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Volumn , Issue 68, 2012, Pages 79-105

The partnership of stability in Xinjiang: State-society interactions following the July 2009 unrest

(1)  Cliff, Thomas a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

GOVERNANCE APPROACH; GOVERNMENT RELATIONS; POLICY MAKING; SOCIAL CONFLICT; STATE ROLE; STATE-LOCAL RELATIONS;

EID: 84866299553     PISSN: 13249347     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/666581     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (36)

References (126)
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    • Uyghurs were not the only perpetrators of violence on 5 July 2009. James Millward and Radio Free Asia both cite reports of state security forces using lethal force against Uyghurs through the night of 5 July. See James A. Millward, "Introduction: Does the 2009 Urumchi Violence Mark a Turning Point?" Central Asian Survey, Vol. 28, No. 4(2009), pp. 352-54;
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    • See also "Guo zi wei xie 120 jia yangqi mouhua chanye huanjiang: Wang Yong, Zhang Chunxian chuxi bing jianghua" (SASAC Organises 120 Central SOEs to Assist Xinjiang through Industry: Wang Yong and Zhang Chunxian Attend and Give Speeches), Xinjiang ribao (Xinjiang Daily), 21 August 2011, http://cpc.people.com.en/GB/64093/117005/15469161.html (accessed 17 January 2012).
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    • Gaubatz describes frontiers of control as characterized by settlers staying close to fortified urban centers; they are primarily trade and transport corridors, and any agriculture is a subsistence, rather than a profit-making, venture. Frontiers of settlement are characterized by settlers moving out into the surrounding regions, establishing agricultural and extractive industries and, often, "disrupt[ing] local settlement and subsistence". Piper Rae Gaubatz, Beyond the Great Wall: Urban Form and Transformation on the Chinese Frontiers (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 21.
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    • In 1954, the bingtuan was 96 per cent populated by Han while Xinjiang as a whole was below 7 per cent Han. Xinjiang Bingtuan Statistical Yearbook (Beijing: China Statistical Publishing House, 2007), section 3-4;
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    • was accompanied by a policy paper called The Xinjiang Problem (S. Frederick Starr and Graham E. Fuller, The Xinjiang Problem [Baltimore: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, The Johns Hopkins University, 2004], pp. 16, 74, 75), which stated explicitly "What Uyghurs Should Do" and "What Beijing Should Do"-incorrectly posing "the Uyghurs and the Chinese State" as the only "key players in Xinjiang".
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    • Sun Liping, a professor of sociology at Qinghua University and recognized expert on in/stability in China, stated in December 2010: "The establishment of a market economy tends to diffuse social unrest-whereas in the past, social unrest would lead to direct action against the government, things are different now: tensions between labor and capital are directed at capital, against employers and development zone bosses and perhaps, at most, the local government. Unrest is never targeted at higher levels of government, such as provincial governments". Sun Liping, "Sun Liping Discusses Social Stability in China" (2010), http://shanghaiist.com/2007/ll/09/sun-liping. php (accessed 4 December 2010).
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    • Ministry of Labor (ed.), China Labour Statistical Yearbook (Beijing: China Statistical Press, 2009), section 4-3. One reason offered for this fall in wage rank was the phasing-out of subsidies for remote and hardship postings, known as dicha butie, which some of my informants say were a significant proportion of their total income in the early 1990s.
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    • The peaceful resolution of a large-scale protest in Wukan, Guangdong, was hailed as a "new model", testifying to the assumed use offeree by the authorities. Yu Jianrong terms this reflexive resort to force "rigid stability". See Jianrong Yu, "Rigid Stability: An Explanatory Framework for China's Social Situation", China Elections and Governance (27 May 2009), http://chinaelectionsblog.net/?p=12932 (accessed 19 January 2012);
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    • For an extensive discussion of protest in Xinjiang, see Gardner Bovingdon, The Uyghurs: Strangers in Their Own Land (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), pp. 105-34 and Appendix.
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    • Cai cites Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper and Jaswinder Khattra, "Caught in a Winding, Snarling Vine: The Structural Bias of Political Process Theory", Sociological Forum, Vol. 14, No. 1(1999), pp. 27-54.
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    • As Mertha notes: "the 'fragmented authoritarianism' FA framework, first proposed in 1988, has remained the most durable heuristic through which to study Chinese politics"
