Women, security, and the patriarchy of internationalized transitional justice

Human Rights Quarterly

Volumn 31, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 1055-1085

  Aoláin, Fionnuala Ní ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA LAW SCHOOL   (United States)

^b UNIVERSITY OF ULSTER   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ACCOUNTABILITY; DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION; GENDER ISSUE; PATRIARCHY; SECURITY; SOCIAL JUSTICE; WOMENS STATUS;

EID: 74549219426     PISSN: 02750392     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/hrq.0.0114     Document Type: Article

References (125)

1. Gary Barker & Christine Ricardo, Young Men and the Construction of Masculinity in Sub-Saharan Africa: Implications for HIV/AIDS, Conflict, and Violence, 26 CONFLICT PREVENTION & RECONSTRUCTION 24 (2005).
2. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, "KILLING YOU IS A VERY EASY THING FOR US": HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN SOUTHEAST AFGHANISTAN 73 (2003), available at http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/ afghanistan0703.pdf (quoting gender expert in Kabul).
3. See, e.g., Fiona C. Ross, On Having Voice and Being Heard Some After-Effects of Testifying Before the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 3 ANTHROPOLOGICAL THEORY 325 (2003).
4. See Fionnuala NÍ Aoláin & Catherine Turner, Gender, Truth and Transition, 16 UCLA WOMEN'S L.J. 229 (2007).
5. Christine Bell, Colm Campbell & Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Justice Discourses in Transition, 13 Soc & LEGAL STUD. 305 (2004).
6. These exclusions remain despite UN Security Council Resolutions 1 325 & 1 820. Women and Peace and Security, adopted 31 Oct. 2000, S.C. Res. 1 325, U.N. SCOR, 55th Sess., 4213th mtg., U.N. Doc. S/RES/1325 (2000);
7. Acts of Sexual Violence Against Civilians in Armed Conflicts, adopted 19 June 2008, S.C. Res. 1820, U.N. SCOR, 63d Sess., 5916th mtg., U.N. Doc. S/RES/1820 (2008).
8. The High Commissioner's Office in Bosnia; The Implementation Force (IFOR) and the SFOR in Bosnia NATO-led multinational forces; Interim Authority in Kosova; United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC).
9. Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Exploring a Feminist Theory of Harm in the Context of Conflicted and Post-Conflict Societies, QUEENS L.J. (forthcoming 2010).
10. Madeline Rees, International Intervention in Bosnia-Herzegovina: The Cost of Ignoring Gender, in THE POST WAR MOMENT: MILITARIES, MASCULINITIES AND INTERNATIONAL PEACEKEEPING BOSNIA AND THE NETHERLANDS 51-57 (Dubravka Zarkov & Cynthia Cockburn eds., 2002).
11. See, e.g., NANCY J. CHODOROW, FEMININITIES, MASCULINITIES, SEXUALITIES: FREUD AND BEYOND (1994);
12. R.W. CONNELL, GENDER AND POWER: SOCIETY, THE PERSON AND SEXUAL POLITICS (1987).
13. See Kirsten Anderson, Violence Against Women: State Responsibilities in International Human Rights Law to Address Harmful Masculinities, 26 NETH. Q. HUM. RTS. 173, 175 (2008).
14. For a review of the effects of such integration in a variety of post-conflict and health related programs see Barker & Ricardo, supra note 1.
15. For example, the United Nations interface with Guatemala, where between 1982 and 1986 the Commission on Human Rights mandated a Special Rapporteur to study the human rights situation in the country. This was followed in 1987 by a replacement mandate-a Special Representative of the Commission to receive and evaluate information from the government on the implementation of human rights protection measures included in the new Constitution of 1985.
16. For example, it is only relatively recently that the European Court of Human Rights has interpreted the ECHR prohibition on torture to include the experience of rape. See Aydin v. Turkey, App. No. 23178/94, 1997-VI Eur. Ct. H.R. 1866;
17. see also Ivana Radacic, Rape Cases in the Jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights: Defining Rape and Determining the Scope of the State's Obligations, EUR. HUM. RTS. L. REV. 357 (2008).
18. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, BETWEEN HOPE AND FEAR INTIMIDATION AND ATTACKS AGAINST WOMEN IN PUBLIC LIFE IN AFGHANISTAN 1 (2004).
19. See Fionnuala Ní Aoláin & Eilish Rooney, Underenforcement and Intersectionality: Gendered Aspects of Transition for Women, 1 INT'L J. TRANSITIONAL JUST. 338 (2007).
