Shooting disabled soldiers: Medicine and photography in world war I America

Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences

Volumn 66, Issue 3, 2011, Pages 313-346

  Linker, Beth ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA   (United States)

Author keywords

disability; medical gaze; medicine; photography; progressivism; rehabilitation; soldiers; war

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; DISABLED PERSON; HISTORY; HUMAN; MILITARY MEDICINE; PHOTOGRAPHY; PUBLISHING; UNITED STATES; WAR;

DISABLED PERSONS; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; MILITARY MEDICINE; PHOTOGRAPHY; PUBLISHING; UNITED STATES; WORLD WAR I;

EID: 79960143798     PISSN: 00225045     EISSN: 14684373     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/jhmas/jrq039     Document Type: Article

References (128)

1. Rosemarie Garland Thomson, "Seeing the Disabled: Visual Rhetorics of Disability in Popular Photography," in The New Disability History: American Perspectives, ed. Paul K. Longmore and Lauri Umansky (New York: New York University Press, 2001), 335-74, 336. For more on the representation of the disabled in popular culture, namely telethons,
2. see Paul K. Longmore, "Conspicuous Contribution and American Cultural Dilemmas: Telethon Rituals of Cleansing and Renewal," in The Body and Physical Difference: Discourses of Disability, ed. David T. Mitchell and Sharon L. Snyder (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 134-58.
3. Photography historian, Erin O'Connor, makes this point as well in "Camera Medica," Hist. Photogr., Autumn 1999, 23, 232-44, 235.
4. Daniel M. Fox and James Terry, "Photography and the Self Image of American Physicians, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1978, 52, 435-57, 450. (Pubitemid 9110759)
5. For a survey of the literature on the history of medical photography in America, see Daniel M. Fox and Christopher Lawrence, Photographing Medicine: Images and Power in Britain and America since 1840 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988);
6. Janet Golden and Charles E. Rosenberg, eds., Pictures of Health: A Photographic History of Health Care in Philadelphia, 1860-1945 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991);
7. Janet Golden, "John Lincoln Bower, Photographing Philadelphia's Almshouse Hospital," Hist. Photogr., 1999, 23, 211-17;
8. Rima Apple, "Image or Reality? Photographs in the History of Nursing," in Images of Nurses: Perspectives from History, Art, and Literature, ed. Anne Hudson Jones (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988), 40-62;
9. Jacalyn Duffin and Alison Li, "Great Moments, Parke, Davis and Company and the Creation of Medical Art," Isis, 1995, 86, 1-29;
10. Ludmilla Jordanova, "Medicine and Visual Culture," Soc. Hist. Med., 1990, 3, 89-99;
11. Peter E. Palmquist, "Photography in Medicine," J. West, 1982, 21, 59-64;
12. and Charles Rosenberg, "Representing Medicine, Philadelphia Health and Photography, 1860-1995," in Pictures of Health, ed. Golden and Rosenberg, xxi-xxix.
13. For more recent scholarship, see Bert Hansen, Picturing Medical Progress from Pasteur to Polio: A History of Mass Media Images and Popular Attitudes in America (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2009);
14. Paula Summerly, "'In Camera': Photographing Forensic Medicine and Science, c. 1920-1940," J. Vis. Commun. Med., 2007, 30, 17-23;
15. and John Harley Warner and James M. Edmonson, Dissection: Photographs of a Rite of Passage in American Medicine, 1880-1930 (New York: Blast Books, 2009).
16. For a more thorough discussion about the meaning of Civil War surgery photographs to both the history of medicine and photography, see Alan Trachtenberg, Reading American Photographs: Images as History (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989);
17. Chris Amirault, "Posing the Subject of Early Medical Photography," Discourse, 1993-94, 16, 51-76;
18. Keith F. Davis, "'A Terrible Distinctiveness': Photography of the Civil War Era," in Photography in Nineteenth-Century America, ed. Martha A. Sandweiss (New York: Harry N. Abrahms, 1991), 131-79;
19. Lisa Marie Herschbach, Fragmentation and Reunion: Medicine, Memory, and the Body in the American Civil War (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1997),
20. and Herschbach, "Prosthetic Reconstructions: Making the Industry, Remaking the Body, Modeling the Nation," Hist. Workshop J., 1997, 44, 28-33.
