Finding the "ideal diet": Nutrition, culture, and dietary practices in France and French equatorial Africa, c. 1890s to 1920s

Food and Foodways

Volumn 17, Issue 1, 2009, Pages 1-28

  Neill, Deborah ^a  

^a YORK UNIVERSITY   (Canada)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 68149158591     PISSN: 07409710     EISSN: 15423484     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/07409710802520268     Document Type: Article

References (181)

1. George Treille, Principes d'Hygiène Coloniale (Paris: George Carré et Naud, 1899), p. 155.
2. Ibid., p. 232.
3. For the full discussion see pp. 153-158.
4. On the subject of French attitudes towards "racial mixing," see Owen White, Children of the French Empire: Miscegenation and Colonial Society in French West Africa 1895-1960 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999).
5. Dr. Lemanski, L'Hygiène de colon, ou vade-mecum de l'Européen aux Colonies (Paris: G. Steinheil, 1902), pp. 9-10.
6. For more on the balance between nutritional concerns and the cultural rationales behind people's dietary choices, see Paul Fieldhouse, Food and Nutrition: Customs and Culture (San Diego: Chapman & Hall, 1995 [1985]), p. 27
7. also see pp. 18-19.
8. For more on nutritional anthropology see Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)
9. E.N. Anderson, Everyone Eats: Understanding Food and Culture (New York University Press: New York and London, 2005).
10. I aim to build on and contribute to the innovative work on nutrition, colonialism and dietary habits that includes Alberto Capatti, Le goût du nouveau: Origines de la modernité alimentaire (Paris: Albin Michel, 1989), especially "Les tropiques chez soi," pp. 187-212
11. Jeremy Rich, A Workman is Worthy of his Meat: Food and Colonialism in the Gabon Estuary (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2007)
12. James C. McCann, Maize and Grace: Africa's Encounter with a New World Crop, 1500-2000 (Boston: University of Harvard Press, 2005)
13. Susanne Freidberg, "French Beans for the Masses: A Modern Historical Geography of Food in Burkina Faso," Journal of Historical Geography 29/3 (2003): 445-463
14. Erica J. Peters, "National Preferences and Colonial Cuisine: Seeking the Familiar in French Vietnam," Proceedings of the Western Society for French History 27 (1999): 150-159
15. Lauren Janes, "The Familiar and the Exotic: Colonial Foods in Interwar Paris," PhD Dissertation, University of California Los Angeles, Forthcoming 2010.
16. In the 1830s, the effort to establish soup kitchens in France led to vigorous debates about what really constituted "complete nutrition," with soups based primarily on gelatin and bones coming under fire for their dearth of nutritional content. See Alan D. Krinsky, "Let Them Eat Horsemeat! Science, Philanthropy, State, and the Search for Complete Nutrition in Nineteenth-Century France." PhD Dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2001, pp. 99-130.
17. For more on the British motivations behind nutritional research in this period, see Kenneth J. Carpenter, Protein and Energy: A Study of Changing Ideas in Nutrition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 59-60.
18. Cullather argues that key to this approach was Wilbur O. Atwater's research which established the calorie as an "international measure of food value." He influenced the shift of nutritional science from "its descriptive, reformist roots" to "a quantitative, technocratic specialization." See "The Foreign Policy of the Calorie," American Historical Review 112/2 (April 2007): 342-345.
19. See "Ier Congrès international d'Hygiène alimentaire," Revue de la Société scientifique d'hygiène alimentaire et de l'alimentation rationnelle de l'Homme 3/2-6 (1906).
20. All of the issues from this year were devoted to reports from the Congress. For 1910, see IIe congrès international d'hygiène alimentaire et de l'alimentation rationnelle de l'homme Bruxelles 4-8 Octobre 1910 (Brussels: M. Weissenbruch, 1910).