20. Cited in Lori Handrahan, Conflict, Gender, Ethnicity and Post-Conflict Reconstruction, 35 SECURITY DIALOGUE 429, at 433 (2004).
21. Id. at 433.
22. See Lesley Abdela, Kosovo: Missed Opportunities, Lessons for the Future, 13 DEV. PRAC. 208 (2003) (report of the former Deputy-Director, NGO, Civil Society Building for the OSCE Mission-Kosovo detailing the consistent lack of integration of women and gender-related issues into the planning of the Interim Arrangements for Kosovo), available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614520302942;
23. see also Human Rights Watch, Not on the Agenda: The Continuing Failure to Address Accountability in Kosovo Post-March 2004 (29 May 2006), available at http://www.hrw.org/en/node/11308/.
24. Handrahan, supra note 17, at 436.
25. See generally ARMS TO FIGHT, ARMS TO PROTECT: WOMEN SPEAK OUT ABOUT CONFLICT (Olivia Bennett, Jo Bexley & Kitty Warnock eds., 1995).
26. See Mary Caprioli, Democracy and Human Rights Versus Women's Security: A Contradiction, 35 SECURITY DIALOGUE 411 (2004).
27. See, e.g., Thokozani Xaba, Masculinity and its Malcontents: the Confrontation Between "Struggle Masculinity" and "Post-Struggle Masculinity," in CHANGING MEN IN SOUTHERN AFRICA 105 (Robert Morrell ed., 2001);
28. Charles Ukeje, Youths, Violence and the Collapse of Public Order in the Niger Delta of Nigeria 26 AFR. DEV. 338 (2001); Center for the Stud. of Violence and Reconciliation, Into the Heart of Darkness: Journeys of the Amagents in Crime, Violence and Death, Paper prepared as part of research conducted for Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) (1998).
29. See Pinar Bilgin, Individual and Societal Dimensions of Security, 5 INT'L STUD. REV. 203 (2003).
30. See Johan Galtung, Cultural Violence, 27 J. PEACE RES. 291 (1990) (defining cultural violence as those mechanisms which render acceptable both direct violence and structural violence).
31. See JOHAN GALTUNG, PEACE BY PEACEFUL MEANS: PEACE AND CONFLICT, DEVELOPMENT AND CIVILIZATION 197 (1996).
32. Id. at 32.
33. See also Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Political Violence and Gender in Times of Transition, 15 COLUM. J. GENDER & L. 829 (2006).
34. Donna Pankhurst, Post-War Backlash Violence Against Women What Can Masculinity Explain?, in GENDERED PEACE WOMEN'S STRUGGLES FOR POST-WAR JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION 293 (Donna Pankhurst ed., 2007).
35. COMMISSION ON HUMAN SECURITY, HUMAN SECURITY NOW (2003), available at http://www. humansecurity-chs.org/finalreport/English/FinalReport.pdf.
36. The Secretary General, Report of the Secretary-General on the Rule of Law and Transitional Justice in Conflict and Post-Conflict Societies, Delivered to Security Council, U.N. Doc. S/2004/616 (23 Aug. 2004).
37. These divergent views have a very specific effect on the articulations of policy and practice in the area of security sector reform outlined in Part IV.
38. Christine Bell, Women Address the Problems of Peace Agreements, in PEACE WORK: WOMEN, ARMED CONFLICT AND NEGOTIATION 96 (Radhika Coomaraswamy & Dilrukshi Fonseka eds., 2004); Ní Aoláin, supra note 27.
39. Arif Dirlik, Culturalism as Hegemonic Ideology and Liberating Practice, CULTURAL CRITIQUE 6 (1987).
40. See also Johan Galtung, Cultural Violence, 27 J. PEACE RES. 291 (1990) (defining cultural violence as those mechanisms which render acceptable both direct violence and structural violence).
41. J. ANN TICKNER, GENDER IN I NTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES ON ACHIEVING GLOBAL SECURITY (1992).
42. See, e.g., The Agreement, Gr. Brit.-Ir., 10 Apr. 1998, § 8, available at http:\\www.nio. gov.uk/the-agreement (hereinafter Belfast Agreement). The Belfast Agreement deals with security and refers to the "normalization" of security arrangements and practices. This includes the reduction of armed forces, the removal of security installations, and emer gency powers, and other measures appropriate to and compatible with a normal peaceful society. The text of the Agreement Disarmament is discussed further below in Part IV infra.
