Health provision for the poor: Islamic aid and the rise of charitable clinics in Indonesia

South East Asia Research

Volumn 18, Issue 3, 2010, Pages 503-553

  Latief, Hilman ^a  

^a UNIVERSITAS MUHAMMADIYAH YOGYAKARTA   (Indonesia)

Author keywords

Charity; Health care; Muslim NGOs; Poverty; Social work; Zakat

Indexed keywords

HEALTH CARE; HEALTH SERVICES; ISLAMISM; NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION; POVERTY ALLEVIATION; RURAL AREA; SOCIAL WORK; URBAN AREA; WELFARE IMPACT;

INDONESIA;

EID: 78049263882     PISSN: 0967828X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.5367/sear.2010.0004     Document Type: Article

References (120)

1. Jonathan Benthall (1999), 'Financial worship: The Quranic injunction to almsgiving', Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol 5, No 1, pp 27-42
2. see also Arskal Salim (2008), The Shift in Zakat Practice in Indonesia: From Piety to an Islamic Socio-Political-Economic System, Asian Muslim Action Network and Silkworm Books, Chiangmai.
3. Asep Saepuddin Jahar (2006), 'The clash between Muslim and the state: Waqf and Zakat in post independent of Indonesia', Studia Islamika, Vol 13, No 3, pp 353-396
4. Arskal Salim (2003), 'Zakat administration in politics of Indonesia', in Arskal Salim and Azyumardi Azra, eds, Shari'a and Politics in Modern Indonesia, ISEAS, Singapore
5. see also Michael Buehler (2008), 'The rise of shari'a by-laws in Indonesian districts: An indication for changing patterns of power accumulation and political corruption', South East Asia Research, Vol 16, No 2, pp 255-285
6. Sirojudin Abbas (2005), 'The struggle for recognition: Embracing the Islamic welfare effort in the Indonesian welfare system', Studia Islamika, Vol 12, No 1, pp 33-72.
7. For further discussion, see Haedar S. Bamuallim, et al, eds (2006), Islamic Philanthropy & Social Development in Contemporary Indonesia, Center for the Study of Islam and Culture, Jakarta
8. Zaim Saidi, et al, eds (2003), Pola Penggalangan Dana Sosial di Indonesia: Pengalaman Delapan Belas Lembaga Sosial, Piramedia, PIRAC & Ford Foundation, Jakarta
9. Idris Thaha, ed (2003), Berderma untuk Semua: Wacana dan Praktik Filantropi Islam, PBB & Teraju, Jakarta
10. Chaider S. Bamualim, ed (2005), Studi Kasus dan Lembaga Wakaf dan Zakat di Indonesia, PBB, Jakarta
11. Amelia Fauzia, ed (2006), Filantropi Islam dan Keadilan Sosial: Studi tentang Potensi, Tradisi, dan Pemanfaatan Filantropi Islam di Indonesia, CRSC, Jakarta.
12. Janine A. Clark (2004a), Islam, Charity and Activism: Middle Class Networks and Social Welfare in Egypt, Jordan and Yemen, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN, p 45
13. see also Clark (2004b), 'Social movement theory and patron-clientelism: Islamic social institutions and the middle class in Egypt, Jordan and Yemen', Comparative Political Studies, Vol 37, pp 941-968.
14. Clark (2004a), supra note 4, at p 45.
15. Benoît Challand (2008), 'A Nahda of charitable organizations? Health service provision and the politics of aid in Palestine', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol 40, p 234.
16. Challand, supra note 6, at p 234.
17. Challand, supra note 6, at p 240.
18. Knut S. Vikor (2002), 'Sufism and social welfare in the Sahara', in Holger Weiss, ed, Social Welfare in Muslim Societies in Africa, Nordiska African Institute, Stockholm, pp 95-96.
