Does anti-Americanism correlate to pro-China sentiments?

Chinese Journal of International Politics

Volumn 2, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 459-488

  Zixiao, Yang ^a   Zweig, David ^a,b  

^a HONG KONG UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY   (Hong Kong)

^b Hong Kong Eye Associates   (Hong Kong)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 70349509186     PISSN: 17508916     EISSN: 17508924     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/cjip/pop009     Document Type: Article

References (46)

1. Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, eds., Anti-Americanisms in World Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), p. 1
2. Joseph Nye, The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone (London: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 8-12.
3. Joseph Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: Public Affairs, 2004).
4. Joseph Nye, "The Rise of China's Soft Power", Wall Street Journal December 29, 2005.
5. Joshua Kurlantzik, Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power is Transforming the World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007).
6. James Hoey, The Global Reach of Chinese Soft Power: China's Rise and America's Decline? Master's Thesis, Naval Postgraduate School, 2007, pp. 1-3
7. for similar opinions, please see Esther Pan, "China's Soft Power Initiative, the Council on Foreign Relations", December 7, 2008, http://www.cfr.org/publication/10715/.
8. For an early model discussing China's soft power resources and implications for the United States, please refer to Bates Gill and Yanzhong Huang, "Sources and Limits of Chinese Soft Power", Survival, Vol. 48, No. 2, 2006, pp. 17-36.
9. For the latest detailed report on this issue, please refer to Carola McGiffert, ed., Chinese Soft Power and Its Implications for the United States: Competition and Cooperation in the Developing World (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2009).
10. Wang Yiwei, "Public Diplomacy and the Rise of China's Soft Power", The Annuals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 616, No. 1, 2008, pp. 257-273.
11. Joseph Nye, Soft Power.
12. "22-Nation Poll Shows China Viewed Positively by Most Countries Including Its Asian Neighbors", November 26, 2008, BBC/GlobalScan/PIPA, http://www.pipa.org/OnlineReports/China/ China_Mar05/China_Mar05_rpt.pdf.
13. The Chicago Council on Global Affairs/WorldPublicOpinion.org, World Public Opinion 2007, November 27, 2008, http://www.thechicagocouncil.org/dynamic_page.php?id=61.
14. The Chicago Council on Global Affairs and the East Asia Institute of South Korea, Soft Power in Asia: Results of a 2008 Multinational Survey of Public Opinion, November 27, 2008, http://www.thechicagocouncil.org/UserFiles/File/POS_Topline%20Reports/ Asia%20Soft%20Power%202008/Chicago%20Council%20Soft%20Power%20Report- %20Final%206-11-08.pdf.
15. Cynthia English, "Gallup: In Mideast, North Africa, Views of Powerful Nations Differ", November 27, 2008, http://www.gallup.com/poll/102694/Mideast-North-Africa-Views- Powerful-Nations-Differ.aspx.
16. Julie Ray, "Gallup: Asian Populations Predict China's Rise Over US", November 27, 2008, http://www.gallup.com/poll/104176/ Asian-Populations-Predict-Chinas-Rise-Over-US.aspx.
17. Bob Tortora, "Gallup: Early Impressions: Africans on US, Chinese Leadership", November 27, 2008, http://www.gallup.com/poll/25408/ Early-Impressions-Africans-USChinese-Leadership.aspx.
18. For more information, please visit http://pewglobal.org/.
19. Joseph Nye, Soft Power.
20. The correlation coefficient is 0.261%, and statistically significant at the 0.01% level. The result demonstrates there is indeed correlation between people's perceptions of China's economic and military rise (that is to say, they are either both good or both bad).
21. Paul Hollander, Anti-Americanism: Critiques at Home and Abroad, 1965-1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 334
22. Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, eds., Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, p. 12.
23. Ibid., pp. 28-34.
24. Joseph Nye, Soft Power.