21. For example, at the 1906 international conference there was a major presentation on vegetarian diets by Mlle. Dr. I. Ioteyko and Mlle. V. Kipiani. See " étude physiologique sur les végétariens," in Revue de la Société scientifique d'hygiène alimentaire et de l'alimentation rationnelle de l'Homme 3/2 (1906): 114-207.
22. For more on the rise of health-based vegetarianism, see James C. Whorton, "Tempest in a Flesh-pot: The Formulation of a Physiological Rationale for Vegetarianism," in Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 32 (1977): 115-119
23. Alberto Capatti, Le Goût du nouveau, "L'énergie verte: Herbivores contre carnivores," pp. 87-109.
24. For more on the "scurvy wars," see Gratzer, Terrors of the Table (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 16-35.
25. Also see Christopher Lawrence, "Disciplining Diseases: Scurvy, the Navy and Imperial Expansion, 1750-1825," in David Miller and Peter Hans Reill, eds., Visions of Empire: Voyages, Botany and Representations of Nature (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 80-106.
26. This disease affects sensory nerves and the symptoms included extreme weakness, numbness and heart failure. For his research, Eijkman received the 1929 Nobel Prize together with British scientist Frederick Hopkins. Yet the irony is, as Harmke Kamminga argues, that Eijkman himself had been "deeply reluctant to exclude a bacterial cause for beri-beri" and "contested a particular interpretation of his work that has gone down in history as his seminal contribution." See "Credit and Resistance: Eijkman and the Transformation of Beri-beri into a Vitamin Deficiency Disease," Clio Medicao 48 (1998): 232-254.
27. For more on beriberi, see Kenneth J. Carpenter, Beriberi, White Rice, and Vitamin B: A Disease, A Cause, and A Cure (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000)
28. K. Codell Carter, "The Germ Theory, Beriberi, and the Deficiency Theory of Disease," Medical History 21/2 (1977): 119-136.
29. Walter Gratzer documents how, even in 1919, the British nutritionist Harriette Chick and her colleague Elsie Dalyell faced what Chick called the "polite incredulity" of the Viennese medical establishment. The two scientists were arguing, correctly, that the diseases stalking the starving inhabitants of Vienna were caused by nutritional deficiencies. See Terrors of the Table, pp. 5-7. Chick's quote is on p. 6. On the slow acceptance of vitamins, a 1918 French nutritional guide made scant mention of vitamins, although the author did emphasize the value of vegetables in a way more marked than in previous guides.
30. See Armand Hemmerdinger, Leçons pratiques d'Alimentation raisonnée (Paris: Masson et Cie., 1918).
31. For Prout's contribution to notions of an adequate diet, see Karl Y. Guggenheim, Nutrition and Nutritional Diseases: The Evolution of Concepts (Lexington: The Collamore Press, 1981), pp. 147-148.
32. Krinsky, "Let them Eat Horsemeat!" p. 311.
33. Leibig attempted to turn his theory about protein's essential role in nutrition to profit by commercializing meat extracts. For his work and the subsequent disputes about the product's nutritional value, see Mark R. Finlay, "Quackery and Cookery: Justus von Liebig's Extract of Meat and the Theory of Nutrition in the Victorian Age," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 66/3 (1992): 404-18.
34. The British, Kenneth Carpenter argues, were more likely to take an applied rather than a theoretical approach to nutrition studies. In 1871 a study by a professor in the Army School of Medicine demonstrated that fat and starch could provide the necessary energy for muscular work. See Carpenter, Protein and Energy, pp. 59, 68-9.
35. For more on the reception of French chefs in Britain, see Stephen Mennell, All Manners of Food: Eating and Taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the Present (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996).
36. Priscilla P. Clark, "Thoughts for Food, I: French Cuisine and French Culture," The French Review XLIX/1 (1975): 33-4.
37. On the importance of France as the birthplace of the modern restaurant, see Rebecca Spang, The Invention of the Restaurant: Paris and Modern Gastronomic Culture (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000).