43. For interesting discussions involving the masculinities at play in the Colombian DDR process see Kimberly Theidon, Reconstructing Masculinities: The Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration of Former Combatants in Colombia, 31 HUM. RTS. Q. 1 (2009);
44. Fredy Hernan Gomez Alcaraz & Carlos Ivan Garcia Suarez, Masculinity and Violence in Colombia: Deconstructing the Conventional Way of Becoming a Man, in THE OTHER HALF OF GENDER 93 (Ian Bannon & Maria Correia eds., 2006).
45. See AMNESTY INT'L, THE IMPACT OF GUNS ON WOMEN'S LIVES (2005) (containing a sustained and detailed cross-jurisdictional study of the "ordinary" impact of gun violence against women).
46. The study notes that although "available data supports the widespread assumption that most direct casualties of gun violence are men, particularly young men, women suffer disproportionately from firearms violence, given that they are almost never the buyers, owners or users of such weapons." Id. at 2.
47. See infra Part IV, Section C for further discussion.
48. These issues are further addressed infra in Section C discussing Security Sector Reform in post conflict or repressive societies.
49. See MONICA MCWILLIAMS ET AL., TACKLING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE: A POLICY FOR NORTHERN IRELAND (1995).
50. See, e.g., Anu Pillay, Violence Against Women in the Aftermath, in THE AFTERMATH, WOMEN IN POST- CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION (Sheila Meintjes, Anu Pillay & Meredeth Turshen eds., 2002).
51. Ní Aoláin & Turner, supra note 4.
52. Theodor H. Winkler, Managing Change: The Reform and Democratic Control of the Security Sector and International Order 5 (Geneva Ctr. for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces, Occasional Paper No. 1, 2002). Short's concept was further conceptually developed by European and Canadian academics in subsequent years. However, some challenge has been made to the notion of the "newness" of this field. Farr argues that "versions of the current security sector reform debate have been ongoing since at least the middle of the 19th century."
53. See VANESSA A. FARR, BERGHOF RESEARCH CTR. FOR CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT MGMT., VOICES FROM THE MARGINS: A RESPONSE TO SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN DEVELOPING AND TRANSITIONAL COUNTRIES, available at http://www.berghof-handbook.net/articles/ssr-farr. pdf. Farr also articulates that contemporary theorists (mostly men) fail to articulate and acknowledge their intellectual debts. Id. at 3.
54. NICOLE BALL, TSJEARD BOUTA & LUC VAN DE GOOR, ENHANCING DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE OF THE SECURITY SECTOR: AN INSTITUTIONAL ASSESSMENT FRAMEWORK 12 (2003).
55. A good example is provided by the Netherlands. "Peace and Security are preconditions for development and poverty reduction, which make security a sustainable development issue." Id.
56. However, one clear issue in this context is to ensure recognition that a holistic vision of SSR within the "development community" is not homogenous. See FARR, BERGHOF RESEARCH CTR. FOR CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT MGMT., supra note 42, at 3;
57. see also Kofi Annan, Secretary-General, United Nations, Address to World Bank: Peace and Development-One Struggle, Two Fronts (19 Oct. 1999) ("development has no worse enemy than war").
58. SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON, THE SOLDIER AND THE STATE: THE THEORY AND POLITICS OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS (1957).
59. Report of the Economic and Social Council for 1997, U.N. GAOR, 52d Sess., at 28, U.N. Doc. A/52/3 (1997). By comparison the European Commission defines gender mainstreaming as "the integration of the gender perspective into every stage of policy process-design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation-with a view to promoting equality between women and men.";
60. see Ulla Sladek, The CoP's definition of Gender Mainstreaming and Gender Equality (13 Nov. 2007), available at http://www. gendermainstreaming-cop.eu/node/174.
61. VASUKI NESIAH ET AL., INT'L CTR. FOR TRANSITIONAL JUST., TRUTH COMMISSIONS AND GENDER: PRINCIPLES, POLICIES, AND PROCEDURES (2006) "This report uses the term 'gender' broadly to encompass the ways in which sexual identity and difference are constructed (and contested) in various contexts and impact men's and women's experiences of human rights abuse." The report addresses how "[a]ttitudes and ideologies regarding sexual identity and difference can motivate and shape human rights violations against both men and women". An important reference in security sector reform is to think through how these "attitudes and ideologies" can permeate and shape the reform process.
62. See Winkler, supra note 42, at 3.
63. There are also grassroots challenges to the dominance of the state from such community-based initiatives as restorative justice programs.
