The danger of militarization in an endless "war" on terrorism

Journal of Military History

Volumn 73, Issue 1, 2009, Pages 177-208

  Kohn, Richard H ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 72849109674     PISSN: 08993718     EISSN: 15437795     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jmh.0.0216     Document Type: Review

References (258)

1. Charles A. Beard, "Preparedness: An American Issue," Current History 42 (May 1935): 179-80
2. The reference came first from Andrew J. Bacevich, American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002), 246 n. 30
3. Harold Lasswell, "Sino-Japanese Crisis: The Garrison State versus the Civilian State," originally published in The China Quarterly 11 (Fall 1937): 643-49
4. reprinted in Harold Lasswell, Essays on the Garrison State, ed. Jay Stanley (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1997), quotation p. 43
5. Lasswell, "Sino-Japanese Crisis," 53-54
6. Lasswell, "The Garrison State," originally published in American Journal of Sociology 46 (January 1941): 455-68
7. reprinted in Lasswell, Essays on the Garrison State, 57, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67
8. Other scholars wrote similarly, if not so extremely, on Lasswell's fundamental point: "War and extensive defense preparation mean an increase in centralization . . . human activities are more closely regimented . . . Men must adapt . . . Political ideals of individualism or freedom must find new meaning. . . ." Pendleton Herring, The Impact of War: Our American Democracy Under Arms (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, Inc., 1941), 242
9. Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991)
10. Democracy develops and exists in many complex forms and degrees, and with many vulnerabilities. For a sense of current frailties, see Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2003)
11. Juan Forero, "Latin America Graft and Poverty Trying Patience With Democracy,"
12. and Vaclav Havel, "Strangling Democracy," New York Times, 24 June 2004, pp. A1, A27
13. Azar Gat, "The Return of Authoritarian Great Powers," Foreign Affairs 86 (July-August 2007): 59-69
14. Larry Diamond, "The Democratic Rollback: The Resurgence of the Predatory State," Foreign Affairs 87 (March-April 2008): 36-48
15. The sociologist James Burk charts the adjustment of the American military to these trends in "The Military's Presence in American Society, 1950-2000," in Soldiers and Civilians: The Civil-Military Gap and American National Security, ed. Peter D. Feaver and Richard H. Kohn (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001), 247-274
16. For warfare at the turn of the twenty-first century, see Colonel Daniel Smith, "The World At War, January 1, 2001," Defense Monitor 30 (January 2001): 1-5
17. and "The 2001 Chart of Armed Conflict," enclosed in International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance, 2001-2002 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001)
18. Global arms sales, however, did not show any real decline. See "Value of global arms deliveries and market share, 1993-2000," The Military Balance, 2001-2002 (ibid., 296
19. Simon Lunn, "The Democratic Control of Armed Forces in Principle and Practice," Connections: The Quarterly Journal Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes 1 (December 2002): 84
20. John Mueller, The Remnants of War (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2004)
21. For American strategy, see Donald Rumsfeld, "A New Kind of War," New York Times, 27 September 2001, p. A21
22. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington: The White House, 20 September 2001), http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/ nss.html (accessed 24 June 2004)
23. Dr. Condoleezza Rice Discusses President's National Security Strategy (Wriston Lecture), 1 October 2002, Waldorf Astoria Hotel, New York, New York, http://www.whitehouse. gov/news/releases/2002/10/print/20021001-6.html (accessed 24 June 2004)
24. Remarks by the President at 2002 Graduation Exercise of the United States Military Academy, West Point, New York, 1 June 2002, http://www.whitehouse.gov/ news/releases/2002/06/print/20020601-3. htm (accessed 24 June 2004)
25. Douglas Feith, "U.S. Strategy for the War on Terrorism," speech to the Political Union, University of Chicago, 14 April 2004, http://usinfo.state.gov/xarchives/ display.html?p=washfile-english&y= 2004&m=April&x=20040416153859FRllehctiM0.714519 7&t=xarchives/ xarchitem.html (accessed 23 June 2004)
26. In 2004, the struggle changed from a war on "terrorism" to a war on "terror," implying not "conscious decisions by editors or speechwriters" but "often unnoticed changes in the way people perceive their world," suggesting "a campaign aimed not at human adversaries but at a pervasive social plague, . . . an enduring state of struggle. . . ." Geoffrey Nunberg, "The -Ism Schism: How Much Wallop Can a Simple Word Pack? Terrorism," New York Times, 11 July 2004, p. wk7
27. For problems with the strategy, see the memorandum, Rumsfeld to Gen. Dick Myers, Paul Wolfowitz, Gen. Pete Pace, Doug Feith, "Global War on Terrorism," 16 October 2003, USA Today, http://www.usatoday.com/news/ washington/executive/rumsfeld-memo.htm (accessed 13 August 2008)
28. Anonymous, Imperial Hubris: Why the West Is Losing the War on Terrorism (Washington: Brassey's, Inc., 2004)
29. The Bush Administration has published numerous strategy documents, the most recent being "National Defense Strategy: June 2008," http://www.defenselink.mil/pubs/2008NationalDefenseStrategy. pdf (accessed 7 August 2008), but many knowledgeable observers find no description or definition of "victory" that could be recognized when it may occur. See pp. 9, 21
30. Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, The Next Attack: The Failure of the War on Terror and a Strategy for Getting It Right (New York: Times Books, 2005)
31. United States Government Accountability Office, Combating Terrorism: The United States Lacks Comprehensive Plan To Destroy The Terrorist Threat And Close The Safe Haven In Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas, GAO-08-622 (Washington: GAO, April 2008)