38. On celebrity chefs and gastronomic writers, see Ian Kelly, Cooking for Kings: The Life of Antonin Carême, the First Celebrity Chef (New York: Walker and Co., 2004)
39. Timothy Shaw, The World of Escoffier (London: The Vendome Press, 1994)
40. Antonin Brillat-Savarin, La Physiologie du goût (Paris, 1825).
41. Armand Gautier, L'Alimentation et les régimes chez l'homme sain ou malade (Paris: Masson et Cie., 1908), pp. 483, 486-490.
42. Ibid., p. 492.
43. Hemmerdinger, Leçons pratiques, pp. 32-33, 130-134.
44. Dr. Dujardin-Beaumetz, L'Hygiène Alimentaire: Aliments, alimentation, régime alimentaire dans les malades (Paris: Octave Doin, 1889), pp. vii-viii.
45. Ibid., pp. 71-72.
46. J. Rouget and C. Dopter, Hygiène Alimentaire (Paris: Librairie J.B. Baillière et Fils, 1906), pp. 61-62.
47. Gautier, L'Alimentation, pp. 491-492.
48. For more on French temperance, see Patricia Prestwich, Drink and the Politics of Social Reform: Antialcoholism in France Since 1870 (Palo Alto: Society for the Promotion of Science and Scholarship, 1988).
49. For the relationship of wine to French identity, see Kolleen M. Guy, When Champagne Became French: Wine and the Making of a National Identity (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003).
50. H. Polin and H. Labit, L'Hygiène Alimentaire (Paris: Rueff, 1893), p. 143.
51. Gautier, L'Alimentation, p. 416 (emphasis his).
52. Ibid., pp. 384-385.
53. Polin and Labit, L'Hygiène Alimentaire, p. 43.
54. Rouget and Dopter, Hygiène Alimentaire, pp. 141.
55. For a discussion of the rising importance of meat and markets in the early modern period, see Sydney Watts, Meat Matters: Butchers, Politics, and Market Culture in Eighteenth-century Paris. (Buffalo: University of Rochester Press, 2006).
56. Gautier, L'Alimentation, p. 161.
57. Ibid., p. 17.
58. Ibid., pp. 17, 551-553.
59. Ibid., pp. 560.
60. On the European acclimatization debates, see Mark Harrison, Climates and Constitutions: Health, Race, Environment and British Imperialism in India, 1600-1850 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999)
61. Eric Jennings, Curing the Colonizers: Hydrotherapy, Climatology, and French Colonial Spas (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2006)
62. Pascal Grosse, "Turning Native? Anthropology, German Colonialism, and the Paradoxes of the 'Acclimatization Question,' 1885-1918," in H. Glenn Penny and Matti Bunzl, eds., Worldly Provincialism: German Anthropology in the Age of Empire (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003), pp. 179-197
63. David Arnold, Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
64. Treille, Principes, p. 6.
65. Serge Abbatucci, "Le milieu africain considéré au point de vue de ses effets sur le système nerveux de l'Européen," Annales d'hygiène et de médecine coloniales 13/2 (1910): 334.
66. Abattucci also argued that the climate could affect behavior; he referred to this syndrome as soudanite and defined it as "the alterations of the personality provoked by exoticism." See p. 328.
67. Charles Joyeux, Hygiène de l'Européen aux Colonies (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1928), p. 90.
68. Treille, Principes, p. 215.
69. P. Just Navarre, Manuel d'hygiène coloniale: Guide de l'Européen dans les pays chauds (Paris: Octave Doin, 1895), p. 221.
70. Lemanski, L'Hygiène de colon, p. 58.
71. Gustave Reynaud, Hygiène des colons (Paris: Librarie J.B. Baillière, 1903), pp. 152, 187.
72. Joyeux, Hygiène, pp. 114-120
73. Reynaud, Hygiène, pp. 125-140. In terms of problems with the quality of food, it was not just dairy products that worried these writers - readers were also warned to ensure the quality of their meat, canned goods, coffee and tea.