21. J. T. H. Connor and Michael Rhode provide an important corrective to this widely accepted interpretation of the Civil War veteran photographs. By demonstrating that these cartes-de-visites were used as evidence to receive benefits from the Pension Bureau, Connor and Rhode place these pictures in an important context to understanding their meaning.
22. J. T. H. Connor and Michael G. Rhode, "Shooting Soldiers, Civil War Medical Images, Memory, and Identity in America," Invisible Culture: An Electronic Journal for Visual Culture, 2003, 5, 1-15; available from http://www.rochester.edu/in-visible-culture, accessed 24 April 2010.
23. Fox and Lawrence, Photographing Medicine, 49 and 134.
24. Golden, "John Lincoln Bower," 216.
25. Rosenberg, "Representing Medicine," xxv.
26. Anon., "Editorials: Carry On," Am. J. Orthop. Surg., August, 1918, s2-16, 539.
27. For more on the birth of rehabilitation, see Beth Linker, War's Waste: Rehabilitation and Disability in World War I America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011).
28. Edwin F. Hirsch, Frank Billings, A Leader in Chicago Medicine (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1966).
29. For the use of photography in dermatology, see Paula Summerly, "Photographing Dermatology: The Collections of Dr. William Thomas Corlett (1854-1948)," Int. J. Dermatol., 2008, 47, 965-69.
30. For a contemporary discussion, see W. G. Gottheil, "Color Photography as Applied to Dermatology and Syphilology," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1898, 30, 967-70.
31. For more on how physician specialists employed photography in their clinical practice and education, see Paula Summerly, "The Macewen Collection of Clinical Photographs (circa 1880-1918)," J. Audov. Media Med., 2001, 24, 145-48;
32. G. M. Wilson, "Early Photography, Goitre, and James Inglis," Br. Med. J., 1973, 2, 104-5;
33. and Thomas Schlich, "The Perfect Machine: Lorenz Böhler's Rationalized Fracture Treatment in World War I," Isis, 2009, 100, 758-91.
34. Paula Summerly, "Medical Photography," in The Encyclopedia of Nineteenth-Century Photography, ed. John Hanavy, 2 vols. (New York: Taylor and Francis Group, 2008), 2: 916-19, 916.
35. A prime - and perhaps formative - example of this can be found in George Rosen, "Early Medical Photography," CIBA Symp., 1942, 4, 1344-55. A leading scholar among the first generation of historians of medicine, Rosen celebrated the introduction of photography into the clinic by recounting the discoveries of the endoscope, cystoscope, laryngoscope, and urethroscope - photographic instruments that were not only internal to the clinic, but internal to human flesh, cameras penetrating the body.
36. The exception here would be the photographic display of psychiatric patients made popular in the nineteenth century by British physician Hugh Welch Diamond and practiced by institutions such as Bellevue Hospital in New York City. For the most comprehensive treatment of medical and health expositions, see Julie K. Brown, Health and Medicine on Display, International Expositions in the United States, 1876-1904 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2009).
37. Read with an eye toward the topic of disability, Brown's book reveals the fact that despite labor concerns about the high rate of worker injury in the construction of expositions (such as 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition), the fair itself did little to address the topic of disability, medically or socially. At most, international exhibits featured the wares of prosthetic limb manufactures and provided model hospital wards for the treatment of fractures. Brown demonstrates that pathology and anatomy displays "were among the consistent attractions for both specialists and general audiences at international expositions" (Brown, 178). For more on the history of anatomical museums in the United States, see Michael Sappol, A Traffic of Dead Bodies, Anatomy and Embodied Social Identity in Nineteenth-Century America (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2002).