25. The five questions are: (i) Please tell me if you have a very favorable, somewhat favorable, somewhat unfavorable or very unfavorable opinion of the United States. (ii) Right now, the United States has the most powerful military capability in the world. In future, should US policies try to keep it so America is the only military superpower, or would it be better if Europe, China or another country became as powerful as the United States? (iii) In making international policy decisions, to what extent do you think the United States takes into account the interests of countries like (survey country) - a great deal, a fair amount, not too much, or not at all? (iv) Which of the following phrases comes closer to describing your view? I favour the US-led efforts to fight terrorism, OR I oppose the US-led efforts to fight terrorism. (v) Now I'm going to read a list of political leaders. Tell me how much confidence you have in each leader to do the right thing regarding world affairs - a lot of confidence, some confidence, not too much confidence, or no confidence at all: US President George W. Bush. Here I don't exclude America's public opinion for several reasons: First, as hegemon nation of the world, US public opinion plays an important role in world affairs; second, people in the United States are also quick to criticize their own government's policies. The statistical results also show that the United States is not an outlier, though some differences do exist: about three-quarters did not want a military rival as strong as the United States; two-thirds had a degree of confidence in Bush; the other three questions have almost the same results as those of the other fifteen countries. But question no. 3 concerning US foreign policy is worded differently when asked in the United States: "When making international policy decisions, to what extent do you think the United States takes into account the interests of other countries around the world- a great deal, a fair amount, not too much, or not at all?" I nevertheless test the regression model exclusive of American public opinion in the section of further discussion.
26. Frank Klingberg, Cyclical Trends in American Foreign Policy Mood: The Unfolding of America's World Role (Lanham: University Press of America, 1983).
27. Gabriel Almond, The American People and Foreign Policy (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1950), p. 121.
28. Ole R. Holsti, Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996), p. 172.
29. National Opinion Research Center, "Cincinnati Looks at the United Nations", NORC Report, No. 37 (Chicago: Chicago National Opinion Research Center, 1947).
30. Take the United States as an example. In PEW 2005, there are nine categories under which to define respondents' incomes in the United States: The first is less than $10 000 annually and the ninth more than $150 000 a year. Recoding them as 1-9, the mean is 5.04 and the standard deviation is 2.27. Thus, the three dividing lines are: 2.77, 5.04 and 7.31, or in round numbers 3, 5 and 7. We hence place categories 1, 2 and 3 under low; 4 and 5 under mid-low; 6 and 7 under mid-high and 8 and 9 under high income.
31. For comparisons of the linear probability model and logit model for binary responses, please refer to Jeffrey M. Wooldridge, Introductory Econometrics: A Modern Approach (Cincinnati: South-Western College Publishing, 2008), p. 583.
32. For introductions to the multinomial logit model, please refer to J. Scott Long, Regression Models for Categorical and Limited Dependent Variables (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 1997), pp. 148-58.
33. Michael Mandelbaum and William Schneider, "The New Internationalism", in Kenneth A. Oye et al, eds., Eagle Entangled: U.S. Foreign Policy in a Complex World (New York: Longman, 1979).
34. Eugene R. Wittkopf, Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1990).
35. Above data comes from China Statistic Yearbook 2005.
36. United States International Trade Commission, The Year in Trade 2004: Operation of the Trade Agreements Program (56th Report), 2005.
37. Richard B. Myer, "The National Military Strategy of the United States of America: A Strategy for Today; A Vision for Tomorrow, 2004", April 12, 2009, http://www.defenselink.mil/news/Mar2005/ d20050318nms.pdf.
38. "Annual Report on the Military Power of the People's Republic of China, 2004", April 12, 2009, http://www.defenselink.mil/pubs/d20040528PRC.pdf.
39. Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, China's National Defense in 2004, April 15, 2009, http://english.people.com.cn/whitepaper/defense2004/defense2004.html.
40. Tony Karon, "Bush China Policy Defaults to Engagement", Time, July 31, 2001, April 15, 2009, http://www.time.com/time/columnist/karon/article/0,9565,169585,00.html.
41. "China, US More Than Stakeholders but Constructive Partners: Chinese FM", April 15, 2009, http://www.china-embassy.org/eng/zmgx/t248828.htm.
42. Karl Mannheim, Essays in the Sociology of Knowledge (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1952), p. 288.
43. Elizabeth Drew, "A Report at Large (Zbigniew Brzezinski)", New Yorker, May 1, 1978, pp. 90-130.
44. Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, Anti-Americanisms in World Politics.
45. Giacomo Chiozza, "Disaggregating Anti-Americanism: An Analysis of Individual Attitudes toward the United States", in Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, eds., Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, pp. 93-126.
46. Gabriel Almond, The American People and Foreign Policy (New York: Praeger, 1960).