32. Josh White, "Gates Sees Terrorism Remaining Enemy No. 1: New Defense Strategy Shifts Focus From Conventional Warfare," Washington Post, 31 July 2008, p. A01
33. Madison's notes, 29 June 1787, in Max Farrand, ed., The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, rev. ed., 4 vols. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1937), 1:465
34. See also Richard H. Kohn, "The Constitution and National Security: The Intent of the Framers," in The United States Military under the Constitution of the United States, 1787 - 1987, ed. Richard H. Kohn (New York: New York University Press, 1991), 79-80
35. More recent analyses of the war powers in the Constitution are Louis Fisher, Presidential War Power, 2d ed. rev. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004), chaps. 1-2
36. John Yoo, The Powers of War and Peace: The Constitution and Foreign Affairs after 9/11 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005)
37. Kenneth Moss, Undeclared War and the Future of U.S. Foreign Policy (Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2008), chap. 1
38. Constitution of the United States, Article I, Section 9, paragraph 2, in The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, ed. Merrill Jensen, John P. Kaminsky, Gaspare J. Saladino, et al. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976- ), 1:310-311
39. Michael S. Sherry, In the Shadow of War: The United States Since the 1930s (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995). Sherry synthesized a large literature into a general narrative history
40. Andrew J. Bacevich, The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005) took the analysis further with a more narrow focus
41. Michael Geyer, "The Militarization of Europe, 1914-1945," in The Militarization of the Western World, ed. John R. Gillis (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989), 79
42. Sherry, In the Shadow of War, xi
43. For the origin and development of militarism as a term, see Volker R. Berghahn, Militarism: The History of an International Debate, 1861-1979 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 2-28
44. Nicholas Stargardt, The German Idea of Militarism: Radical and Socialist Critics, 1866-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)
45. A good review of the literature is Dirk Bönker, "Militarizing the Western World: Navalism, Empire, and State-Building in Germany and the United States Before World War I" (Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 2002), chap. 1
46. The standard work is Alfred Vagts, A History of Militarism: Civilian and Military, rev. ed. (1937; London: Hollis and Carter, 1959). Vagts defined militarism (pp. 13ff) as "a vast array of customs, interests, prestige, actions, and thought associated with armies and wars and yet transcending true military purposes," and thus unnecessary, irrelevant, and in some cases dysfunctional to war making. Militarism has existed in varying types and to varying degrees
47. See Hans Speier, Social Order and the Risks of War: Papers in Political Sociology (New York: George W. Stewart, Publisher, 1952)
48. chap. 19: "Militarism in the Eighteenth Century." Speier (p. 230) defined "the most extreme form . . . [as] when the distribution of power and esteem assumes the form of centralization of control, an attendant state monopoly of raising, controlling and equipping armies, and a universality of military mores." In the introduction to The New American Militarism, note 5, p. 226
49. Bacevich applied the term to the United States using a portion of the Oxford English Dictionary (VI, 438) definition: "the prevalence of military sentiments or ideals among a people; the political condition characterized by the predominance of the military class in government or administration; the tendency to regard military efficiency as the paramount interest of the state." A more recent review of the literature and problem of definition is Kathleen J. Nawyn, "Striking at the Roots of German Militarism: Social and Cultural Demilitarization in American-Occupied Württemberg-Baden, 1945-1949" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008), 13-26
50. John Gillis, "Introduction," in Gillis, ed., Militarization of the Western World, 1
51. The now classic explanation is Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990-1992, rev. paperback ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1992)
52. Vagts, History of Militarism, 41
53. For the relationship between state and army in this formative period, see also John A. Lynn, Giant of the Grand Siècle: The French Army, 1610-1715 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997)
54. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688-1783 (New York: Knopf, 1989)
55. Walter Millis, Arms and Men: A Study in American Military History (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1956), chaps. 1-3
56. Michael Howard, War in European History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), chaps. 5-6
57. Geoffrey Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," in Gillis, ed., Militarization of the Western World, 14-20
58. Allan R. Millett, The American Political System and Civilian Control of the Military: A Historical Perspective (Columbus: Mershon Center of Ohio State University, 1979), 19, 27-30
59. Peter Karsten, The Naval Aristocracy: The Golden Age of Annapolis and the Emergence of Modern American Navalism (New York: Free Press, 1972), 301-13, 362-71
60. Bönker, "Militarizing the Western World," chap. 3
61. James L. Abrahamson, America Arms for a New Century: The Making of a Great Military Power (New York: Free Press, 1981), 147-50
62. Lance Betros, "Officer Professionalism in the Late Progressive Era," in The Future of the Army Profession, ed. Don M. Snider, Gayle L. Watkins, and Lloyd J. Mathews (New York: McGraw Hill Primis Custom Publishing, 2002), 271-290
63. Gillis, "Introduction," in Gillis, ed., Militarization of the Western World, 7
64. Peter Karsten, "Militarization and Rationalization in the United States, 1870-1914," in Militarization of the Western World, ibid., 32-39, 43-44
