Comparative theory, China, and the future of East Asian regionalism(s)

Review of International Studies

Volumn 36, Issue 3, 2010, Pages 709-729

  Breslin, Shaun ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 77958597684     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: 14699044     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210510000665     Document Type: Article

References (57)

1. Discussions with Wang Zhengyi, Beijing University, Beijing (February 2008).
2. I am, of course, using 'China' here to refer to the policies and attitudes of key state elites and not to imply that there is only one interest in the entire nation.
3. Ben Rosamond, Theories of European Integration (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000), p. 10.
4. Ernst Haas, The Obsolescence of Regional Integration Theory (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies Working Paper, 1975).
5. Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1977).
6. Walter Mattli, The Logic of Regional Integration: Europe and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
7. See Shaun Breslin, 'Theorising East Asian Regionalism(s): New Regionalism and Asia's Future(s)', in Melissa Curley and Nick Thomas (eds), Advancing East Asian Regionalism (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 26-51.
8. In particular, Chapters Six and Seven of Robert Cox, Robert Cox with Timothy Sinclair, Approaches to World Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
9. Scott Grimes, 'San Diego-Tijuana: Microregionalism and Metropolitan Spillover', in Shaun Breslin and Glenn Hook (eds), Microregionalism and World Order (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), pp. 23-41.
10. A distinction that was made early in the evolution of literature on new regionalism in this journal in Andrew Hurrell, 'Explaining the Resurgence of Regionalism in World Politics', Review of International Studies, 21:4 (1995), pp. 331-58;
11. and also by Andrew Gamble and Anthony Payne (eds), Regionalism and World Order (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996).
12. Panagiota Manoli, The Formation of Black Sea Economic Cooperation: A Case of Subregionalism (University of Warwick, Department of Politics and International Studies, PhD Thesis, 2003).
13. Peter Katzenstein, 'Regionalism in Asia', in Shaun Breslin et al., (eds), New Regionalisms in the Global Political Economy: Theories and Cases (London: Routledge, 2002), p. 104.
14. Kanishka Jayasuriya (ed.), Governing the Asia Pacific: Beyond the 'New Regionalism' (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2004).
15. Colin Hay and Ben Rosamond, 'Globalisation, European Integration and the Discursive Construction of Economic Imperatives', International Political Science Association XVIIIth World Congress of Political Science, Quebec City, Canada (1-5 August 2000).
16. Helen Wallace, 'Europeanisation and Globalisation: Complementary or Contradictory Trends?', in Breslin, et al., New Regionalisms in the Global Political Economy, p. 149.
17. Peter Cocks, 'Towards a Marxist Theory of European Integration', International Organization, 34:1 (1980), pp. 1-40.
18. Andrew Hurrell, 'Explaining the Resurgence of Regionalism in World Politics'.
19. Of course, this does not have to simply be based on market access, and could also include simply ensuring special political gains.
20. Thanks to Ben Rosamond for focussing the ideas here-and for also pointing out that this is why realists tend to leave the field of regional integration studies to others.
21. For details, see Gilbert Rozman, 'Flawed Regionalism: Reconceptualizing Northeast Asia in the 1990s', Pacific Review, 11:1 (1998), pp. 1-27;
22. Shaun Breslin, 'Decentralisation, Globalisation and China's Partial Engagement with the Global Economy', New Political Economy, 5:2 (2000), pp. 205-226
23. and Christopher Hughes, 'Tumen River Area Development Programme (TRADP): Frustrated Microregionalism as a Microcosm of Political Rivalries', in Breslin and Hook (eds), Microregionalism and World Order, pp. 115-43.
24. This section builds on a policy analysis brief published by the Stanley Foundation, and Shaun Breslin, 'Towards a Sinocentric regional order? Empowering China and Constructing Regional Order(s)', in Christopher Dent (ed.), China, Japan and Regional Leadership in East Asia (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2008), pp. 131-155
25. Relations were formally established with Singapore in 1990, with Brunei in 1991, and re-established with Indonesia and Vietnam in the same year.
26. 'China' was actually a founding member of the Bretton Woods institutions in the shape of the Republic of China under the leadership of the Guomindang.
27. Thomas Christensen, 'The Rise of China and US Policy toward East Asia', International Security 31:1 (2006), pp. 81-126.
28. Avery Goldstein, Rising to the Challenge: China's Grand Strategy and International Security (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005).
29. For example, David Shambaugh, 'China Engages Asia: Reshaping the Regional Order', International Security, 29:3 (2004-2005), pp. 64-99.