38. Kate Sampsell-Willmann, Lewis Hine as Social Critic (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2009).
39. See also Alan Trachtenberg, "Ever the Human Document," in America and Lewis Hine: Photographs 1904-1940, ed. Walter Rosenblum, Naomi Rosenblum, and Alan Trachtenberg (Millerton, New York: Aperture, 1977), 118-38.
40. Casey Wood, "Carry On," Am. J. Orthop. Surg., 1918, 16, 539.
41. Soon after taking over editorship, Galsworthy renamed "Recalled to Life" to "Reveille." See John Galsworthy, "The Gist of the Matter," Reveille, August 1918, 1, 11-14.
42. For the most thorough account of Galsworthy's involvement in the British rehabilitation movement and his tenure as editor of Reveille, see Jeffrey S. Reznick, John Galsworthy and Disabled Soldiers of the Great War: With an Illustrated Selection of His Writings (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009).
43. Seth Koven, "Remembering and Dismemberment: Crippled Children, Wounded Soldiers, and the Great War in Great Britain," Am. Hist. Rev., 1994, 99, 1167-202, 1167.
44. Jacob A. Riis, How the Other Half Lives: Studies among the Tenements of New York (New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1904).
45. Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
46. Anon., "Gauges Intellect by One's Eyes," Washington Post, 23 June 1908, 6.
47. Having an ophthalmologist on the staff of Carry On was necessary in order to address the rehabilitation of soldiers who had been blinded due to gassing and shell explosions injuries sustained during World War I. Many physicians involved with Carry On were interested in preventing and treating blindness. Wood and Douglas McMurtrie, one of the most famous nonmedical experts on adult rehabilitation, probably knew each other through their mutual interests in "conserving" vision. See for instance, Douglas C. McMurtrie, Conserving Vision: An Essay on the Prevalence of Poor Eyesight and the Relations to Eyestrain, Illumination, Structural Defects of the Eye, Accidents and Eye Diseases to the Conservation of Vision (New York: n.p., 1911).
48. Casey A. Wood, Medical Corps to Mr. T. B. Kidner, advisor to Federal Board for the Vocational Education, 27 August 1918, Record Group 15, Box 254, National Archives and Records Administration I, Washington, DC, hereafter NARA I.
49. Frank Parker Stockbridge, "Putting Our War Cripples Back on the Payroll," New York Times, 12 May, 1918, 80. Major Casey Wood and Lt. Col. Frank Billings were both featured and interviewed for this article.
50. Wood to Kidnor, 27 August 1918.
51. For more on the history of the U.S. Army Medical Museum, from its Civil War beginnings to current day, see Michael G. Rhode and James T. H. Connor, "A Repository for Bottled Monsters and Medical Curiosities," in Defining Memory: Local Museums and the Construction of History in America's Changing Communities, ed. Amy K. Levin (New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), 177-96.
52. Dr. D. S. Lamb, "The Army Medical Museum," Mil. Surg., 1923, 53, 89-140, 90.
53. Lamb, "The Army Medical Museum," 123-24;
54. and Dr. Charles F. Craig, "The Army Medical Museum," Mil. Surg., 1919, 45, 679-87, 679.
55. For a survey of the Army Medical Museum, see Robert S. Henry, The Armed Forces Institute of Pathology: Its First Century, 1862-1962 (Washington, DC: Office of the Surgeon General, 1964),
56. especially chapter 9, "The Museum in a World at War," 159-87.
57. See also, Ralph P. Creer, "Medical Illustrations in the United States Army: Historical and Present Considerations," J. Lab. Clin. Med., 1942, 28, 651-61.