74. Treille, Principes, p. 191.
75. Lemanski, L'Hygiène, p. 53.
76. Reynaud, Hygiène, p. 143.
77. Barot, Guide, p. 140.
78. M. Neveau-Lemaire, Principes d'hygiène et de médecine coloniales (Paris: Société d'éditions géographiques, maritimes et coloniales, 1925), p. 257.
79. Barot, Guide, p. 141.
80. For more on the wine industry in Algeria, see Susanna Barrows, "Alcohol, France and Algeria: A Case Study in the International Liquor Trade," Contemporary Drug Problems (Winter 1982): 525-543
81. for more on the origins of the campaign against trade spirits in West Africa and elsewhere, see Suzanne Miers, "The Brussels Conference of 1889-1890: The Place of the Slave Trade in the Policies of Great Britain and Germany," in Gifford Prosser and William Roger Louis, eds., Britain and Germany in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), pp. 83-118.
82. Reynaud, Hygiène, p. 152
83. Treille, Principes, pp. 203, 202.
84. Reynaud, Hygiène, p. 157.
85. Rice, along with manioc, continued to be described as "substitutes of quite lower quality" in the 1920s: See Joyeux, Hygiène, pp. 113-114.
86. Kermorgant and Reynaud, "Précautions hygièniques à prendre pour les expéditions et les explorations aux pays chauds," Annales d'hygiène et de médecine coloniales (1900): 363.
87. Joyeux, Hygiène, pp. 91-92.
88. Barot, Guide, p. 116.
89. Michael Osborne, "European Visions: Science, the Tropics, and the War on Nature," in Yvon Chatelin and Christophe Bonneuil, eds., Nature et environnement (Paris: Orstom éditions, 1995), p. 26.
90. For more on the introduction of plants and animals transplanted from temperate to tropical zones by the French, see Christophe Bonneuil, "Le Muséum national d'histoire naturelle et l'expansion coloniale de la Troisième République (1870-1914)," Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer no. 322-323 (1999): 143-169.
91. R. de Noter, Le Verger Colonial: Guide pratique à l'usage des colons des pays chauds (Paris, Société d'éditions géographiques, maritimes et coloniales, 1925).
92. A. Levaré, Le Confort aux colonies (Paris: Larose, 1928), p. 222.
93. Reynaud, Hygiène, pp. 187-188.
94. Joyeux, Hygiène pp. 91-92.
95. For conflicting advice about spices, see Reynaud, Hygiène, p. 187
96. Treille, Principes, p. 206
97. Kermorgant and Reynaud, "Précautions," p. 371.
98. Erica Peters has argued this in her exploration of the appearance of Indian ingredients in French Indochina. See Negotiating Power Through Everyday Practices in French Vietnam, 1880-1924. PhD dissertation, the University of Chicago, 2000, p. 171.
99. For numerous suggested recipes, see Levaré, Le Confort aux Colonies, pp. 54-91.
100. Fieldhouse, Food and Nutrition, 37.
101. Theodore Zeldin, A History of French Passions Volume IV: Taste and Corruption (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 377.
102. Alain Drouard, Les Français et la table: Alimentation, cuisine, gastronomie du Moyen Âge à nos jours (Paris: Ellipses, 2005), p. 102
103. Zeldin, A History, p. 383.
104. Gautier, L'Alimentation, pp. 12-16.
105. Fran Osseo-Asare, Food Culture in Sub-Saharan Africa (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2005), pp. xv, 130-152.
106. Other books that explore African food history as well as providing recipes for African dishes include Jessica B. Harris, The Africa Cookbook: Tastes of a Continent (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998)
107. Diane M. Spivey, The Peppers, Cracklings and Knots of Wool Cookbook (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999)
108. Marcus Samuelsson, The Soul of a New Cuisine: A Discovery of the Foods and Flavors of Africa (New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons, 2006).
