores (2005-10)
  • 35
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    • note
    • Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder, "Exchange: The Sequencing 'Fallacy,'" Journal of Democracy 18 (July 2007): 7.
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  • 38
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    • note
    • Thomas Carothers, "How Democracies Emerge: The 'Sequencing' Fallacy, " Journal of Democracy 18 (January 2007): 12-27.
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    • note
    • Sheri Berman, "How Democracies Emerge: Lessons from Europe, " Journal of Democracy 18 (January 2007): 28-41.
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  • 42
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    • note
    • If we trichotomize all three attributes, 97 movements in the typology emerge, out of which only 16 were not in accord with the conceptual hierarchy between the attributes.
  • 46
    • 0040216515 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
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    • note
    • Marc F. Plattner, "From Liberalism to Liberal Democracy, " Journal of Democracy 10 (July 1999): 121-34.
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    • Plattner, M.F.1


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.