19. Rudiger Seesman (2002), 'Sufi leaders and social welfare: Two example from contemporary Sudan', in Holger Weiss, ed, Social Welfare in Muslim Societies in Africa, Nordiska African Institute, Stockholm, pp 98-103.
20. According to the 2007 Indonesian Health Profile, there are 1,033 public hospitals in Indonesia, 582 (56.34%) of which are government-owned and 451 (43.66%) of which are private hospitals. Both government and private institutions have also set up smaller special clinics and some kinds of community health centres [puskesmas] in order to reach patients in rural areas. There are 8,324 government-based community health centres operating across the regions
21. See Ministry of Health of the Republic of Indonesia (2008), Indonesia Health Profile, Ministry of Health, Jakarta, pp 101- 202.
22. Punjab, Dinbandhu Charitable Hospital in Gujarat, Makassed Islamic Charitable Hospital in Jerusalem, and Muslim Khatri Charitable Hospital in Karachi are among the non-profit hospitals set up by religious denominations that arose due to a shortage of facilities and poor health services in each region.
23. Founded in 1912 by a devoted Muslim cleric, Kyai Ahmad Dahlan, Muhammadiyah and its women's division, namely Aisyiyah, have recently operated 345 clinics and hospitals throughout Indonesia. For further information about Muhammadiyah hospitals
24. see Majelis Kesehatan dan Kesejahteraan Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah 2005 Profil dan Direktori Rumah Sakit Muhammadiyah-Aisyiyah 2005, MKKM PP Muhammadiyah, Jakarta.
25. See Majelis Syuro Upaya Kesehatan Islam Seluruh Indonesia (2003), Profil dan Direktori Rumah Sakit dan Lembaga Pendidikan Kesehatan Islam di Indonesia, Mukisi, Jakarta.
26. Religious institutions have, in this respect, played pivotal roles in bringing back the voluntary character of hospitals in treating patients (needy, aged and the like) with out charge. The Medical Dictionary defines voluntary hospital as 'a private, not-forprofit hospital that provides uncompensated care to the poor'
27. see Website: Http://medical-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/ voluntary+hospital (accessed 20 June 2009).
28. Clark (2004a), supra note 4, at pp 35-36.
29. Clark (2004a), supra note 4, at pp 35-36.
30. See, for example, Yusuf Qardhawi (1999), Fiqh az-Zakat, translated by Monzer Kahf, Dar Al-Taqwa, London.
31. The use of zakat funds for physical infrastructure has become the concern of traditionalist ulamas. The Nahdlatul 'Ulama in its first Muktamar [National Congress] conducted on 21 October 1926, had issued a fatwa emphasizing that zakat funds could not be used for financing mosques, madrasahs [Islamic schools] or dormitories;
32. see K. H. A. Azis Mayshuri, ed (2004), Masalah Keagamaan: Hasil Muktamar dan Munas Ulama Nahdlatul 'Ulama, Vol I, Qultum Media, Jakarta, p 5
33. However, the Nahdlatul Ulama has given another opinion, as a result of the Munas Alim Úlama [National Meeting of Muslim Scholars] on 30 August 1981 in Kaliurang-Yogyakarta, mentioning that the use of zakat funds for physical infrastructures in support of da'wa in the way of God [fi sabilillah] was allowed [boleh].
34. Ibid, Vol II, at p 23.
35. This is not to say that the redistribution of zakat funds among Indonesian Muslims is influenced by a single religious viewpoint. There are also communities and religious groups using zakat funds for physical infrastructure, such as building madrasahs [Islamic schools], mosques, public facilities and so forth.
36. Mohammed Ariff, ed (1991), The Islamic Voluntary Sector in Southeast Asia, ISEAS, Singapore.
37. See the result of the PIRAC survey on giving traditions in Indonesia in 2006-08.
38. The 2007 'Indonesia Health Profile' (p 20) of the Ministry of Health of the Republic of Indonesia reported that the percentage of people who attempted self-help treatment was higher (65.01%) than those who achieved medical treatment (44.14%). While a comprehensive explanation of the factors motivating people to take selfhelpmedication in Indonesia remains deficient, people's attitudes towards health seem to be in line with the pauperism rate that affects 37.17 million people, or 16.58% of the total population (225,642,124 people).