65. Paul A. C. Koistinen, Mobilizing for Modern War: The Political Economy of American Warfare, 1865-1919 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997), 298
66. Koistinen's is the most recent analysis of the 1917-18 economic mobilization. For the broader story, see Paul L. Murphy, World War I and the Origin of Civil Liberties in the United States (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979)
67. Neil A. Wynn, From Progressivism to Prosperity: World War I and American Society (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1986)
68. Ronald Schaffer, America in the Great War: The Rise of the War Welfare State (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991)
69. Louis Morton, "Germany First: The Basic Concept of Allied Strategy in World War II," in Command Decisions, ed. Kent Roberts Greenfield (Washington: Office of the Chief of Military History, 1960), 11-48
70. Edward S. Miller, War Plan Orange: The U.S. Strategy to Defeat Japan, 1897-1945 (Annapolis, Md.: U.S. Naval Institute Press, 1991)
71. Henry G. Gole, The Road To Rainbow: Army Planning for Global War, 1934-1940 (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 2003)
72. Craig C. Felker, Testing American Sea Power: U.S. Navy Strategic Exercises, 1923-1940 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2007)
73. Maurer Maurer, Aviation in the U.S. Army, 1919-1939 (Washington: Office of Air Force History, 1987), chaps. 14-15, 21
74. Paul A. C. Koistinen, Planning War, Pursuing Peace: The Political Economy of American Warfare, 1920-1939 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1998)
75. David Johnson, Fast Tanks and Heavy Bombers: Innovation in the U.S. Army, 1917-1945 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998)
76. William E. Leuchtenburg, "The New Deal and the Analogue of War," in Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America, ed. John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner, and Everett Walters (n.p. [Columbus]: Ohio State University Press, 1964), 81
77. William E. Leuchtenburg, Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America, Ibid., 82ff. "There was scarcely a New Deal act or agency that did not owe something to the experience of World War I" (p. 109)
78. Quoted in John Morton Blum, V Was for Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976), 110-111
79. Michael J. Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945-1954 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 469-75, summarizes much of the scholarship on this point
80. but see also Daniel Yergin, Shattered Peace: The Origins Of The Cold War And The National Security State (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1977)
81. Brian Waddell, Toward the National Security State: Civil-Military Relations during World War II (Westport, Conn.: Praeger Security International, 2008)
82. Douglas T. Stuart, Creating the National Security State: A History of the Law that Transformed America (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008)
83. Adam Yarmolinsky, The Military Establishment: Its Impacts on American Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), chaps. 3, 9, 13-15
84. George F. Kennan, "After the Cold War: American Foreign Policy in the 1970s," Foreign Affairs 51 (October 1972): 220
85. See also George F. Kennan, Memoirs, 1925-1950 (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1967), 363-67
86. Walter Hixson, George F. Kennan: Cold War Iconoclast (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), chap. 4
87. There is a large literature on the intelligence community and its activities, from scholarly analyses like Harry Howe Ransom, The Intelligence Establishment (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971)
88. and John Prados, Safe for Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA (Chicago: Ivan Dee, 2006) to descriptions and histories by journalists James Bamford, Jeffrey Richelson, Thomas Powers, Tim Weiner, and others. The reviews in the unclassified edition of the journal Studies in Intelligence from the Central Intelligence Agency's Center for the Study of Intelligence are indispensable
89. From a high of over 10 percent of the Gross National Product during some years in the 1950s, the proportion of defense spending declined but still remained a large sector of the American economy. An excellent overview is Benjamin O. Fordham, "Paying for Global Power: Assessing the Costs and Benefits of Postwar U.S. Military Spending," in The Long War: A History of U.S. National Security Policy since World War II, ed. Andrew J. Bacevich (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 371-404
90. For some figures over time, see Stephen Daggett and Amy Belasco, Defense Budget for FY2003: Data Summary (Washington: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, March 29, 2002), 2-21
91. For the economic impacts and a sense of the military-industrial complex debates, see Yarmolinsky, Military Establishment, chaps. 16-19
92. James L. Clayton, comp. and ed., The Economic Impact of the Cold War: Sources and Readings (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1970)
93. Ann Markusen, et al., The Rise of the Gunbelt: The Military Remapping of Industrial America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991)
94. and Seymour Melman, The Permanent War Economy: American Capitalism in Decline (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974)
95. One 2004 study showed that military bases, contracts, and retirees contributed over 18 billion dollars to the North Carolina economy alone, some 6 percent of the state's economic activity, and more than tobacco and textiles combined. "N.C. study: Bases add $18 billion," Raleigh News & Observer, 11 February 2004, p. 1A
96. In 2008, there were nearly 800,000 veterans and 100,000 active duty members in a state of some 8 million people. Rob Christensen, "Hagan, Dole weigh in for military vote," Raleigh News & Observer, ibid., 13 September 2008, p. 1B
97. Stuart W. Leslie, The Cold War and American Science: The Military-Industrial-Academic Complex at MIT and Stanford (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 1
