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1
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79251635860
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note
-
It is easy enough to see that criminal deterrence frequently and effectively influences our actions. We all throw out the anchor on the highway when we spot a patrol car. We generally do not park in handicapped-only parking spots. We do not light up a joint at the movies. Burglars like to break into unoccupied homes. Drug deals are typically made in the shadows and not out in the open where police can see. But while we know that deterrence works in the absence of doing nothing about crime, we are decidedly less certain about relative or marginal deterrent effects. For example, does increasing the number of police officers reduce crime? Does adding three years to a prison sentence for the use of a gun deter firearm-related felonies? Does an increased use of incarceration deter crime better compared with previous levels of incarceration?
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57
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C. R. Jeffery, Criminal Behavior and Learning Theory, 56 J. CRIM. L., CRIMINOLOGY & POLICE SCI. 294, (1965). A paper by Schmideberg published in the Journal five years before Jeffery's also presented a staunch defense for the use of punishment for deterrent purposes.
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The fact that most crime can be explained as rational and self-interested behavior does not mean that all crime has to be so explained in order for the theory to be valid. Some crimes are committed by people who are under the influence of strong compulsions or emotional forces that co-opt or minimize rational thinking. See Daniel Ariely & George Loewenstein, The Heat of the Moment: The Effect of Sexual Arousal on Sexual Decision Making, 19 J. BEHAV. DECISION MAKING 87 (2006) (showing the effect of emotions on decision making);
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UNIFORM CRIME REPORTING PROGRAM, DEP'T OF JUSTICE, CRIME IN THE UNITED STATES-2001: SECTION 2: CRIME INDEX OFFENSES REPORTED 64 tbl.1 (2002), available at http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius_01/01crime2.pdf.
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Pub. L. No. 103-322, 108 Stat. 1796 (1994).
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For an example, see the evaluations of the Boston youth violence crackdown known as Operation Ceasefire. See KENNEDY, supra note 166, at 8;
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Complaints about police officials lowering crime by cooking the books have been made about other city police departments such as Atlanta, Baltimore, Dallas, New Orleans, and Washington.
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The models of Matsueda et al. are also consistent with Horney and Marshall's, Lochner's, and Kleck's in that the amount of explained variance of perceptions of punishment were low (ranging between 0.03 and 0.26), even with lagged values of the dependent variable in the model. Ross Matsueda et al., Deterring Delinquents: A Rational Choice Model of Theft and Violence, 71 AM. SOC. REV. 95, 108-09 tbl.2 (2006).
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Contrary evidence was found by Pogarsky and colleagues who reported that those who had experienced an arrest had lower perceptions of the risk of punishment compared with those not arrested. They analogized this to the gambler's fallacy whereby once arrested, offenders think that they are due a streak of good luck before the next arrest. Greg Pogarsky & Alex R. Piquero, Can Punishment Encourage Offending? Investigating the 'Resetting' Effect, 40 J. RES. CRIME & DELINQ. 92 (2003);
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There is virtually no research on the role of the swiftness or celerity of punishment on self-reported crime. See Daniel S. Nagin & Greg Pogarsky, Integrating Celerity, Impulsivity, and Extralegal Sanction Threats into a Model of General Deterrence: Theory and Evidence, 39 CRIMINOLOGY 865 (2001) (providing a recent exception). This is another one of the gaping holes in deterrence research. This may be due to the fact that it is not entirely clear which direction the deterrence hypothesis would predict. Early deterrence theorists like Beccaria clearly argued that punishment must be swift in order to be effective because when the length of time that passes between punishment and the misdeed is less, so much the stronger and more lasting in the human mind is the association of these two ideas, crime and punishment; they then come insensibly to be considered, one as the cause, the other as the necessary inevitable effect.
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Empirical work by Loewenstein however, questions this. George Loewenstein, Anticipation and the Valuation of Delayed Consumption, 97 ECON. J. 666 (1987). Findings from some of his experiments suggest that, given the choice, people would like to get their punishment over as quickly as possible and that punishment delayed is seen as more costly than if given immediately.
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In addition, if perceptions are not stable over time, then the longer the lag between the measurement of perceptions and behavior the greater the possibility of measurement error which would bias any observed relationship to zero.
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There is no theoretical reason why this has to be true, and Loewenstein has empirically found evidence for the counter position that persons would prefer to get their punishment over quickly rather than have it delayed. Loewenstein, supra note 246, at 667-68. The idea that punishment which is to be delivered later is actually perceived to be more painful is consistent with the concept of dread.
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The notion of dread makes things conceptually messy for deterrence theory because while there is an empirical basis for thinking that gains are discounted in the future, we have no knowledge as to whether or not this is symmetric with respect to losses.
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In addition to the work on the specific deterrent effect of imprisonment, space prevented the review of other literatures that speak to the possibility of a deterrent effect. For example, one important but unaddressed issue is whether or not there is a marginal deterrent effect as one transitions from the juvenile justice system to the adult system. There is evidence in favor of deterrence from studies that show a sharp drop in crime when youth reach the age of adulthood and move from the very much more lenient juvenile justice system to the more punitive adult justice system.
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Steven D. Levitt, Juvenile Crime and Punishment, 106 J. POL. ECON. 1156 (1998). However, while Hjalmarsson found that the perceived risk of arrest and punishment increases at the age of majority, there was no consistent relationship between this increased perception of risk and self-reportedinvolvement in criminal behavior.
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Randi Hjalmarsson, Crime and Expected Punishment: Changes in Perception at the Age of Criminal Majority, 11 AM. L. & ECON. REV. 209, 240-44 (2009). There is also evidence counter to deterrence theory which fails to show that permissible concealed gun laws have a negative impact on crime.
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Jens Ludwig, Gun Self-Defense and Deterrence, in 27 CRIME AND JUSTICE: A REVIEW OF RESEARCH 363 (Michael Tonry ed., 2000). Finally, there is an abundant literature on whether or not the death penalty is an effective deterrent to homicide with strong statements by some that it is a very effective deterrent, while others offer compelling grounds to think that it really has no effect.
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Special thanks to Shawn Bushway for hammering this point into my head as only he can.
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