39. At the national level, for example, the Indonesian government has, via the Ministry of Health, created an insurance programme for the poor, namely Askeskin. By 2008, the state budget allocation for the Askeskin programme reached Rp4.6 trillion, to be accessed by approximately 76.4 million people. In managing this programme, the government appointed the state-owned health insurance firm, PT Askes, to be responsible for the claims submitted by hospitals that had treated those coming from deprived backgrounds.
40. In line with this, the 1945 Indonesian Constitution (Article 34) clearly emphasizes that: (1) 'Impoverished persons and abandoned children shall be taken care of by the state'; (2) 'The state shall develop a system of social security for all of the people and shall empower the inadequate and underprivileged in society in accordance with human dignity'; and (3) 'The state shall have the obligation to provide sufficient medical and public service facilities'.
41. See the 1945 Indonesian Constitution;
42. also Sulastomo (2005), Sistem Jaminan Sosial Nasional, Yayasan Penerbitan Ikatan Dokter Indonesia, Jakarta, pp 54, 84.
43. For further discussion of the social security system in Indonesia
44. see Michael Raper (2008), Negara Tanpa Jaminan Sosial: Tiga Pilar Jaminan Sosial di Australia dan Indonesia, TURC, Jakarta.
45. See also Iranda Yudhatama (2007), Demokrasi Overdosis: Menggugat Tanggungjawab Negara atas Jaminan Sosial dalam Sistem Demokrasi Liberal, Pustaka Pelajar & Jangkep, Yogyakarta, pp 51-52.
46. The Jakarta Post, 21 February 2008; Kompas, 8 August 2007; in 2009, the health budget spend in this country was equivalent to 3.1% of its GDP; 55.5% of the Indonesian population is uninsured because health insurance from both government and private sectors has only reached 44.5% coverage.
47. See Salut Muhidin and Jerico Fransiscus Pardosi (2009), 'Time to overhaul RI's public health system', The Jakarta Post, 23 June.
48. See Ordinance No 40 on Corporation in 2007, especially Chapter V and article 74 that regulate corporate social responsibility and sustainable development. This act insists that every corporation should allocate some portion of its revenue for social purposes.
49. The PIRAC study also explains that corporations attempt to avoid political issues in the channelling of their social fund. Therefore only a few of the companies supported law reform (3%) and advocacy programmes (12%); some encouraged activities in arts and culture (30%), health (33%) and environment (38%); and the rest financed programmes on education (57%), religion (61%) and social services (82%).In line with this, the Indonesia Zakat & Development Report 2009 explains that following the Era Reformasi, which is signified by the decline of the New Order, Indonesia entered two important phases: The institutionalization phase (1999-2000) and the capacity-building and synergy phase (2001 until the present). The former is indicated by the rise in political awareness among Indonesian Muslims to strengthen zakat institutions through the enactment of zakat ordinance; while the latter is marked by efforts to rejuvenate the function of zakat agencies in society and to create a more powerful impact for zakat funds by building synergism among the existing zakat agencies.
50. See PEBS FE UI & CID (2009), Indonesia Zakat & Development Report: Zakat dan Pembangunan [Era Baru Zakat Menuju Kesejahteraan Ummat], PEBS FE UI, CID, & DD, Jakarta, pp 8-10.
51. The political attitudes of zakat agencies are therefore rather dissimilar to other development and advocacy NGOs, as the former (zakat agencies) tend to work on service and development-oriented programmes rather than advocacy programmes in their dealings with poverty eradication. For the types of NGOs in Indonesia, see, for example, Bob Hadiwinata (1999), The Politics of NGOs in Indonesia: Developing Democracy and Managing Movement, RoutledgeCurzon, London.
