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Volumn 22, Issue 2, 2008, Pages 143-162

Just War Theory and the Privatization of Military Force

(1)  Pattison, James a  

a NONE

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EID: 69649107780     PISSN: 08926794     EISSN: 17477093     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1747-7093.2008.00140.x     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (35)

References (67)
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    • Simon Chesterman and Chia Lehnardt, “Introduction,” in Chesterman and Lehnardt, eds., From Mercenaries to Market, p. 3. As Chesterman and Lehnardt note, this definition does not rely on the dubious distinction between “offensive” and “defensive” operations, which is sometimes used to distinguish between “private military companies” and “private security companies.” In addition, the definition is more precise, since the focus is on firms operating in conflict zones (in a military setting) rather than on those providing security in a stable environment.
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    • I say “largely” (rather than wholly) consistent with traditional notions of legitimate authority because Anna Leander argues that PMCs can directly and indirectly affect a state's decision to use military force. Not only do they influence the definition of national interests by lobbying, they also create a link between the public and private that is ripe for political corruption…and can result in hawkish behavior by governmental officials Rome: Centro Militare di Studi Strategici
    • I say “largely” (rather than wholly) consistent with traditional notions of legitimate authority because Anna Leander argues that PMCs can directly and indirectly affect a state's decision to use military force. Not only do they influence the definition of national interests by lobbying, they also create a link between the public and private that is ripe for political corruption…and can result in hawkish behavior by governmental officials. Anna Leander, Eroding State Authority? Private Military Companies and the Legitimate Use of Force (Rome: Centro Militare di Studi Strategici, 2006), p. 108.
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    • Note that JWT is increasingly being viewed as a “scalar” approach, according to which the overall justice of a war is a matter of degree, rather than a “checklist,” according to which all criteria of jus ad bellum, jus in bello, and jus post bellum must be met for a war to be just. As such, although these three solutions may provide extra restrictions on warfare, they do not mean that the bar for a just war will be set unattainably high (i.e., by adding extra “boxes to tick”). For further discussion of the scalar and checklist approaches, see
    • Note that JWT is increasingly being viewed as a “scalar” approach, according to which the overall justice of a war is a matter of degree, rather than a “checklist,” according to which all criteria of jus ad bellum, jus in bello, and jus post bellum must be met for a war to be just. As such, although these three solutions may provide extra restrictions on warfare, they do not mean that the bar for a just war will be set unattainably high (i.e., by adding extra “boxes to tick”). For further discussion of the scalar and checklist approaches, see Orend, Morality, pp. 105–106
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    • Although Blackwater are officially employed to guard officials and perform other defensive functions in Iraq, they have, according to some accounts, conducted a number of offensive operations. For instance, the Democratic Majority Staff of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform suggest that the vast majority of Blackwater weapons discharges have been preemptive: “Blackwater personnel have participated in 195 incidents in Iraq from January 1, 2005, through September 12, 2007, that involved firearms discharges by Blackwater personnel … on 163 occasions (84% of the shooting incidents), Blackwater personnel were the first to fire.” Democratic Majority Staff of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Memorandum: Additional Information about Blackwater USA, October 1, 2007, p. 6. For details of DynCorp's alleged combat roles in Colombia.
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