58. W. O. Owen, "The Army Medical Museum," New York Med. J., 1918, 107, 1034-36.
59. While Owen and his staff had high hopes for the motion picture division of the department, still photography and illustration were more readily used and funded by the government. Indeed, by March 1919, the Museum closed its motion photography division because of a lack of appropriations. According to Louis B. Wilson, director of the AEF Instruction Laboratory activities overseas, "most of the surgeons [did] not see any value in motion pictures of surgical operations except to advertise the operator⋯ and they [did] want them taken." Facing repeated denials from medical men, Wilson turned increasingly to still photography with his company producing 10,000 photographs while overseas. L. B. Wilson as quoted in Henry, The Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, 184. See also L. B. Wilson, "Museum and Art Service of the AEF," Mil. Surg., 1920, 46, 160-75, 165.
60. The Laboratory's motion picture division, under the direction of Thomas L. W. Evans, became most well known for producing soldier training camp films such as "Fit to Fight" and "Fighting the Cootie." For more, see Alexandra M. Lord, "Models of Masculinity: Sex Education, the United States Public Health Service, and the YMCA, 1919-1924," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 2003, 58, 123-52;
61. and Allan M. Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).
62. Craig, "The Army Medical Museum," 686.
63. "Instruction Laboratory" announcement in Carry On, August 1918, 21.
64. Jonathan Heller, "Photographing the Great War," Prologue: Q. National Arch. Rec. Administration, 1998, 30, 220-27;
65. and Michael Rhode, "Photography and the Army Medical Museum, 1862-1945," Architext, 1995, 4, 7-10.
66. The history of World War I photography has been well documented. World War I was perhaps the first large-scale war in which the shooting of cameras was as important as the shooting of guns. That photography was so frequently used in the Great War when compared with prior wars was due, in part, to technological advances made over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. One officer from the Signal Corps, for instance, summarized the difference between his job as a war photographer and that of his Civil War predecessors by saying, "[Photography today] is a grand stride from the methods employed by Mathew Brady, who during the Civil War made his wet plates in the field - pictures developed in the shelter of some barn with uncertainty as to results." Unlike Brady who traveled with a tripod, dry mounts, and a bulky camera, all stored on a horse-drawn wagon, photographers of the Signal Corps used hand-held "graphic cameras" with "high speed shutters, dry plates, cut film, and the aid of a portable darkroom" which could produce a still photograph "in the field within 15 minutes." As quoted in Heller, "Photographing the Great W a r," 223. For some general accounts on the history of photography, see Jane Carmichael, First World War Photographers (London: Routledge, 1989) and Beaumont Newhall, The History of Photography from 1839 to the Present Day, 4th ed. (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1978).
67. Connor and Rhode, "Shooting Soldiers."
68. Jennifer D. Keene, The United States and the First World War (New York: Longman, 2000).
69. See also Susan S. Moeller, Shooting War: Photography and the American Experience in Combat (New York: Basis Books, 1989).
70. In actuality, the subjects of the photograph "Back Home" are of a French man and woman. See Douglas McMurtrie, A Graphic Exhibit on Rehabilitation of the Crippled and the Blinded (New York: Red Cross Institute for the Crippled and Disabled Men, 1919). Still, Carry On appropriated the photo for its own pages with no indication of the nationality of the subjects, targeting an audience of Americans who would assume the two subjects were U.S. citizens.
71. Casey Wood, "First Steps to Self-Support" in The Disabled Soldier, ed. Douglas McMurtrie (New York: Macmillan), 1919), 37-48.
72. For more on the history of prosthetics limbs, see Katherine Ott, David Serlin, and Stephen Mihm, eds. Artificial Parts, Practical Lives: Modern Histories of Prosthetics (New York: New York University Press, 2002).
73. For Civil War-era prosthetics, see Herschbach, "Prosthetic Reconstructions." For disability and prosthetics during the Second World War,
74. see David Serlin, Replaceable You: Engineering the Body in Postwar America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).
75. Edward Slavishak makes a similar point in his wonderful analysis of industrial amputees and prosthetists in Pittsburgh; see Slavishak, "Artificial Limbs and Industrial Workers' Bodies in Turn-of-the-Century Pittsburgh," J. Soc. Hist., 2003, 37, 365-88, 369.