52. Website: Http://koran.republika.co.id/berita/61469/Abu-Syauqi-Style- Manajen-Kita-Mirip-Perusahaan (accessed 20 June 2009).
53. The newly charitable health centre of the Sunda Kelapa Mosque comprises one general polyclinic, one dental clinic, one laboratory, one pharmacy and two ultrasonography units. It provides a 24-hour service for low-income households.
54. Free health care services have often become a political commodity during election time at both the national and regional (provincial and district) level
55. Soheir A. Morsy (1988), 'Islamic clinics in Egypt: The cultural elaboration of biomedical hegemony', Medical Anthropology Quarterly, New Series, Vol 2, No 4, p 359
56. Board members of zakat agencies realized that the shortage of viable health care could not be solved by service-oriented programmes alone such as those offered by zakat agencies and their charitable works. However, they also believe that, for the time being, not only do poor people need advocacy from NGOs, but they also need direct service as an instantaneous solution to the symptoms of problems. Yet, according to the CEO of one zakat agency, a long-term advocacy programme remains important in order to address the cause of problems.
57. See, for example, Robert W. Hefner (1997), 'Print Islam: Mass media and ideological rivalries among Indonesian Muslims', Indonesia, Vol 64, Language and Media, p 95. On the birth of ICMI and the political dynamics during the New Order era
58. see Syafii Anwar (1995), Pemikiran dan Aksi Islam Indonesia: Sebuah Kajian Politik tentang Cendekiawan Muslim Orde Baru, Paramadina, Jakarta
59. also, Robert W. Hefner (1993), 'Islam, class and civil society: ICMI and the struggle for Indonesian middle class', Indonesia, Vol 56, pp 1-35.
60. See Dompet Dhuafa, Annual Report 2002 and 2003.
61. Dompet Dhuafa, Annual Report 2004.
62. See Dompet Dhuafa, Newsletter Masa Kini, No 0109 (Shafar 1430 H).
63. This is not to say that the process of endowing this land ran smoothly, because one of the family members later refused to endow the inherited land. RBC was in dispute with a family member of the waqif ['those who donate'] over the use of endowed land for social purposes.
64. In the case of RBC, Muslim Workers Union of PT. Indosat TBK, an Indonesian telecommunications company, is among the private institutions contributing significantly to the establishment of RBC.
65. Republika, 22 October 2004.
66. It is worth mentioning that Abu Syauqi has close connections to, and has even been a part of, the Tarbiyah Movement in Indonesia. Even so, he chose to become a social activist rather than a politician, as he decided not to join any political party. However, in the election of the Mayor of Bandung Municipality, Abu Syauqi was nominated by the PKS as the Vice-Mayor of Bandung, assisting Taufiqurrahman, a candidate for Mayor of Bandung.
67. Interview, Republika, 6 July 2009.
68. The target beneficiaries for ICD are poorer families (potential zakat recipients) who are considered eligible for both micro-finance (Ecocare) and free health provision (Healthcare). Interview with Hadiyani Nugraha, Manager of RZI's Charitable Maternity Clinic of Bandung 14 March 2009, in Bandung. The ICD also engages potential donors (zakat payers from wealthy families) in the given region as its partners. Up to March 2009, RZI had managed 227 ICDs with 4,062 families throughout Indonesia.
69. Zakat agencies in Indonesia seem to agree that 12.5% of the collected fund is allocated for the zakat collector, with the rest to be distributed through various programmes on health, education, micro-finance, and so forth. It would appear that those programmes have been created to reach eight types of zakat recipients: Namely miskin [the poor], fuqara [the needy], muallaf qulubuhum [those whose hearts are inclined to Islam], riqab [bond persons], gharimin [people in debt], ibn sabil [wayfarers], 'amil [zakat administrators] and fi sabilillah [in the way of God]. It should be noted, however, that from the above-listed zakat recipients, muallaf qulubuhum [those whose hearts are inclined to Islam], riqab [bond persons] and gharimin [people in debt] are among those who are rarely reached by zakat agencies in comparison with other recipients. To me, this is simply because of the absence of effort among the existing zakat agencies to reinterpret the meaning of the above-listed zakat recipients.