64. An example is found in a challenging review by the Bonn International Center for Conversion, Voice and Accountability in the Security Sector. There is a positive and indeed progressive emphasis on the relationship between security and poverty.
65. The report highlights the way in which poor people experience ill-security far more frequently and negatively. However, there is almost no disaggregation of the gendered nature of poverty in most societies, nor is there a link made between "intimate" violence, poverty, gender, and security reform. Another clear bias in the report is the use of the term "victim," stressing at the outset that: "Although men are more frequently the victims of war and violent crime, modern war is increasingly deadly for women and children." Again, there is a lack of critical analysis around what hierarchies of victims are constructed, and how women are often categorized in the secondary rather than the primary categories of victimhood. NICOLE BALL & MICHAEL BRZOSKA, BONN INT'L CTR. FOR CONVERSION, VOICE AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN THE SECURITY SECTOR (July 2002), available at http://www.smallarmssurvey. org/files/portal/ issueareas/security/security-pdf/2002-Ball-et-al.pdf.
66. See, e.g., Deborah Harrison, Violence in Military Community, in MILITARY MASCULINITIES IDENTITY AND THE STATE 71 (Paul R. Higate ed., 2003).
67. Some commentators have made further distinctions between different kinds of countries that have high priority in security sector reform. See Int'l Alert, Damian Lilly & Michael Von Tagen Page, The Privatisation of Security and Security Sector Reform (2002) (on file with author) who identify five types of country groups: 1) consolidating democracies, 2) lapsing or stalled democracies, 3) transitional democracies, 4) conflict torn societies, and 5) states under reconstruction.
68. CHRISTINE BELL, PEACE AGREEMENTS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (2000);
69. see also Bell, Women Address the Problems of Peace Agreements, supra note 32.
70. Bell, Women Address the Problems of Peace Agreements, supra note 32, at 100-16.
71. BALL & BRZOSKA, supra note 51, at 11.
72. A strong link has been established between disarmament and development. See generally David A. Koplov & Philip G. Schrag, Carrying a Big Carrot: Linking Multilateral Disarmament And Development Assistance, 91 COLUM. L. REV. 993 (1991);
73. Herbert Wulf, Disarmament as a Chance for Human Development: Is There a Peace Dividend? (U.N. Dev. Programme, Occasional Paper No. 5, 1992).
74. See, e.g., Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit, Demobilisation and Reintegration of Ex-Combatants in Post-War and Transition Countries (2001).
75. Mats R. Berdal, Disarmament and Demobilisation After Civil Wars: Arms, Soldiers and the Termination of Armed Conflicts (Int'l Inst. for Strategic Studies, Adelphi Paper Series No. 303, 1996);
76. LOTTA HAGMAN & ZOE NIELSEN, INT'L PEACE ACADEMY, A FRAMEWORK FOR LASTING DISARMAMENT, DEMOBILIZATION, AND REINTEGRATION OF FORMER COMBATANTS IN CRISIS SITUATIONS (2003), available at http://www.ipacademy.org/pdfs/ FRAMEWORK-FOR-DDR.pdf;
77. KEES KINGMA, BONN INT'L CTR. FOR CONVERSION, DEMOBILISATION AND REINTEGRATION OF EX-COMBATANTS IN POST-WAR AND TRANSITION COUNTRIES (2001);
78. KIMBERLY MAHLING CLARK, U.S AGENCY INT'L DEV., FOSTERING A FAREWELL TO ARMS: PRELIMINARY LESSONS LEARNED IN THE DEMOBILIZATION AND REINTEGRATION OF EX-COMBATANTS (1996);
79. U.N. DEP'T OF PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS, DISARMAMENT, DEMOBILIZATION AND REINTEGRATION OF EX-COMBATANTS IN A PEACEKEEPING ENVIRONMENT: PRINCIPLES AND GUIDELINES (1999);
80. Mark Knight & Alpaslan Ozerdem, Guns, Camps and Cash: Disarmament, Demobilization and Reinsertion of Former Combatants in Transitions from War to Peace, 41 J. PEACE RES. 499 (2004).
81. See Jessica Schafer, A Baby Who Does Not Cry Will Not Be Suckled: AMODEG and the Reintegration of Demobilised Soldiers, 24 J. S. AFR. STUD. 207 (1998). An exploration of the politics and the organization of the Mozambican demobilized soldier's association, and their relationship with government, donors, and its own members; Kris Brown & Corinna Hauswedell, Burying the Hatchet: The Decommissioning of Paramilitary Arms in Northern Ireland (Bonn Int'l Ctr. for Conversion, Brief No. 22, 2002);
82. Markus Koth, To End a War: Demobilization and Reintegration of Paramilitaries in Colombia (Bonn Int'l Ctr. for Conversion, Paper No. 43, 2005);
83. Chris Alden, Making Old Soldiers Fade Away: Lessons from the Reintegration of Demobilized Soldiers in Mozambique, 33 SECURITY DIALOGUE 341 (2002).