98. Jennifer S. Light, From Warfare to Welfare: Defense Intellectuals and Urban Problems in Cold War America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003)
99. Albert D. Biderman, "What Is Military?" in The Draft: A Handbook of Facts and Alternatives, ed. Sol Tax (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), 12-25
100. James Donovan, Militarism, U.S.A. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1970), 29
101. Margaret Mead, "A National Service System as a Solution to a Variety of National Problems," in Tax, ed., The Draft, 100
102. For the draft system and how it shaped behavior in the 1960s (and by implication earlier), see Lawrence M. Baskir and William A. Strauss, Chance and Circumstance: The Draft, the War, and the Vietnam Generation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), 15-17, 20-22, 26, 29-61
103. Lori Lyn Bogle, The Pentagon's Battle for the American Mind: The Early Cold War (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2004), 16
104. Laura McEnaney, Civil Defense Begins at Home: Militarization Meets Everyday Life in the Fifties (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000)
105. Conyers Read, "The Social Responsibilities of the Historian," quoted in Stephen J. Whitfield, The Culture of the Cold War, 2d ed. (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 58
106. Elsewhere in the address, Read asserted that "Confronted by such alternatives as Mussolini and Hitler and last of all Stalin have imposed, we must clearly assume a militant attitude if we are to survive. . . . This sounds like the advocacy of one form of social control as against another. In short, it is. But I see no alternative in a divided world. Probably in any planned world we can never be altogether free agents, even with our tongue and our pen. The important thing is that we shall accept and endorse such controls as are essential for the preservation of our way of life." The complete address is at http://www.historians.org/info/AHA-History/cread.htm (accessed 1 October 2008)
107. According to the Gallup polls, national security and foreign policy dominated Cold War presidential elections from 1948 into the 1970s but then fell behind economic issues as the most important. Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, "Foreign Policy Attitudes Now Driven by 9/11 and Iraq: Eroding Respect for America Seen as Major Problem," 18 August 2004, http://people-press.org/reports/display.php3?PageID=863 (accessed 19 August 2004)
108. See, for example, Mary L. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000)
109. Natasha Zaretsky, No Direction Home: The American Family and The Fear of National Decline, 1968-1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007)
110. William L. O'Neill, "The 'Good' War: National Security and American Culture," in Bacevich, ed., The Long War, 522. O'Neill, a social historian who has written histories of the United States in World War II and in the 1960s among other works, wrote (p. 518) that "World War II put movies at the very center of American popular culture. . . ."
111. Cyndy Hendershot, Paranoia, the Bomb, and 1950s Science Fiction Films (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1999), 128
112. William W. Savage, Jr., Comic Books and America, 1945-1954 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), chaps. 2, 3
113. Lawrence H. Suid, Guts and Glory: The Making of the American Military Image in Film, rev. and expanded ed. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2002), 5
114. Lawrence H. Suid, Guts and Glory: The Making of the American Military Image in Film, Ibid., 130, 116, 129, 117
115. Philip B. Heymann, Terrorism, Freedom, and Security: Winning without War (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2003), 21
116. Donovan, Militarism, 18, 195-97
117. On how language can and has perpetuated militarization, see Robert Hinde, "War: Some Psychological Causes and Consequences," paper presented at the summary conference, Study of War Project, Triangle Institute for Security Studies and the First Division Museum, Cantigny, Illinois, 11-13 June 1997
118. Michael Mandelbaum, The Meaning of Sports: Why Americans Watch Baseball, Football, and Basketball and What They See When They Do (New York: PublicAffairs, 2004), 128-43, 167-68, 184-86, 194-98. Mandelbaum argues (194-98, 253ff, 276-77) that an aversion to war beginning after 1945 and to violence by the end of the century led to modifications of football and to basketball's outstripping football in popular appeal and as a reflection of society-an argument that I do not find persuasive
119. See also Michael McCambridge, America's Game: The Epic Story of How Pro Football Captured a Nation (New York: Random House, 2004)
120. For connections between the military and sports, see Donald J. Mrozek, "The Military, Sport, and Warrior Culture," in The Columbia History of Post-World War II America, ed. Mark C. Carnes (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 131-54
121. "The postwar years saw nothing less than a partial 'militarization' of America's sporting culture," p. 133
122. This is the argument of Aaron L. Friedberg, In the Shadow of the Garrison State: America's Anti-Statism and Its Cold War Grand Strategy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000)
123. Paul Koistinen, "Toward a Warfare State: Militarization in America during the Period of the World Wars," in Gillis, ed., Militarization of the Western World, 64
124. Alfred Goldberg, et al., Pentagon 9/11, Defense Studies Series (Washington: Historical Office, Office of the Secretary of Defense, 2007), 1, 4
125. Steve Vogel, The Pentagon: A History; The Untold Story of the Wartime Race to Build the Pentagon - and to Restore It Sixty Years Later (New York: Random House, 2007), 405
126. Sherry, In the Shadow of War, published in 1995, titled the last chapter "A Farewell to Militarization? 1988-1995," and in his conclusion (p. 501), speculated that "the process of demilitarization" would be "ragged, partial, and protracted," lacking in "clarity" and "preciseness of moment," and "would plausibly take as long as" militarization itself, "especially in a still strifetorn world."
