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Volumn 43, Issue 3-4, 2009, Pages 379-400

Where do Muslims stand on ethno-racial hierarchies in Britain and France? Evidence from public opinion surveys, 1988-2008

Author keywords

Anti Muslim prejudice; Attitudes; Britain; Ethno racial hierarchy; France; Islamophobia; Muslims; Opinion polls; Prejudice; Surveys

Indexed keywords


EID: 70350540664     PISSN: 0031322X     EISSN: 14617331     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00313220903109326     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (73)

References (62)
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    • Note
    • This essay focuses on how majority populations view Muslims, based on the logic that majorities hold most of the power to determine national ethno-racial hierarchies. It therefore excludes questions from surveys such as the Gallup series on 'Muslims in Europe' that, while extremely interesting, focus primarily on Muslim attitudes towards their host societies.
  • 8
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    • According to a 2008 estimate by the Home Office: see Alan Travis, 'Officials think UK's Muslim population has risen to 2m', Guardian, 8 April 2008.
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    • Note
    • Although Germany relaxed its naturalization laws in 2000, there remain many fewer Muslim citizens in Germany than in either Britain or France.
  • 11
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    • Note
    • Space constraints make it impossible to include the wording of the questions asked in each survey. Please contact the author directly for this information.
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    • La Lutte contre le racisme et la xénophobie
    • For an extended discussion of this problem, see
    • For an extended discussion of this problem, see CNCDH, 2003. La Lutte contre le racisme et la xénophobie, 179-230.
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    • For specific work on intergroup ranking, see Susan T. Fiske and Amy J. C. Cuddy, 'Stereotype content across cultures as a function of group status', in Guimond (ed.), Social Comparison and Social Psychology, 249-63.
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    • Ethnic categorization and outgroup exclusion: Cultural values and social stereotypes in the construction of ethnic hierarchies
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    • Louk Hagendoorn, 'Ethnic categorization and outgroup exclusion: cultural values and social stereotypes in the construction of ethnic hierarchies', Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 16, no. 1, 1993, 26-51 (27).
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    • See also Milton Kleg and Kaoru Yamamoto, 'As the world turns: ethno-racial distances after 70 years', Social Science Journal, vol. 35, no. 2, 1998, 183-90.
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    • A similar research agenda on ethnic hierarchies is pursued by Robert Ford in his paper, 'Not all immigrants are equal: the ethnic hierarchy in British immigration preferences', Manchester-Harvard Summer School on Immigration, 2008.
    • (2008) Manchester-Harvard Summer School on Immigration
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    • (2009) Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies , vol.35 , Issue.3 , pp. 453-72
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    • Note
    • Specifying the ethno-racial hierarchy in a given society, however, does carry the political risk of generating a competition over victimhood; if some groups argue they are more disadvantaged than others, it may weaken potential coalitions of ethno- racial outsiders.
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    • Note, in Rainer Baubö ck, Agnes Heller and Aristide Zolberg (eds), Aldersot: Avebury
    • This is true in scholarship that both pre-dates and post-dates the events of 9/11. See Joseph H. Carens and Melissa S. Williams, 'Muslim minorities in liberal democracies: the politics of misrecognition', in Rainer Baubö ck, Agnes Heller and Aristide Zolberg (eds), The Challenge of Diversity: Integration and Pluralism in Societies of Immigration (Aldersot: Avebury 1996), 157-86.
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    • Foner, N.1    Alba, R.2
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    • Zolberg and Long, The authors do note some national variation, but overall they emphasize cross-national similarities over differences
    • Zolberg and Long, 'Why Islam is like Spanish', 18-20. The authors do note some national variation, but overall they emphasize cross-national similarities over differences.
    • Why Islam is like Spanish , pp. 18-20
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    • Zolberg and Long, The authors do note some national variation, but overall they emphasize cross-national similarities over differences
    • Ibid., 18.
    • Why Islam is like Spanish , pp. 18
  • 35
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    • Zolberg and Long, The authors do note some national variation, but overall they emphasize cross-national similarities over differences
    • Ibid., 17.
    • Why Islam is like Spanish , pp. 17
  • 36
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    • Note
    • A note on methodology. Most surveys discussed in this essay had sample sizes of approximately 1,000 for each question in each country. For the British Citizenship Survey questions, the n was at least 5,000. The sample sizes for the 2005 national survey, Equality, Diversity and Prejudice in Britain (see note 43), were at least 2,500, except for the question about experiences of discrimination, for which the sample size for Asians was 184 and for Muslims 128. The Pew sample size for all questions was at least 500, except for the July 2005 survey question about which religion was most violent where for Britain n was 352 and for France n was 345. With regard to weighting, all Eurobarometer, Citizenship Survey and World Values Survey data are weighted to produce representative national samples, with British Eurobarometer data excluding Northern Ireland. The Citizenship Survey data analysed here contain both Core and Minority Ethnic Boost samples weighted using the combined sample individual weight variable included in the data sets.
  • 37
    • 70350546241 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Note
    • When asked which groups they thought of under the category 'other religion', a majority of French respondents and a plurality of British respondents replied 'Muslim'.In Britain, however, 'Catholics' were just behind Muslims, and 'Hindus' were not far behind 'Catholics'.
  • 38
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    • Note
    • Surveys designed and executed by the European Values Study Group and World Values Survey Association.
  • 39
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    • Note
    • It is possible that the 1989 'affairs' in each country and the first Gulf war elevated the 1990 responses. It is likely that this question will be asked again in the forthcoming World Values Survey, which will offer the opportunity to see trends over a longer period of time and in the context of the post-9/11 and 7/7 worlds.
  • 40
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    • These annual reports by the CNCDH, usually entitled, are published each year on 21 March and recent ones are available online on the CNCDH website at, viewed 21 April