84. See KINGMA, supra note 58, at 35-38. (In this report the special attention runs to nine lines of a fifty-one page report), Emily Schroeder, A Window of Opportunity in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Incorporating a Gender Perspective on the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration Process, 5 PEACE CONFLICT & DEV. 1, 3 (2003).
85. See, e.g., SUSAN MCKAY & DYAN MAZURANA, WHERE ARE THE GIRLS? GIRLS IN FIGHTING FORCES IN NORTHERN UGANDA, SIERRA LEONE AND MOZAMBIQUE: THEIR LIVES DURING AND AFTER WAR (2004);
86. MATT HOBSON, SAVE THE CHILDREN, FORGOTTEN CASUALTIES OF WAR: GIRLS IN ARMED CONFLICT (2005), available at http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/lib.nsf/db900sid/EVIU-6BSFEG/$file/ SCF-apr-2005.pdf?openelement;
87. BETH VERHEY, REACHING THE GIRLS: STUDY ON GIRLS ASSOCIATED WITH ARMED FORCES AND GROUPS IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO (2004), available at http://www.crin.org/docs/ Reaching-the-girls.pdf;
88. Susan McKay & Dyan Mazurana, Girls in Militaries, Paramilitaries, and Armed Opposition Groups (2002).
89. See, e.g., Belfast Agreement, supra note 35, § 8. This Agreement include the reduction of armed forces, the removal of security installations and emergency powers, and other measures appropriate to and compatible with a normal peaceful society.
90. This was made evident in the Liberian context. A poorly planned and timed DDR program was initiated on 8 December 2003. The session quickly deteriorated into looting, violence, and mass rapes throughout Monrovia. Human Rights Watch, The Guns Are in the Bushes: Continuing Abuses in Liberia, Human Rights Watch Briefing Paper (2003).
91. See, e.g., Sasha Gear, Wishing Us Away: Challenges Facing Ex-combatants in the "New" South Africa, 8 VIOLENCE & TRANSITION SERIES (2002).
92. See Brandon Hamber, "We Must Be Very Careful How We Emancipate Our Women": Shifting Masculinities in Post-Apartheid South-Africa (U.K. Econ. and Soc. Res. Council New Security Challenges Programme, Working Paper, 2006) (on file with author).
93. One exception is the work of LaShawn R. Jefferson, In War as in Peace: Sexual Violence and Women's Status, in HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH WORLD REPORT 2004: HUMAN RIGHTS AND ARMED CONFLICT 325 (2004).
94. NESIAH ET AL., supra note 48, at 25.
95. See FARR, BERGHOF RESEARCH CTR. FOR CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT MGMT., supra note 42, at 4.
96. See THE AFTERMATH: WOMEN IN POST-CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION (Sheila Meintjes et. al. eds., 2001).
97. See HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, "KILLING YOU WAS A VERY EASY THING FOR US," supra note 2, at 73. ("While the de jure discrimination and limits on freedom of movement and dress of the Taliban have largely ended, life for too many women and girls in Afghanistan remains replete with similar, de facto restrictions"). Examples also about in "post-conflict" Zimbabwe, Namibia, Eritrea, Mozambique, and Algeria.
98. See Donna Pankhurst, Women, Gender, and Peacebuilding (Ctr. for Conflict Resolution, Dep't of Peace Studies, Working Paper No. 5, 2000).
99. See Neil J. Mitchell & James M. McCormick, Economic and Political Explanations of Human Rights Violations, 40 WORLD POL. 476 (1988).
100. Amnesty International reports that such acts include violence against women, arbitrary arrests, the abuse of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people as human rights abuses. See AMNESTY INT'L, ANNUAL REPORT (2006).
101. These criticisms range from the observation that SSR constitutes a European center left "project," to claims that it is devoid of meaning as it ignores the underlying causes of insecurity in developing countries. "It has also been criticized for being too narrowly married to an optimistic conception of the possibilities for external manipulation of political and social forces and that in most formulations it leaves out the requirements for major changes in the industrialized countries, such as an overhaul of their arms export policies." Michael Brzoska, Development Donors and the Concept of Security Sector Reform 5 (Geneva Ctr. for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces, Occasional Paper No. 4, 2003).