127. Bacevich, New American Militarism, 1, 2. Bacevich (p. 5) understood that from Sherry's perspective in 1995
128. Bacevich, American Empire, 44-45, chap. 5, 143-165
129. United States Commission on National Security/21st Century, New World Coming: American Security in the 21st Century. Major Themes and Implications (n.p. [Washington]: United States Commission on National Security/21st Century, 15 September 1999), 3, 4
130. Defense spending can be found in "International comparisons of defence expenditure and military manpower, 1985, 1999 and 2000," Military Balance, 2001-2002, 299-304. Those countries were Britain, China, France, Germany, India, Japan, Russia, Saudia Arabia, South Korea, and Taiwan
131. Chalmers Johnson, The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2004), 152-160
132. To compare the military establishment at the end of the 1990s and the Cold War, see Eliot A. Cohen, "Defending America in the Twenty- first Century," Foreign Affairs 79 (November-December 2000): 40-56
133. William Greider, Fortress America: The American Military and the Consequences of Peace (New York: PublicAffairs, 1998)
134. Comparative GDP figures are in table 11, Daggett and Belasco, Defense Budget for FY2003, 20-21
135. My definition of peacetime is pre-1939, before the World War II buildup and Cold War expenditures. See also Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, II: 1114
136. "Series Y 457-465. Outlays of the Federal Government: 1789-1970," http://www2.census.gov/ prod2/statcomp/documents/CT1970p2-12. pdf (accessed 26 July 2008)
137. Bacevich, American Empire, chap. 7
138. Dana Priest, The Mission: Waging War and Keeping Peace with America's Military (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2003), 44-54, 71-77
139. Describing General Anthony Zinni's tenure at Central Command, the veteran diplomat and former Undersecretary-General of the United Nations Brian Urquhart, called "the CINC of CENTCOM . . . by the 1990s, the most powerful American abroad," in part because so many "sensitive issues, military, political, and humanitarian, also come under his authority." See "The Good General," New York Review of Books 51 (23 September 2004): 28
140. For the rise in military influence, see in addition David Halberstam, War in a Time of Peace: Bush, Clinton, and the Generals (New York: Scribner, 2001)
141. Robert Schlesinger, "Expanding Role Of Defense Department Spurs Concerns; Some say officials overstep bounds, limit other agencies," Boston Globe, 8 June 2003, p. 8
142. Citing a Congressional Research Service enumeration, the United States Commission on National Security/21st Century noted almost four dozen military inventions compared with sixteen during the Cold War. New World Coming, 128
143. For an analysis of the rhetoric used to frame and justify these interventions, see Kathryn M. Olson, "Democratic Enlargement's Value Hierarchy and Rhetorical Forms: An Analysis of Clinton's Use of a Post-Cold War Symbolic Frame to Justify Military Interventions," Presidential Studies Quarterly 34 (2004): 307-340
144. David Remnick, "Letter from Moscow: Post-Imperial Blues," New Yorker, 13 October 2003, p. 87
145. "Porky Pets," New York Times, 15 September 2003, p. A18
146. Personal conversation with the author, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, officers' club, 1983
147. Lincoln Chafee, Against the Tide: How a Compliant Congress Empowered a Reckless President (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2008), 33
148. For a sense of how bitter and polarized politics became, see also James M. Jeffords, My Declaration of Independence (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001)
149. Robert C. Byrd, Losing America: Confronting a Reckless and Arrogant Presidency (New York: W. W. Norton, 2004), 24, 32, 34-36
150. See, for example, Seth Schiesel, "Online Game, Made in U.S., Seizes the Globe," "After the Months of Marketing Comes the Day of Reckoning," New York Times, 5 September 2006, 15 January 2007, p. A1, B5
151. The latter is described in Peter B. Kraska, ed., Militarizing the American Criminal Justice System: The Changing Roles of the Armed Forces and the Police (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2001)
152. For the decline of government in public esteem, see Susan J. Pharr and Robert D. Putnam, "Preface" and "Introduction: What's Troubling the Trilateral Democracies?" in Disaffected Democracies: What's Troubling the Trilateral Countries? ed. Susan J. Pharr and Robert D. Putnam (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), xviii-xx, 8-10, 27
153. Anthony King, "Distrust of Government: Explaining American Exceptionalism," in Disaffected Democracies: What's Troubling the Trilateral Countries? ibid., 74-98
154. The rise of public trust and confidence in the military is documented and analyzed in David C. King and Zachary Karabell, The Generation of Trust: Public Confidence in the U.S. Military since Vietnam (Washington: AEI Press, 2003)
155. College students possess the same high trust for the military ("Prime Numbers," Chronicle of Higher Education 49 [13 December 2002]: A7). Time Magazine named "The American Soldier" "Person of the Year" for 2003. See the 4 January 2004 issue
156. "Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People," 20 September 2001, http:// www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2001/ 09/20010920-8.html (accessed 24 September 2004)
157. George Bush, introduction to The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington: The White House, March 2006), n.p., http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/ nss/2006/nss2006.pdf (accessed 27 July 2008)
