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Volumn 39, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 847-870

The public thermostat, political responsiveness and error-correction: Border control and asylum in Britain, 1994-2007

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Indexed keywords


EID: 77049109436     PISSN: 00071234     EISSN: 14692112     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S000712340900074X     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (104)

References (112)
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    • This has theoretical foundations in systems theories of political behaviour, see Karl Deutsch, The Nerves of Government (New York: Free Press, 1963);
    • This has theoretical foundations in systems theories of political behaviour, see Karl Deutsch, The Nerves of Government (New York: Free Press, 1963);
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    • For other scholars, the aggregate of individual preferences over the aggregate of issues is constituted in a public 'mood', where specific components of public preferences move together over time. This relationship is also found to be thermostatic because if there is 'too much' government liberalism, mood becomes more conservative, and if there is 'too much' government conservatism, mood becomes more liberal.
    • For other scholars, the aggregate of individual preferences over the aggregate of issues is constituted in a public 'mood', where specific components of public preferences move together over time. This relationship is also found to be thermostatic because if there is 'too much' government liberalism, mood becomes more conservative, and if there is 'too much' government conservatism, mood becomes more liberal.
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    • It is unfortunate that the 'more' or 'less' format of the Gallup Organization/General Social Survey question is not replicated in equivalent time series on public preferences, are limited in the extent to which they can test public responsiveness for matters other than budgetary expenditure
    • It is unfortunate that the 'more' or 'less' format of the Gallup Organization/General Social Survey question is not replicated in equivalent time series on public preferences. As a consequence, empirical studies of the public thermostat are limited in the extent to which they can test public responsiveness for matters other than budgetary expenditure.
    • As a consequence, empirical studies of the public thermostat
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    • Where studies use responses about the 'most important problem' ('MIP'), this is not without its difficulties. There is an important distinction between the importance of an issue, and its importance relative to other issues; not to mention the extent to which it is considered to be either an 'issue' or a 'problem' by the public.
    • Where studies use responses about the 'most important problem' ('MIP'), this is not without its difficulties. There is an important distinction between the importance of an issue, and its importance relative to other issues; not to mention the extent to which it is considered to be either an 'issue' or a 'problem' by the public.
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    • This model captures the parallel components of political responsiveness to public opinion. First, indirect representation (γZt-1) results from prospective voting behaviour, see Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy, where the victorious election candidates tend to be more effective at representing the policy preferences of their constituencies. Secondly, direct responsiveness (βXdt- 1) is motivated by 'rational anticipation, see Stimson et al, Dynamic Representation, p. 545) of retrospective voting behaviour (see Morris P. Fiorina, Retrospective Voting in American National Elections New Haven, Conn, Yale University Press, 1981, where elections allow the public to reward or punish actions of policy makers in previous time periods
    • t- 1) is motivated by 'rational anticipation' (see Stimson et al., 'Dynamic Representation', p. 545) of retrospective voting behaviour (see Morris P. Fiorina, Retrospective Voting in American National Elections (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1981)), where elections allow the public to reward or punish actions of policy makers in previous time periods.
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    • In anecdotal terms, it is possible to explain trends in US policy mood from liberalism to conservatism in the late 1960s and 1970s as in part reflecting the prominent failures of government implementation of Great Society legislation. Indeed, public disillusionment with this (see 'How Great Hopes in Washington are Dashed in Oakland in Jeffrey L. Pressman and Aaron Wildavsky, Implementation Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973, arguably contributed to the ascent of conservatism and a public belief in 'small government, This represents not only an ideological shift in preferences, but also a pragmatic response to technical shortcomings of programme administration