    • These annual reports by the CNCDH, usually entitled La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie, are published each year on 21 March (the UN's International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination) and recent ones are available online on the CNCDH website at www.cncdh.fr/rubrique.php3? id_rubrique = 27 (viewed 21 April 2009).
    • (2009) The UN's International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
  • 41
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    • Note
    • Not having access to the detailed data from each year, it is not possible to conduct systematic tests to determine if the difference is statistically significant.
  • 42
    • 70350537374 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie: Année 2007
    • (Paris: La Documentation Franc ̧aise)
    • CNCDH, La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie: année 2007 (Paris: La Documentation Franc ̧aise 2008), 311.
    • (2008) CNCDH , pp. 311
  • 43
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    • Note
    • The bienniel Citizenship Survey was formerly under the auspices of the Home Office, and is now overseen by the Department of Communities and Local Government.
  • 44
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    • Note
    • It first asked respondents whether they felt there was more racial prejudice than five years earlier; if they answered affirmatively, it then asked them to identify the groups that were the target of such prejudice. The data presented here represent the answers of non-Muslim respondents.
  • 45
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    • Note
    • The difference in the response rate between the two categories was not statistically significant in either country in 2006 or in 2008.
  • 46
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    • La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie: Année
    • Note, For all data, CNCDH
    • Interestingly, however, when the question was only posed about Jews-i.e. with no comparison to Muslims-the negative responses were substantially higher for Jews. The 23 per cent in 2000 and 20 per cent in 2001 were in the same range as responses about Muslims in 2002-4, which declined from 25 to 20 per cent over those years.For all data, see CNCDH, La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie: année 2007, 311.
    • (2007) CNCDH , pp. 311
  • 47
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    • Note
    • In these same surveys, between 76 and 82 per cent of British and French respondents stated that Muslim identity in their country was 'strong', irrespective of whether they viewed it as growing.
  • 48
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    • Note
    • In the 2006 and 2008 Eurobarometer surveys, a thin plurality of British respondents tipped towards ethnic origin over religion and belief, as did a thin plurality of French respondents in 2008, suggesting-when combined with the British Citizenship Survey results-that ethnicity and religion were perceived as essentially equal vectors of increasing prejudice and discrimination.
  • 50
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    • Note
    • There was no direct comparison to the ethnic group 'Asians' in this question.
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    • La Lutte contre le racisme et la xénophobie
    • CNCDH
    • CNCDH, 2003. La Lutte contre le racisme et la xénophobie, 179-230.
    • (2003) , pp. 179-230
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  • 55
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    • Note
    • These differences were statistically significant at the.05 level in four of the six years in each country, and at the.10 level in five of the six years in each country.
  • 56
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    • Note
    • The 2008 Eurobarometer survey reinforced these findings, with 22 per cent and 15 per cent of British and French respondents, respectively, saying they would be uncomfortable having a 'Gypsy' as a neighbour, 4 per cent and 3 per cent uncomfortable with a neighbour of a different ethnic origin, and only 1 per cent and 2 per cent claiming discomfort with someone of a different religion.
  • 57
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    • The configuration of symbolic boundaries against immigrants in Europe
    • Note
    • These differences are statistically significant at the .01 level in both countries. One potential qualification is illuminated in European Social Survey data from 2002-3, in which ethnic/racial/religious majority respondents in both Britain and France thought it marginally more important that a hypothetical immigrant to their country came from a Christian background than be white: see Christopher Bail, 'The configuration of symbolic boundaries against immigrants in Europe', American Sociological Review, vol. 73, no. 1, 2008, 37-59, although Bail also raises the question of whether the tempered responses on race understated respondents' true aversion to racial difference (because of a social desirability effect common in survey research).
    • (2008) American Sociological Review , vol.73 , Issue.1 , pp. 37-59
    • Bail, C.1
  • 58
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    • La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie: Année
    • CNCDH, La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie: année 2007, 296-99.
    • (2007) CNCDH , pp. 296-99
  • 59
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    • Note
    • Some of this next level of analysis can be derived from existing surveys, especially the large British ones. In France, authors Sylvain Brouard and Vincent Tiberj have carried out and analysed a number of surveys that allow a deeper comparison of Muslim and non-Muslim public opinion.
  • 60
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    • The challenge to integration in France
    • Ariane Chebel d'Appollonia and Simon Reich (eds), Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press
    • See, for example, Sylvain Brouard and Vincent Tiberj, 'The challenge to integration in France', in Ariane Chebel d'Appollonia and Simon Reich (eds), Immigration, Integration, and Security: America and Europe in Comparative Perspective (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 2008), 283-99.
    • (2008) Immigration, Integration, and Security: America and Europe in Comparative Perspective , pp. 283-99
    • Brouard, S.1    Tiberj, V.2
  • 61
    • 70350528994 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Note, Unfortunately, the major surveys under review do not have systematic cross-time data covering the pre- and post-9/11 eras
    • This finding is partially confirmed by Fetzer and Soper's pre- and post-9/11 surveys of public attitudes towards Muslim practices in Britain, France and Germany: see Fetzer and Soper, Muslims and the State in Britain, France, and Germany, 143-4. Unfortunately, the major surveys under review do not have systematic cross-time data covering the pre- and post-9/11 eras.
    • Muslims and the State in Britain, France, and Germany , pp. 143-4
  • 62
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    • La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie: Année
    • CNCDH, La Lutte contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et la xénophobie: année 2007, 311.
    • (2007) CNCDH , pp. 311


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