158. For Bush on 11 September 2001, see Bob Woodward, Bush at War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002), 15, 17
159. Robert Draper, Dead Certain: The Presidency of George W. Bush (New York: Free Press, 2007), 135-45
160. Jacob Weisberg, The Bush Tragedy (New York: Random House, 2008), 101-106
161. "[T]he United States will use this moment of opportunity to extend the benefits of freedom across the globe. We will actively work to bring the hope of democracy, development, free markets, and free trade to every corner of the world." George Bush, introduction to The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington: The White House, September 2002), v, 2, http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.pdf (accessed 30 September 2004)
162. For the intention to maintain military superiority, see p. 30. For an interpretation of the document that de-emphasizes its unilateralism and bellicosity, and discounts its discontinuity with international norms and American historical practice, see John Lewis Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American Experience (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), particularly 80-94
163. Elaine Grossman, "Advisers To Rumsfeld: DOD Can't Sustain Current Stability Operations," Inside the Pentagon, 23 September 2004, p. 1
164. Thom Shanker, "Command For Africa Established By Pentagon," New York Times, 5 October 2008, p. 10
165. "United States Northern Command: Defending Our Homeland . . . US Northern Command History," http://www.northcom.mil/about/history-education/ history.html (accessed 6 October 2008)
166. Condoleezza Rice, "Rethinking the National Interest: American Realism for a New World," Foreign Affairs 87 (July-August 2008): 3
167. Jack Goldsmith, The Terror Presidency: Law and Judgment Inside the Bush Administration (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007), 181
168. For the domestic wiretapping program and other initial efforts by the Administration, see James Risen, State of War: The Secret History of the CIA and the Bush Administration (New York: Free Press, 2006), chap. 2
169. Eric Lichtblau, Bush's Law: The Remaking of American Justice (New York: Pantheon, 2008)
170. Jane Mayer, The Dark Side: The Inside Story of How the War on Terror Turned into a War on American Ideals (New York: Doubleday, 2008)
171. Adam Clymer, "Government Openness at Issue as Bush Holds Onto Records," New York Times, 3 January 2003, p. 1
172. Stanley I. Kutler, "An Executive Order Richard Nixon Would Love," Washington Spectator
173. reprinted in History News, http://www.historynewsnetwork.org/articles/ article.html?id=493 (accessed 7 January 2002)
174. Jack Nelson, U.S. Government Secrecy and the Current Crackdown on Leaks, Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, Working Paper Series, 2003-1 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, 2002)
175. The executive order, the responses of the American Historical and Political Science Associations, and background are in Presidential Studies Quarterly 32 (2002): 185-211
176. In 2001, the number of document "classification actions . . . increased by 44 percent." Information Security Oversight Office, 2001 Report to the President (n.p. [Washington]: Information Security Oversight Of- fice, n.d.), http://www.fas.org/sgp/isoo/2001rept.pdf (accessed 22 November 2002), p. 2
177. See also Jerry Seper, "Ashcroft Creates Interagency Force On Security Leaks," Washington Times, 16 December 2001, p. 3
178. David E. Rosenbaum, "When Government Doesn't Tell," New York Times on the Web, 3 February 2002, wysiwyg://3/http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/ 03weekinreview/0 3ROSE.html?pagewanted=print (accessed 3 February 2002)
179. Laurence McQuillan, "For Bush, Secrecy Is A Matter Of Loyalty," USA Today, 14 March 2002, p. 1
180. Steve Chapman, "Excessive Secrecy In The War On Terror," Chicago Tribune, 18 August 2002
181. James G. Lakely, "GOP Veterans Rap Secrecy On Defense Issues," Washington Times, 14 January 2003, p. 1
182. Robert D. Novak, "Disaffected Troops," Washington Post, 13 January 2003, p. 21
183. Amy Goldstein and Juliet Eilperin, "Congress Not Advised of Shadow Government," Washington Post, ibid., 2 March 2002
184. Overall studies of the expanding secrecy in the Bush Administration are United States House of Representatives, Committee on Government Reform - Minority Staff Special Investigations Division, Secrecy In the Bush Administration Prepared For Rep. Henry A. Waxman, 14 September 2004, http:// democrats.reform.house.gov/features/secrecy-report/pdf/pdf-secrecy-report.pdf (accessed 10 October 2004)
185. and Ted Gup, Nation of Secrets: The Threat of Democracy and the American Way of Life (New York: Doubleday, 2007)
186. Woodward, Bush at War, 169
187. National Strategy for Homeland Security (n.p. [Washington]: Office of Homeland Security, July 2002), http://www.whitehouse.gov/homeland/book/nat- strat-hls.pdf (accessed 20 January 2003), 12
188. Gail Russell Chaddock, "Security Act To Pervade Daily Lives," Christian Science Monitor, 21 November 2002, p. 1
189. Philip Shenon and David Johnston, "Seeking Terrorist Plots F.B.I. Is Tracking Hundreds of Muslims," New York Times, 6 October 2002, p. 1
190. Dan Eggen, "Broad U.S. Wiretap Powers Upheld; Secret Court Lifts Bar on Terror Suspect Surveillance," Washington Post, 19 November 2002, p. 1
191. The Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution can be found in Kohn, ed., United States Military under the Constitution, 30
192. Michael Moss and Ford Fessenden, "New Tools for Domestic Spying, and Qualms," New York Times, 10 December 2002, p. 1