30. Japan's position was somewhere between the two-or for Zhao caught between the twin and conflicting desires to both fall in line with the West and to not alienate China. While the resumption of loans to China in 1991 did much to help 'rehabilitate' China into the international order, such security-based approaches place a much stronger emphasis on the changing perception of ASEAN. Zhao Quansheng, Japanese Policymaking: The Politics behind Politics, Informal Mechanisms and The Making of China Policy (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1993).
31. Joseph Cheng, 'The ASEAN-China Free Trade Area: Genesis and Implications', Australian Journal of International Affairs, 58:2 (2004), pp. 257-277
32. Robert Sutter, 'Asia in the Balance: America and China's Peaceful Rise', Current History, 103:674 (2004), pp. 284-290
33. Christensen, 'Fostering Stability or Creating a Monster?', p. 104.
34. See Evan Medeiros, 'Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia-Pacific Stability', Washington Quarterly, 29:1 (2005-2006), pp. 145-67
35. and Michael Chambers, 'Framing the Problem: China's Threat Environment and International Obligations', Asia Policy, 4 (2007), pp: 61-6.
36. Aaron Friedberg, 'The Struggle for Mastery in Asia', Commentary, 110:4 (2000), pp. 17-26.
37. See Joseph Fewsmith, 'China in 1998: Tacking to Stay the Course', Asian Survey, 39:1 (1999), pp. 99-113;
38. and Zha Daojiong, 'Chinese Considerations of "Economic Security"', Journal of Chinese Political Sciencem, 5:1 (1999), pp. 69-87.
39. Kusuma Snitwongse, 'A New World Order in East Asia?', Asia-Pacific Review, 10:2 (2003), p. 38.
40. Richard Higgott, 'The Asian Economic Crisis: A Study in the Politics of Resentment', New Political Economy, 3:3 (1998), pp. 333-356
41. Francois Godement, The Downsizing of Asia (London: Routledge, 1999).
42. Phillip Lipscy, 'Japan's Asian Monetary Fund Proposal', Stanford Journal of East Asian Affairs, 3:1 (2003), p, 95. Lipscy also shows that Japan originally proposed a membership of China, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and the Philippines.
43. For details of the evolution of ASEAN+3, see Takashi Terada, 'Constructing an "East Asian" Concept and Growing Regional Identity: From EAEC to ASEAN+3', The Pacific Review, 16:2 (2003), pp. 251-77;
44. and Douglas Webber, 'Two funerals and a wedding? The ups and downs of regionalism in East Asia and Asia-Pacific after the Asian Crisis', The Pacific Review, 14:3 (2001), pp. 339-372
45. For details of what the Chiang Mai Initiative is and does, see Natasha Hamilton-Hart, 'The Chiang Mai Initiative and the Prospects for Closer Monetary Integration in East Asia', in, Bertrand Fort and Douglas Webber (eds), Regional Integration in East Asia and Europe: Convergence or Divergence?, (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 109-128
46. Although initially hesitant about including China, Mahathir proposed the then ASEAN Six plus Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam. As this was conceived of as an economic grouping promoting Asian interests, it also included the economic territories of Hong Kong and Taiwan (referred to as Chinese Taipei). This Group was subsequently 'downgraded' to become a Caucus representing 'Asian Asia's' interests with APEC.
47. Christopher Dent, New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2006).
48. Mattli, The Logic of Regional Integration.
49. Markus Hund, 'ASEAN Plus Three: Towards a New Age of Pan-East Asian Regionalism? A Skeptic's Appraisal', The Pacific Review, 16:3 (2003), pp. 383-417.
50. Though as Alice Ba points out, socialisation as a two-way process, and the potential for ASEAN leaders to be socialised by China (rather than just the other way round) remains. Alice Ba, 'Who's socializing whom? Complex engagement in Sino-ASEAN relations', The Pacific Review, 19:2 (2006), pp. 157-179, at p. 162.
51. See Stéphanie Lautard, 'State, Party, and Market: Chinese Politics and the Asian Crisis', International Political Science Review, 20:3 (1999), pp. 285-306;
52. and Joshua Kurlantzick, Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power Is Transforming the World (New Haven, CT Yale University Press, 2007).
53. Osamu Watanabe, 'Integration of East Asian Economies: A Role for the US and Japan', Speech at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington (14 December 2005). Available at: {http://www.jetro.go.jp/en/jetro/ profile/speeches/2005/dec14.pdf}, emphasis in the original.
54. Richard Stubbs, 'ASEAN Plus Three: Emerging East Asian Regionalism?', Asian Survey, 42:3 (2002), p. 443.
55. For example, see Cho Jin-seo, 'Single East Asian Currency Proposed', Korea Times (9 February 2010).
56. 'China open to unified East Asia proposal', People's Daily Online Edition (29 September 2009), available at: {(http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90776/ 90883/6772134.html}.
57. Liu Xiaozhong, '"Dongya Gonggongti" Jingjishang Quefa Xinyinli ("East Asian Community" Lacks Economic Attraction), Beijing Bao (Beijing Daily), (28 October 2009), reprinted on People's Daily Online Chinese Edition {http://opinion.people.com.cn/GB/10271068.html)}.