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Andreas Behnke, 'No Way Out: Desecuritization, Emancipation and the Eternal Return of the Political - A Reply to Aradau', Journal of International Relations and Development, 9:1 (2006), pp. 62-9;
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Morten Kelstrup and Michael C. Williams (eds) London: Routledge
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Ole Wæver, 'The EU as a Security Actor: Reflections From a Pessimistic Constructivist on Post-Sovereign Security Orders', in Morten Kelstrup and Michael C. Williams (eds), International Relations Theory and the Politics of European Integration (London: Routledge, 2000), pp. 250-94;
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Rita Floyd, 'Towards a Consequentialist Evaluation of Security: Bringing Together the Copenhagen School of Security Studies and the Welsh School of Security Studies', Review of International Studies, 33:2 (2007), pp. 327-50;
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Wæver, O.1
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Floyd and Aradau are right that emancipation is refuted, but emancipation is not the only concept, through which a normative claim can be made. Floyd is also right, that Wæver describes ethical issues as the domain of 'securitization studies', but a possible distinction between securitisation studies and securitisation theory is not suggested elsewhere. As this article will show, if there is such a distinction, it must be one, that locates the former within the latter. Taureck, 'Securitization Theory and Securitization Studies', p. 55;
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Holger Stritzel, 'Towards a Theory of Securitization: Copenhagen and Beyond', European Journal of International Relations, 13:3 (2007), pp. 357-83;
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Bülent Aras and Rabia Karakaya Polat, 'From Conflict to Cooperation: Desecuritization of Turkey's Relations with Syria and Iran', Security Dialogue, 39:5 (2008), pp. 495-515;
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This conception is located within 'the classical tradition that contains Machiavelli as well as Arendt'. Buzan et al., Security, p. 144.
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Buzan1
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Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
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Michael C. Williams, The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 112. Williams identifies these themes in a discussion of Morgenthau, but they are, as this article will show, at the heart of debates over politics and security more generally.
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For a further discussion of speech act theory and the Copenhagen School, see Thierry Balzacq, 'The Three Faces of Securitization: Political Agency, Audience and Context', European Journal of International Relations, 11:2 (2005), pp. 171-201; (Pubitemid 40856141)
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Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976).
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Christopher Norris, Derrida (London: Fontana, 1987), p. 66.
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Norris, C.1
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Aradau holds that desecuritisation is 'the necessary supplement or challenge to securitization', but she does not see it as supplementary in Derridarian terms, but rather as 'deprived of any political sting'. Aradau, 'Security and the Democratic Scene', pp. 405-6.
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Thus, according to Nicole J. Jackson, securitisation theory is difficult to apply to authoritarian states, because of the absence of 'normal politics' in those settings. Nicole J. Jackson, 'International Organizations, Security Dichotomies and the Trafficking of Persons and Narcotics in Post-Soviet Central Asia: A Critique of the Securitization Framework', Security Dialogue, 37:3 (2006), pp. 299-317, p. 312. (Pubitemid 44304757)
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Much of the debate about responsibility has centred on the role of the security analyst, but I would argue that the audience for Wæver's plea for responsibility is wider than that and includes all who might manifest themselves as securitising actors. Johan Eriksson, 'Observers or Advocates? On the Political Role of Security Analysts', Cooperation and Conflict, 34:3 (1999), pp. 311-30;
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Wæver, 'Securitizing Sectors?', p. 339. For an alternative normative theory which distinguishes between morally right and wrong securitisations and desecuritisations, see Floyd, Security and the Environment.
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Wæver1
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96
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Copenhagen: Centre for Peace and Conflict Research
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Wæver's 'Moments of the Move' from 1989 is an early indication of the 'theory in the background' strategy of securitisation theory. Footnote 1 refers to an earlier, unpublished paper on 'the political move' in Aristotle, Machiavelli, and 'especially Hannah Arendt', yet the present paper will be 'burdened as little as possible by philosophical and theoretical discussions'. Ole Wæver, 'Moment of the Move: Politico-Linguistic Strategies of Western Peace Movements', Working Paper no. 1989/13 (Copenhagen: Centre for Peace and Conflict Research, 1989),
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Wæver, O.1
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This 'theory in the background' strategy might have contributed to the controversy over the status of securitisation as political theory. Alker, 'On Securitization Politics'.
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100
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See for instance, Ole Wæver, 'Ideologies of Stabilization - Stabilization of Ideologies: Reading German Social Democrats', in Vilho Harle and Pekka Sivonen (eds), Europe in Transition: Politics and Nuclear Strategy (London: Pinter, 1989), pp. 110-39;
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Wæver, O.1
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Ole Wæver, 'Conceptions of Détente and Change: Some Non-Military Aspects of Security Thinking in the FRG', in Ole Wæver, Pierre Lemaitre and Elzbieta Tromer (eds) (eds), European Polyphony: Perspectives beyond East-West Confrontation (London: Macmillan, 1989), pp. 186-224.
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European Polyphony: Perspectives Beyond East-West Confrontation
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Wæver, O.1
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25344464282
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Ole Wæver, Pierre Lemaitre and Elzbieta Tromer (eds) London: Macmillan 294
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Wæver, O.1
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Wæver also quotes Richard K. Ashley to the effect that the inside/outside dichotomy is highly likely to keep informing states' view of their security. Wæver, 'Conflicts of Vision', pp. 293-4.
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