193. John Markoff, "Pentagon Plans A Computer System That Would Peek At Personal Data Of Americans," New York Times, ibid., 9 November 2002, p. A10
194. J. Michael Waller, "Fears Mount Over 'Total' Spy System," Insight Magazine, 24 December 2002
195. Dan Eggen and Robert O'Harrow, Jr., "Surveillance Plan Worries GOP Senator," Washington Post, 22 January 2003, p. 13
196. William Safire, "Privacy Invasion Curtailed," New York Times, 13 February 2003, p. A33
197. Audrey Hudson, "'Supersnoop' Scheme Blocked Pending Review By Congress," Washington Times, 13 February 2003, p. 1
198. John Markoff and John Schwartz, "Bush Administration to Propose System for Wide Monitoring of Internet," New York Times, 20 December 2002, p. A16
199. For these developments, see David Cole and James X. Dempsey, Terrorism and the Constitution: Sacrificing Civil Liberties in the Name of National Security (New York: New Press, 2002), chap. 11
200. David Cole, Enemy Aliens: Double Standards and Constitutional Freedoms in the War on Terrorism (New York: New Press, 2003), chap. 2
201. Christian Parenti, The Soft Cage: Surveillance in America from Slavery to the War on Terror (New York: Basic Books, 2003), 199-202
202. Barbara Olshansky, Secret Trials and Executions: Military Tribunals and the Threat to Democracy (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2002)
203. Richard C. Leone and Greg Anrig, Jr., eds., The War on Our Freedoms: Civil Liberties in an Age of Terrorism (New York: PublicAffairs, 2003)
204. Byrd, Losing America, 45-51
205. An early catalog of the Bush Administration's invasions of, and threats to, civil rights and liberties was Michael Ratner, "The War on Terrorism: A Threat to Freedom and the Rule of Law," Global Dialogue 4 (Spring 2002): 35-46
206. Mayer, Dark Side
207. titles her second chapter "Panic," a description confirmed in other accounts including Richard Clarke, Against All Enemies: Inside America's War on Terror (New York: Free Press, 2004), chap. 1
208. Ron Suskind, The One Percent Doctrine: Deep Inside America's Pursuit of Its Enemies Since 9/11 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2006)
209. and the luncheon address by Michael Chertoff, October 2003, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Law School. Chertoff, currently the Secretary of Homeland Security, was then a federal appellate judge but in 2001 and 2002 was the Assistant Attorney General of the United States in charge of the Criminal Division at the Justice Department. I attended that speech presentation. Draper, Dead Certain (p. 134 ff), describes a sense of anger and outrage in the President in the wake of the September 2001 attacks. 92
210. The "Protect America Act of 2007" and the "FISA Amendments Act of 2008" are at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?c110:3:./temp/ c1108sUe3M:: and http://thomas. loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/F?c110:4:./temp/ c110Wg9U8E:e1022
211. For White House reaction, see "Fact Sheet: The Protect America Act of 2007," 6 August 2007
212. and "President Bush Signs H.R. 6304, FISA Amendments Act of 2008," 10 July 2008, at http://www.whitehouse. gov/news/releases/2007/08/ 20070806-5.html and http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/ releases/2008/07/20080710-2. html (all accessed 28 July 2008). Reactions to both can be found on the Web
213. National Strategy for Homeland Security, 13
214. See the Supreme Court decisions Rasul v. Bush, 542 U.S. 466 (2004)
215. Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006)
216. Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. - (2008)
217. Graham Allison, Nuclear Terrorism: The Ultimate Preventable Catastrophe (New York: Times Books, 2004), 131-33
218. For other discussions of vulnerability, see Stephen Flynn, America the Vulnerable: How Our Government Is Failing to Protect Us from Terrorism (New York: HarperCollins, 2004)
219. Committee on Science and Technology for Countering Terrorism, National Research Council of the National Academies, Making the Nation Safer: The Role of Science and Technology in Countering Terrorism (Washington: National Academies Press, 2003)
220. Clark Kent Ervin, Open Target: Where America is Vulnerable to Attack (New
221. Fran Pilch, The Worried Well: Strategies for Installation Commanders (Colorado Springs, Colo.: USAF Institute for National Security Studies, USAF Academy, April 2004)
222. George J. Annas, Wendy K. Mariner, and Wendy E. Parmet, Pandemic Preparedness: The Need for a Public Health - and not a National Security/Law Enforcement - Approach (Washington: American Civil Liberties Union, January 2008), http://www.aclu.org/pdfs/privacy/pemic-report.pdf (accessed 7 October 2008)
223. and numerous press reports about reform of the intelligence community, funding homeland security, regulating the chemical industry, worries over the food supply, and other threats, the most recent at this writing being "After Anthrax Attacks, Bioterrorism Threat Still Looms," The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, 7 August 2008, http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/terrorism/ july-dec08/bioterrorprep-08-07.html (accessed 8 August 2008)
224. An argument that the United States is not likely to be attacked, and even if so, can absorb the damage, is John Mueller, "Is There Still a Terrorist Threat?: The Myth of the Omnipresent Enemy," Foreign Affairs 85 (September- October 2006): 2-14
225. See also Philip H. Gordon, "Winning the Right War," Survival 49 (Winter 2007-2008): 17-46
226. George P. Schultz, William J. Perry, Henry A. Kissinger, and Sam Nunn, "Toward a Nuclear-Free World," Wall Street Journal Online, 15 January 2008, http://online.wsj.com/public/ article-print/SB120036422673589947.html (accessed 8 August 2008)