    • In anecdotal terms, it is possible to explain trends in US policy mood from liberalism to conservatism in the late 1960s and 1970s as in part reflecting the prominent failures of government implementation of Great Society legislation. Indeed, public disillusionment with this (see 'How Great Hopes in Washington are Dashed in Oakland in Jeffrey L. Pressman and Aaron Wildavsky, Implementation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973)) arguably contributed to the ascent of conservatism and a public belief in 'small government'. This represents not only an ideological shift in preferences, but also a pragmatic response to technical shortcomings of programme administration.
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    • It is problematic that policy intentions are not always readily translated into bureaucratic outputs because the unit of analysis is not equivalent. For example, legislative appropriations as measured in dollars or pounds are not equal to construction of a specific number of hospitals or nuclear submarines. In other instances, legislative interventions are dichotomous variables so not easily equated with a transformation of continuous outputs
    • It is problematic that policy intentions are not always readily translated into bureaucratic outputs because the unit of analysis is not equivalent. For example, legislative appropriations as measured in dollars or pounds are not equal to construction of a specific number of hospitals or nuclear submarines. In other instances, legislative interventions are dichotomous variables so not easily equated with a transformation of continuous outputs.
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    • The category of 'extraordinary leave to remain' was abolished in March 2003 and replaced by categories of 'humanitarian protection' and 'discretionary leave'.
    • The category of 'extraordinary leave to remain' was abolished in March 2003 and replaced by categories of 'humanitarian protection' and 'discretionary leave'.
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    • On a case-by-case basis, the determination of applications for asylum is a zero-sum game. If an application is granted, it cannot be simultaneously refused or granted short-term leave to remain. However, applications are not necessarily processed in the same order as they are submitted, nor should it be assumed that this order is random. For example, fast-track facilities at the Oakington detention centre were used to determine cases that were 'manifestly unfounded' on the basis of country of origin via the initial screening interview.
    • On a case-by-case basis, the determination of applications for asylum is a zero-sum game. If an application is granted, it cannot be simultaneously refused or granted short-term leave to remain. However, applications are not necessarily processed in the same order as they are submitted, nor should it be assumed that this order is random. For example, fast-track facilities at the Oakington detention centre were used to determine cases that were 'manifestly unfounded' on the basis of country of origin via the initial screening interview.
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    • Statistics for 1999 are completed with provisional data from the Home Office's monthly statistical bulletin, Asylum Statistics: February 2000, United Kingdom.
    • Statistics for 1999 are completed with provisional data from the Home Office's monthly statistical bulletin, Asylum Statistics: February 2000, United Kingdom.
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    • Statistics for 2004-07 are completed using the Home Office's annual statistical bulletin
    • Statistics for 2004-07 are completed using the Home Office's annual statistical bulletin, Asylum Statistics United Kingdom.
    • Asylum Statistics United Kingdom
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    • The normalized values are translated through multiplication of the coefficient (0.399) by the maximum actual value for applications (22, 760, divided by the maximum actual value for public opinion 42.5
    • The normalized values are translated through multiplication of the coefficient (0.399) by the maximum actual value for applications (22, 760), divided by the maximum actual value for public opinion (42.5).
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    • See Soroka and Wlezien, 'Opinion Representation and Policy Feedback';
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    • The Westminster model is based upon an implicit 'bargain' between the elected Cabinet and an unelected civil service, see Richard E. Neustadt, 'White House and Whitehall', in Anthony King, ed., The British Prime Minister (London: Macmillan, 1969).
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    • Baumgartner and Jones, Agendas and Instability in American Politics; Jones and Baumgartner, The Politics of Attention.
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    • Soroka and Wlezien, 'Opinion- Policy Dynamics';
    • Soroka and Wlezien, 'Opinion- Policy Dynamics';
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    • Baumgartner and Jones, Agendas and Instability in American Politics;
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    • MORI, Public Attitudes to Public Services, March
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    • ICM Research Ltd, 'Public Attitudes to Public Services', June 2004 and September 2004 (www.icmresearch.co.uk/reviews/2004/govt-depts-public-services/ govt-depts-public-services-june-sept-2004.asp).


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.