70. Interview with Bukhari, Branch Manager of RZI in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, 26 November 2008, in Banda Aceh.
71. It is said that the current maternity clinic is the place where Abu Syauqi, the founder of RZI, was born.
72. See the 2007 Indonesian Health Profile, pp 139-142. It should be noted that the method employed by the Ministry of Health to measure infant and maternal mortality was based on hospital reports, excluding numbers from the community, which have not yet been researched.
73. Interview with Luthfi Afandi, General Manager of Dompet Dhuafa, Bandung Branch Office, 24 September 2008; interview with Head of Administrative staff of DD's Charitable Maternity Clinic, 29 September 2009. See also Luthfi Afandi and Hendi Suhendi (2008), 'Riak Kecil di Tengah Arus Besar: Studi Kasus Optimalisasi Dana Ziswaf DD Bandung', in Arifin Purwakanta, et al, eds, Gerakan Zakat untuk Indonesia, KB Press and Dompet Dhuafa, Jakarta, pp 37-57.
74. The Jakarta Post, 29 May 2009. The above numbers on IMR and MMR are higher than those in 2007. Demographic and Health Survey has reported that in 2007, Indonesia's IMR was 34 per 1,000 live births, while its MMR was 228 per 100,000 live births. The increase in the infant mortality rate in Indonesia is, according to some experts, due to the economic crisis.
75. See The Jakarta Post, 17 April 2003
76. Interview with Hadiyani Nugraha, Manager of RZI's Charitable Maternity Clinic of Bandung, 14 March 2009.
77. Republika, 22 October 2004.
78. In 2005, when the price of oil and the cost of public transport in Indonesia both rose, DD took the initiative by introducing free public transportation. DD operated four buses around Jakarta city from 6.00 am to 6.00 pm. Each bus was labelled 'Bus Gratis Subsidi Dana Zakat, Infak, dan Sedekah' [Free Bus Subsidized by Zakat, Infak and Sadaqa Funds]. The results suggest that only a few people wanted to use the charity buses because they felt embarrassed riding such transportation with such an obvious message to the public as 'free'.
79. Egbert Harmsen and Zami Zubaida's studies on Muslim voluntary organizations and Islamic civil society organizations in the Middle East, for example, reveal that both horizontal and vertical patronages have characterized the relationship between the providers and users of Islamic social institutions. See Egbert Harmsen (2008), Islam, Civil Society and Social Work: Muslim Voluntary Welfare Society Associations in Jordan: Between Patronage and Empowerment, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, and ISIM, Leiden
80. Sami Zubaida (2001), 'Civil society, community and democracy in the Middle East', in Sudipta Kaviraj and Sunil Khilnani, eds, Civil Society: History and Possibilities, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 232- 249.
81. Among the eight types of zakat recipients according to Quranic injunction, only two can be classified as Muslim recipients: That is, 'amilin [zakat collectors] and fî sabîlillah [those who are in the way of God]. Meanwhile, other beneficiaries include the poor [miskin], the needy [fuqara], muallaf qulubuhum [those whose hearts are made to incline to the truth], riqab, gharimin [the bankrupt] and ibn sabil [travellers]. One zakat collector told me that the Qur'an does not make a clear distinction between the poorer families based upon their religious affiliation. However, because the majority of the Indonesian population is Muslim, the majority of poorer families are also Muslim.
82. Lack of participation among the poor in a health care system in which charitable clinics are embedded has characterized the relationships between patients/beneficiaries and clinics. Saad Eddin Ibrahim's study on Grassroots Participation in the Development of Egypt, as cited by Janine Clark, confirms that 'the poor are largely excluded from PVO activity except as mere recipients of benefits', Clark (2004a), supra note 4, at p 65.