227. Joseph Cirincione, "The Greatest Threat to Us All," New York Review of Books 55 (6 March 2008): 18-21
228. Thomas B. Cochran and Matthew G. McKinzie, "Detecting Nuclear Smuggling," Scientific American, April 2008, 98-103
229. Mark Mazzetti and David Rohde, "Amid U.S. Policy Disputes, Qaeda Grows in Pakistan," New York Times, 30 June 2008, p. 1
230. Fred Charles Iklé, Annihilation from Within: The Ultimate Threat to Nations (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), xiii
231. See, for example, Joan M. Jensen, Army Surveillance in America, 1775 - 1980 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991)
232. For the willingness of a group traditionally sensitive to civil liberty "to give up some of their personal freedoms in order to make the country safe from terrorist attacks," see Laurie Goodstein, "Jewish Groups Endorse Tough Security Laws," New York Times, 3 January 2002, p. A12
233. Geoffrey R. Stone, Perilous Times: Free Speech in Wartime From The Sedition Act of 1798 to the War on Terrorism (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2004), 2
234. A different interpretation of diminished civil liberty during American wars is Mark A. Graber, "Counter-stories: Maintaining and Expanding Civil Liberties in Wartime," in The Constitution in Wartime: Beyond Alarmism and Complacency, ed. Mark Tushnet (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005), 95-123
235. William H. Rehnquist, All the Laws But One: Civil Liberties in Wartime (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), 221-25
236. For renewed presidential power and the reluctance of Congress or the Judiciary to oppose presidential power in wartime, see Louis Fisher, Congressional Abdication on War and Spending (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2000)
237. Andrew Rudalevige, The New Imperial Presidency: Renewing Presidential Power after Watergate (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005)
238. Matthew Crenson and Benjamin Ginsberg, Presidential Power: Unchecked and Unbalanced (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2007), particularly chaps. 7-8
239. Frederick A. O. Schwarz, Jr., and Aziz Z. Huq, Unchecked and Unbalanced: Presidential Power in a Time of Terror (New York: New Press, 2007)
240. Thomas E. Mann and Norman J. Ornstein, The Broken Branch: How Congress Is Failing America and How to Get It Back on Track (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), particularly chap. 5, "Institutional Decline."
241. Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952). Discussions with attorneys and federal judges support the interpretation that during a crisis, with public opinion and the two political branches of government in agreement, the courts would be unlikely to stand in the way of change that would lessen, perhaps radically, civil liberties
242. For Europe's history, see Volker R. Berghahn, Europe in the Era of Two World Wars: From Militarism and Genocide to Civil Society, 1900-1950 (2002; Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006)
243. David Edgerton, Warfare State: Britain, 1920-1970 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006)
244. James J. Sheehan, Where Have All the Soldiers Gone? The Transformation of Modern Europe (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2008)
245. Sheehan, "The Future of the European State: Some Historical Reflections on the German Case,"
246. and Cornelia Rauh- Kühne, "Comment on James Sheehan's Lecture," Bulletin of the German Historical Institute, no.42 (Spring 2008): 9-25
247. For an indication of the extent of military influence in Israel, see Oren Barak and Gabriel Sheffer, "Israel's Security Network and its Impact: an Exploration of a New Approach," International Journal of Middle East Studies 38 (2006): 235-61
248. For a list of conflicts and nonstate organizations engaged in organized violence, see the International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance 2008 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 461-82
249. For British and Israeli reaction to terrorist attacks, see Michael Sheehan, Crush The Cell: How to Defeat Terrorism Without Terrorizing Ourselves (New York: Crown Publishers, 2008), 3-4
250. Quoted in Barton Gellman, "In U.S., Terrorism's Peril Undiminished: Nation Struggles on Offense and Defense, and Officials Still Expect New Attacks," Washington Post, 24 December 2002, p. A1
251. Kwame Holman, The NewsHour With Jim Lehrer: Focus: Guarding the Homeland, PBS television broadcast (27 September 2002)
252. "General Tommy Franks: An Exclusive Interview with America's Top General in the War on Terrorism," Cigar Aficionado, November-December 2003, p. 90
253. Franks claimed he expressed a similar thought three days before the September 2001 attacks to a "young sergeant." See Tommy Franks with Malcolm McConnell, American Soldier (New York: Regan Books, 2004), 236-37, 554
254. General Richard B. Myers, speech to the Baltimore chapter of the Council on Foreign Relations, 23 February 2004, http://www.usembassy.it/file2004-02/ alia/a4022606.htm (accessed 15 March 2004)
255. Quoted in Vince Devlin, "Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman speaks at annual chamber banquet," Missoula (Montana) Missoulian, 6 October 2004, Missoulian.com online news, http:// www.missoulian.com/articles/2004/10/06/news/ top/news01.txt (accessed 10 October 2004)
256. See also Peter N. Stearns, American Fear: The Causes and Consequences of High Anxiety (New York: Routledge, 2006), particularly 201ff
257. "Wartime Security and Liberty under Law," Buffalo Law Review, 1951
258. quoted in Stone, Perilous Times, 528