    • As Mertha notes: "the 'fragmented authoritarianism' (FA) framework, first proposed in 1988, has remained the most durable heuristic through which to study Chinese politics". Andrew Mertha, "'Fragmented Authoritarianism 2.0": Political Pluralization in the Chinese Policy Process", The China Quarterly, No. 200(2009), p. 996.
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    • The logic here is that, since the Communist Party is the party of the masses, it speaks for the masses. In this case then, "the masses" are conceptually distinct from the "public" whose opinion the media is supposed to be guiding. Xing Li, "Zhongxuanbu lingdao zai wo qu weiwen diaoyan" (Central Propaganda Ministry Leader in Xinjiang to Convey Sympathy and Conduct Investigation), Xinjiang ribao, 1 August 2009, p. 1.
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    • The phenomenon of anti-instability measures producing greater instability is noted in a Qinghua report on stability maintenance. See Social Development Research Group, "New Thinking on Stability Maintenance: Long-Term Social Stability Via Institutionalised Expression of Interests" (13 May 2010), originally published in Nanfang zhoumo (Southern Weekend) on 14 April 2010, http://chinaelectionsblog.net/?p=5220 (accessed 16 May 2011).
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    • 8 July, accessed 30 March 2012
    • Examples of these images can be seen at "Ethnic Clashes in Urumqi, China", Boston. com, 8 July 2009, http://www.boston. com/bigpicture/2009/ 07/ethnic-clashes-in-urumqi-china.html accessed (30 March 2012). These extremely graphic images were taken by police photographers and published on the front page of Tianshannet, a government news portal. They were later released by the Xinjiang regional authorities at a media conference on 7 July, but they had been removed from the front page of Tianshannet by mid-morning on 8 July.
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    • For an example of some of the surveillance camera footage of the 5 July riots that circulated in Xinjiang in the second half of 2009, see "Uygur Mobs Killing Chinese" (see above, note 3).
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    • while in Xinjiang, 27 March 2012. I am indebted to David O'Brien for these links
    • For an example of the footage that I heard described but did not see while in Xinjiang, see "Raw Footage-Uygur Terrorists Killing Innocent People in Xinjiang", YouTube, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v= 7g44LGLXjYs&feature=related&has-verified=1 (accessed 27 March 2012). I am indebted to David O'Brien for these links.
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    • Projected losses for the year came to 5 billion yuan. See Xinhua, "Hefty Subsidy Sought to Salvage Xinjiang Tourism", China Daily, 16 July 2009, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2009xinjiangriot/2009-07/16/ content-8436842.htm (accessed 1 December 2011);
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    • information on Korla comes from my own observations and interviews; for Ürümqi, 10 August
    • The information on Korla comes from my own observations and interviews; for Ürümqi, see "Wulumuqi qian 7 ge yue shangpinfang chengjiaojia tongbi zengzhang jin er cheng" (Commercial Housing in Ürümqi Rises 20 per cent in Previous Seven Months), Ku'erle wanbao, 10 August 2009, p. 2;
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    • Zang Xiaowei found in a 2005 survey that, on average, even relatively well-educated urban Uyghurs in Urumqi received an income 21.8 per cent less than their Han counterparts, and in the non-state sector (where there are no positive discrimination policies) this figure was 52 per cent. In the same survey, Zang also found that there was no statistically significant difference between Han and Uyghur employment prospects in the "redistributive" sector (government and public organizations), but that there was an ethnic difference in both state and private enterprises. Xiaowei Zang, "Affirmative Action, Economic Reforms, and Han-Uyghur Variation in Job Attainment in the State Sector in Urumchi", The China Quarterly, Vol. 202, No. 1(2010), pp. 344-61;
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    • At time of writing in early 2012, inflation without salary growth is a China-wide phenomenon, but is even worse in Xinjiang, where official inflation was running at 6.9 per cent per annum, significantly above the official national level of 5.4 per cent. Food was the hardest hit, running at 14.8 per cent nationwide and, according to my informants, well over that in Xinjiang. This is recognized as a potential future cause of social instability: in late August 2011, the Xinjiang government offered low-income residents a temporary subsidy to help offset the massive inflation. See China Radio International, "Xinjiang Residents Subsidized in an Effort to Offset Inflation", Xinhua, 29 August 2011, http://english.cri.cn/6909/2011/08/29/195s655726.htm (accessed 18 November 2011).
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