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As James Secord has observed, scientific conversations and lectures were another important form of scientific communication in the early nineteenth century, and like monographs, lectures and conversations had become far less central by the end of the nineteenth century. James A. Secord, "How scientific conversation became shop talk", in Aileen Fyfe and Bernard Lightman (eds), Science in the marketplace: Nineteenth-century sites and experiences (Chicago, 2007), 23-59.
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Charles Darwin, "Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose", Nature, xxi (1879-80), 207
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Charles Darwin, "On the dispersal of freshwater bivalves", Nature, xxv (1881-82), 529-30.
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After they began working together, Romanes aided Darwin in the preparation of his abstracts for Nature. See Schwartz, "George John Romanes's defense of Darwinism" (ref. 18), 299
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Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Chicago
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Darwin's fondness for using Nature to publicize his research and discuss current theories may be related to his distaste for travelling to meetings. See E. Janet Browne, "I could have retched all night: Charles Darwin and his body", in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Science incarnate: Historical embodiments of natural knowledge (Chicago, 1998), 240-87.
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Financially, Nature was not a profitable magazine until 1890, the first year in which the income from advertisements and subscriptions exceeded the expense of printing the journal. The Macmillans continued supporting the magazine in spite of its finances, likely because of the access it gave them to men of science, both as potential authors and as potential customers. Frederick Macmillan indicated in a letter to his cousin George that the Macmillans saw Nature as a convenient way to advertise their scientific publications. Frederick Macmillan to George Macmillan, 25 December 1886, BL, Macmillan Papers, MSS 54788.66.
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