76. Anon., "The Enemy Was Ready: How Germany Made Preparation for Her Wounded," Carry On, June 1918, 24-28.
77. Douglas McMurtrie, "The High Road to Self-Support," Carry On June 1918, 4-9, 4.
78. Indeed, in its 1912 "Principle of Ethics," the American Medical Association adopted a clause forbidding advertising in medical practice. See Robert Baker, ed., The American Medical Ethics Revolution: How the AMA's Code of Ethics Has Transformed Physicians' Relationships to Patients, Professionals, and Society (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999).
79. For the most comprehensive discussion about aesthetics in early twentieth century medicine, see Pernick, The Black Stork.
80. Susan Lederer, "Repellent Subjects: Hollywood Censorship and Surgical Images in the 1930s," Lit. Med., 1998, 17, 91-113.
81. According to one account describing the work of the museum's photography division, the IL filmed a "purely impersonal surgery, the patient being impersonal likewise." The author explained the film as follows, "In this method⋯ the student⋯ is not distracted by seeing the blood flow over the field and blur it out; he is not distracted by watching the operator's hands as he makes this incision or does that particular stitch or makes this particular tie." See Anon., "Activities of the Museum and Library Division of the Surgeon General's Office," Rev. War Surg., December 1918, 1, 69-74, 70.
82. An additional and obvious concern was the display of American soldiers. These were not "mere" patients, but rather dutiful citizens who have served their country. For a discussion about the aesthetic concerns of photographing veterans, see Koven, "Remembering and Dismemberment."
83. W. O. Owen, "The Army Medical Museum," 1036.
84. See also Anon., "Activities of the Museum and Library Division of the Surgeon General's Office," 70.
85. There is a vast literature on the history of freak shows and circuses in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century America. A good introduction to the topic is Robert Bogdan, Freak Show: Presenting Human Oddities for Amusement and Profit (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
86. See also Rosemarie Garland Thomson, ed. Freakery: Cultural Spectacles of the Extraordinary Body (New York: New York University Press, 1996).
87. Frank Billings, "Reconstruction Has Begun," Carry On, August 1918, 24-26, 24.
88. John F. Kasson, Houdini, Tarzan, and the Perfect Man: The White Male Body and the Challenge of Modernity in America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001).
89. One of the best treatments of gender and veteran disability is David A. Gerber, "Introduction: Finding Disabled Veterans in History," in Disabled Veterans in History, ed. David A. Gerber (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000), 1-51.
90. Gail Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995).
91. For a description of this ranking among disabled soldiers, see Frank Ward O'Mally, "Home Comers from France," Carry On, September 1918, 5-9.
92. O'Maily, "Home Comers from France."
93. Henry Ford was one of the leading industrial proponents in getting disabled American veterans into his manufactured automobiles. The Ford motor company hired more than nine hundred handicapped people during the war. See Clarence Hooker, Life in the Shadows of the Crystal Palace, 1910-1927: Ford Workers in the Model T Era (Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Press, 1997).
94. The car was featured in many of Carry On's testimonials. One amputee testimonial claimed, "I can drive a Ford car as good as anyone. I have gotten married and, of course, a man in my condition needs a wife." Anon., "The Ant and the Sluggard," Carry On, June 1918, 6.
95. Before his death in 1919, Theodore Roosevelt served as an advisory board member to Carry On. For a superb overview and interpretation of Theodore Roosevelt's outlook on manhood, see Bederman, Manliness and Civilization. For an excellent account of the importance of war on masculinity,
96. see Susan Jeffords, The Remasculinization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989).
97. H. E. Mock, "The Way Out: Desire and Ambition Must Be Born in the Man Himself," Carry On, August 1918, 27.
98. Rupert Hughs, "The Lucky Handicap," Carry On, September 1918, 11-12.
99. McMurtrie, The Disabled Soldier, xi-xiv.
100. Frank Ward O'Malley, "Home Comers from France," Carry On, September 1918, 5-9.
101. For more, see Linker, War's Waste, especially chapter 1.
102. H. T. Webster, "They Don't Want Your Charity - They Demand Their Chance," Carry On, August 1918, 4.
103. Charity came under intense scrutiny during the Progressive-Era. For more, see Emily K. Abel, "Valuing Care: Turn-of-the-Century Conflicts between Charity Workers and Women Clients," J. Womens Hist., 1998, 10, 32-52;
104. and Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the U.S. Welfare State," Signs, 1994, 19, 309-36.