102. See generally Heiner Hänggi & Vincenza Scherrer, Towards an Integrated Security Sector Reform Approach in UN Peace Operations, 15 INT'L PEACEKEEPING 486 (2008).
103. The priorities for security sector reform highlighted by BALL et al., supra note 51 include: 1)
104. Ensuring that security sector organizations, especially the security forces are accountable both to elected authorities and to civil society and that they operate in accordance with democratic principles and the rule of law; 2) Making information about security sector budgeting and planning widely available, both within governments and to the public; 3) Creating an environment in which civil society can actively monitor the security sector and be consulted on a regular basis on defense policy, resource allocation and other issues; 4) Strengthening civil society organizations and other NGO to play such roles; 5) Fostering an environment that promotes regional/sub-regional peace and security; 6) Giving adequate attention to specific legacies of war, such as practical disarmament and demobilization. The clear sense of this agenda is the sense of a reformist impulse, but one which critically fails to take account of its own biases and which in effect will result in a conversation in which elite men will continue to talk to each other about security and in which gender will inevitably be sidelined.
105. LAURA DAVIS, INT'L CENTER FOR TRANSITIONAL JUST., TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND SECURITY SECTOR REFORM (2009), available at http://www.initiativeforpeacebuilding.eu/pdf/Transitional-Justice- and-Security-System-Reform.pdf.
106. See Ní Aoláin & Turner supra note 4.
107. See FARR, BERGHOF RESEARCH CTR. FOR CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT MGMT., supra note 42, at 2.
108. Id. at 2.
109. See generally, Brenda Cossman, Dan Danielsen, Janet Halley & Tracy Higgins, Gender, Sexuality, and Power-Is Feminist Theory Enough?, 12 COLUM. J. GENDER & L. 601 (2003).
110. See Eilish Rooney, Engendering Transitional Justice: Questions of Absence and Silence, 3 INT'L J.L. CONTEXT (2007) (exploring the application of intersectionality theory to the exclusion of women from peace process negotiations).
111. See also Women and Peace and Security, S.C. Res. 1325, supra note 6.
112. Id. A relevant reference point here is reform of the police services in Northern Ireland negotiated as part of the Belfast Agreement, supra note 35.
113. Such reform was mooted as a means to ensure greater cross-community confidence in a police force that had a significant history of human rights violations and was implicated in broader concerns about the representative nature of the state and its institutions of governance. The reform process was advanced by the establishment of an international commission to review policing, the Patten Commission see THE REPORT OF THE INDEPENDENT COMMISSION ON POLICING FOR NORTHERN IRELAND: A NEW BEGINNING (1999), available at http://www.nio.gov. uk/a-new-beginning-in-policing-in- northern-ireland.pdf. While this report was viewed as engaged with the broadest set of policing and security reform issues, it failed to pay meaningful attention to gender issues and the highly masculine structure, organization and membership of the police force in the jurisdiction.
114. See Rooney, supra note 81.
115. This requires consideration of the need for applying quotas to ensure women's representation.
116. Donna Pankhurt wisely points out that the mere presence of women does not per se lead to a change in attitudes in high "masculine" institutions and contexts. See Pankhurst, Women, Gender, and Peacebuilding, supra note 70, at 12-13.
117. See Victoria Brittain, The Impact of War on Women, 44 RACE & CLASS 41-51 (2003).
118. An important general point to note here is that the while much energy is spent ensuring that women are placed "at the table," little follow up is given to ensuring that they remain. A key challenge is retaining a representative spectrum over the three stages described by Bell, Women Address the Problems of Peace Agreements, supra note 32, at 100-16.
119. As quoted in FARR, BERGHOF RESEARCH CTR. FOR CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT MGMT., supra note 42.
120. For an analysis of this kind of paper change, see Mary O'Rawe, Human Rights and Police Training in Transitional Societies: Exporting the Lessons from Northern Ireland, 27 HUM. RTS. Q. 943 (2005).
121. NEIL COOPER & MICHAEL PUGH, SECURITY SECTOR TRANSFORMATION IN POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES 2002;
122. DAVID CHUTER, DEFENCE TRANSFORMATION: A SHORT GUIDE TO THE ISSUES (2000).
123. Quoting Brzoska, supra note 73, at 16.
124. NESIAH ET AL., supra note 48, at 43-44.
125. FARR, BERGHOF RESEARCH CTR. FOR CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT MGMT., supra note 42, at 7.