83. By the 1970s and 1980s, some Christian NGOs such as YAKKUM and YIS offered a form of community-based health insurance, namely 'dana sehat'. Despite providing health services, this scheme allows the community to participate by contributing about 0.5% of average household income. See David Morley, Jon Rohde, and Glen Williams (1983), 'The ant and the elephant: Voluntary agencies and government health programmes in Indonesia', in Practising Health for All, Oxford Medical Publications, Oxford, pp 168-189.
84. There has been no adequate study of the impact of charitable clinics, notably maternity clinics, on the decrease in infant mortality in both regional and national contexts.
85. Thomas Adam, ed (2004), Philanthropy, Patronage and Civil Society: Experiences from Germany, Great Britain, and North America, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN, p 4.
86. Janine Clark's studies confirm that the location of clinics has shaped their type, size and quality. Islamic clinics that are set up to cater to poor families and are located in poor, urban areas are relatively smaller and less well equipped than the clinics in surrounding wealthy neighbourhoods. See Clark (2004a), supra note 4, at pp 67-69
87. Suara Merdeka, 6 October 2006.
88. For further discussion, see Murat Cizakca (2000), A History of Philanthropic Foundations: The Islamic World from the Seventh Century to the Present, Bogazici University Press, Istanbul, pp 27-69.
89. The Ministry of Religious Affairs (2008), Strategi Pengembangan Wakaf Tunai di Indonesia, Direktorat Pemberdayaan Wakaf, Jakarta, p 8.
90. While most 'ulam'a agree with new developments in waqf practice, such as in cash waqf, some remain reluctant to give precise opinions on the invested waqf funds within financial institutions such as banks and Bait al-Mal wa al-Tamwil. For examples of cash waqf practice in Indonesia, see Dian Masyita and Eri Febrian (2004), 'The role of BRI in the Indonesian cash waqf house's system', paper submitted to BRI International Seminar on Developing Microbanking: Creating Opportunities for the Poor through Innovation, 1-2 December, Bali, Indonesia.
91. See for example, Rajeswary Ampalavanar Brown (2008), 'Islamic endowments in the land economy in Singapore: The genesis of an ethical capitalism 1830-2007', South East Asia Research, Vol 16, No 3, pp 343-403.
92. Website: Http://www.republika.co.id/berita/54672/Wakaf-Tunai-untuk- Kesehatan-Dhuafa (accessed 27 July 2009); also interview with Arifin Purwakananta, Programme Director, Dompet Dhuafa, 25 February 2009.
93. The term 'Islamic civil society organization' is used here to distinguish between multipurpose organizations such as Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama and charitable associations specializing in managing zakat, sadaqa and some kinds of Islamic social funds.
94. PEBS FE UI & CID, Indonesia Zakat & Development Report, p 19.
95. For further information about the objective of the PKO, see Reglement Moehammadijah Bahagian Penolong Kesengsaraan Oemoem Hindia Timur di Djokjakarta, Pertjetakan Persatoen, Yogyakarta
96. Buah Hasil Konperensi PKU (Penolong Kesengsaraan Umum) Muhammadijah Seluruh Indonesia: 20-22 Mei 1961 di Jakarta
97. see Panitia HUT RSU PKU (1988), Memperingati Milad ke 65 SRU PKU Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, RSU PKU Muhammadiyah, Yogyakarta, p 14
98. also H.S. Prodjokusumo (1995), Menelusuri dan Napak Tilas Perjalanan Muhammadiyah: 85 Tahun Perjuangan dan Pengorbanan Para Anggota dan Pimpinan, Yayasan Amal Bakti Masyarakat, Jakarta, p 39.
99. Mitsuo Nakamura (1993), The Crescent Arises over the Banyan Tree: A Study of the Muhammadiyah Movement in a Central Javanese Town, Gadjah Mada University Press, Yogyakarta, p 285.