105. Ellis Parker Butler, "Exit Mr. Tumult and Miss Shouting," Carry On, October-November 1918, 11-12, 12.
106. For "parasites," see Gelett Burgess, "Victim versus Victor," Carry On, June 1918, 20-22, 20.
107. Between 1880 and 1920, more than a handful of cities across the United States passed ordinances, fining disabled beggars or any "unsightly or disgusting" individual who "exposed" him- or herself to the public. For more on this, see Susan M. Schweik, The Ugly Laws: Disability in Public (New York: New York University Press, 2009).
108. Marion Girard, A Strange and Formidable Weapon: British Responses to World War I Poison Gas (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008).
109. The Army's World War I reconstruction program could be seen as a kind of precursor to the GI Bill to come decades later. For more on this, see David A. Gerber, "Disabled Veterans, the State, and the Experience of Disability in Western Societies, 1914-1950," J. Soc. Hist., 2003, 36, 899-916;
110. and Scott Gelber, "A 'Hard-Boiled Order': The Reeducation of Disabled World War I Veterans in New York City," J. Soc. Hist., 2005, 39, 161-80.
111. Samuel Harden Church, "So Much for So Much: Give the Returned Soldier a Job and Pay Him What He Earns," Carry On, October-November 1918, 9-10.
112. McMurtrie, "The High Road to Self-Support," 4.
113. O'Malley, "Home Comers from France," 8.
114. See also Schweik, Ugly Laws.
115. Here we can also detect a well-entrenched characteristic of American culture, not at all new to the World War I era; namely, the idea that one can find salvation and redemption through work. See Daniel T. Rodgers, The Work Ethic in Industrial America, 1850-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978).
116. For a contemporary view of the value of work, see Garrard Harris, The Redemption of the Disabled (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1919).
117. Anon., "Tells How U.S. Aids Disabled Fighters," New York Times, 8 June 1919, 24.
118. Matteson illustration, Carry On, April 1919, 4.
119. Articles explaining how disabled soldiers received health and economic benefits from farming appear in multiple issues of Carry On. See, for instance, Douglas C. McMurtrie, "The High Road to Self-Support,"
120. T. B. Kinder, "Guiding the Disabled to a New Job," Carry On, September 1918, 17-21;
121. and Carl W. Shuffler, "Agriculture at Camp Sherman," Carry On, June 1919, 7-10.
122. Kenneth Allen Deville, Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth Century America (New York: New York University Press, 1990), 31-33, 94-100. Deville's table of malpractices cases from the years 1835-1865 is especially helpful.
123. McMurtrie, "The High Road to Self-Support," 4.
124. Sending young soldiers out to pasture defied the general migratory trends in the U.S. during the early twentieth century. Most significantly, during the 1910s and 1920s, young medical doctors increasingly left their small-town practices to work in newly built university and city hospitals. During the 1920s, the Rockefeller foundation studied and expressed concern about the shortage of doctors in rural America. For a discussion of the migratory patterns of U.S. physicians, see Lewis Mayers and Leonard Harrison, The Distribution of Physicians in the United States (New York: Rockefeller Foundation General Education Board, 1924).
125. K. Walter Hickel, Entitling Citizens: World War I, Progressivism, and the Origins of the American Welfare State, 1917-1928 (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1992).
126. Historian Jay Winter argues that the sheer destruction of the Great War prompted a revival of classical, romantic, and religious understanding of death and bereavement. See Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
127. For the ways in which European nations appropriated nature during and after the Great War, see George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), esp. chapter 6. For "Your Britain" recruitment poster, see p. 109.
128. "Editorials: The Last Issue," Carry On, July 1919, 16.