100. Yet it also should be noted that this network has not been set up with all Muhammadiyah zakat agencies. Until now, Lazismuh has been struggling to disseminate its ideas to the hundreds of Muhammadiyah zakat agencies sporadically operating over the regions.
101. The term 'amal usaha' used in Muhammadiyah is equivalent to social institutions that can be either charitable or commercial in character. It comprises hospitals, schools, orphanages, mosques and other Muhammadiyah productive assets.
102. Marcel Bonneff (1985), 'Le Kauman de Yogyakarta. Des fonctionnaires religieux convertis au réformisme et à l'esprit d'enterprise', Archipel, Vol 30, pp 175-205
103. Ahmad Adaby Darban (2000), Sejarah Kauman: Menguak Identitas Muhammadiyah, Tarawang, Yogyakarta.
104. Interview with Wasis Ridlo, Counselling Division, RSU PKU Muhammadiyah, in Yogyakarta, May 2007.
105. Interview with Siti Chamamah Soeratno, the President of Aisyiyah, 19 January 2009, in Yogyakarta; for another case, see, for example, Muhammad Fuad (2002), 'Civil society in Indonesia: The limit and potential of Muhammadiyah', Sojourn, Vol 17, No 2, p 141.
106. Janine A. Clark (2004), 'Islamic association and the middle class', ISIM Newsletter, 14 June, p 5
107. also Clark (2004a), supra note 4, at p 35.
108. Challand, supra note 6, at p 230.
109. Harmsen, supra note 56, at pp 168-169.
110. In the last 10 years, Aisyiyah, in cooperation with both government and international NGOs, has actively promoted family planning and reproductive health by targeting teenagers and the elderly. It has established posyandu lansia [health centre for the elderly] and revitalized youth activities in the community. Interview with Triyas Setiawati, 14 January 2009, in Yogyakarta. Triyas Setiawati is the former President of Nasyiatul Aisyiyah [Muhammadiyah Young Women's Association] and has recently been appointed General Secretary of Aisyiyah.
111. Aisyiyah defines qaryah thayibah as a village or region whose inhabitants practise Islam comprehensively [kafah], both in religious matters [hablu min Allah] and social affairs [habl min al-nas or mu'amalah dunyawiyyah].
112. Interview with Siti Chamamah Soeratno, the President of Aisyiyah, 19 January 2009, in Yogyakarta.
113. Interview with Siti Chamamah Soeratno, 19 January 2009; interview with Triyas Setiawati, 14 January 2009.
114. This is based on the results of the evaluation and assessment conducted by the Central Board of Aisyiyah and the Department of Community Development of Muhammadiyah. See PP Aisyiyah (2007), Revitalisasi Konsep dan Strategi Implementasi Qaryah Thayyibah Aisyiyah, PP Aisyiyah, Yogyakarta.
115. M. B. Hooker's studies on fatwa [Muslim scholars' legal opinion] in Indonesia confirms that ethics and Islamic jurisprudence have been mainly employed to address health issues. However, there is no discussion about new efforts among Muslim physicians to develop 'Islamic bio-medical sciences' in Islamic hospitals. See M. B. Hooker (2003), Indonesian Islam: Social Change through Contemporary fatwa, Allen & Unwin, NSW, and University of Hawa'i Press, Honolulu, especially Chapter 4, 'Islam and medical science', pp 157-193.
116. Charles Tripp (2006), Islam and the Moral Economy: The Challenge of Capitalism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 119, 124.
117. See Mark Le Vine and Armando Salvatore (2005), 'Socio-religious movements and the transformation of "common sense" into a politics of "common Good"', in Religion, Social Practice, and Contested Hegemonies: Reconstructing the Public Sphere in Muslim Majority Countries, Palgrave Press, London, p 32.
118. Robert L. Payton and Michael P. Moddy (2008), Understanding Philanthropy: Its Meaning and Mission, Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, IN, p 27
119. see also Amy Singer (2008), Charity in Islamic Society, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p 8.
120. Singer, supra note 89, at p 8.