109. On the importance of alcohol, see Emmanuel Kwaku Akyeampong's Drink, Power and Cultural Change: A Social History of Alcohol in Ghana, c. 1800 to Recent Times (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann; Oxford: James Currey, 1996).
110. Diana Wylie, Starving on a Full Stomach: Hunger and the Triumph of Cultural Racism in Modern South Africa (Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia, 2001), p. 27.
111. Canning, or "Appertization," was introduced by the Paris confectioner Nicolas Appert, whose first book was enthusiastically received by the government in 1810. Martin Bruegel argues that the adoption of canned goods by public schools and the army, as well as their necessity during the First World War, led to their gradual acceptance in France. See Bruegel, "How the French Learned to Eat Canned Food, 1809-1930s," in Warren Belasco and Philip Scranton, eds., Food Nations: Selling Taste in Consumer Societies (New York and London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 113-130.
112. Drouard, Les Français et la table, p. 110.
113. Roger Thévenot, A History of Refrigeration Throughout the World (Paris: International Institute of Refrigeration, 1979) pp. 134-5.
114. Alberto Capatti, Le gôut du nouveau, pp. 115-117
115. Drouard, Les Français et la table, p. 113.
116. For more on Tellier's work, see Charles Tellier, Histoire d'une invention moderne: Le frigorifique (Delagrave, 1910).
117. For further information on the history of refrigeration in other contexts, see Hans Jürgen Teuteberg, "History of Cooling and Freezing Techniques and their Impact on Nutrition in Twentieth- Century Germany," in Adel P. den Hartog, ed., Food Technology, Science and Marketing: European Diet in the Twentieth Century (East Lothian, Tuckwell Press, 1995) pp. 51-66
118. William R. Wolrich, The Men Who Created Cold: A History of Refrigeration (New York: Exposition Press, 1967).
119. For more on the role of technology in cementing Europe's sense of superiority, see Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology and Ideologies ofWestern Dominance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989).
120. Diana Wylie and Gerd Spittler argue that in Africa, few regions had class-stratified societies that expressed their differences through foodways. See Gerd Spittler, "In Praise of the Simple Meal: African and European Food Culture Compared," in Carola Lentz, ed., Changing Food Habits: Case Studies from Africa, South America and Europe (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1999), pp. 27-42
121. Wylie, Starving on a Full Stomach, p. 26.
122. Spittler, "In Praise of the Simple Meal," p. 37.
123. Wylie, Starving on a Full Stomach, p. 26. Recreating "peasant food" as "regional food" preserved many of these traditions, as notables and provincial elites established gastronomic clubs and other societies to celebrate their food as part of a national French tradition.
124. For more on regional cuisines, see Julia Csergo, "L'émergence des cuisines régionales," in Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari, eds., Histoire de l'Alimentation (Paris: Fayard, 1996), pp. 823-841.
125. One example of interference that Jeremy Rich notes was the official refusal of bread licenses to Ga men from the Gold Coast in 1886, and only out of desperation the provision of a license to another African in Libreville two years later. By 1892, a Portuguese trader was the sole source of bread in the city. See A Workman, pp. 57-58; 59-63.
126. Phyllis Martin, Leisure and Society in Colonial Brazzaville, (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 21-22; 37.
127. Christopher Gray, Colonial Rule and Crisis in Equatorial Africa: Southern Gabon, ca. 1850-1940 (Buffalo: University of Rochester Press), pp. 142-13l; 150-153.
128. Martin, Leisure and Society, pp. 30-43.
129. Gray, Colonial Rule, pp. 150-161.
130. Wylie, Starving on a Full Stomach, pp. 25-26.
131. See Albert Baratier, Au CDngo: Souvenirs de la mission Marchand: de Loango à Brazzaville (Paris: Arthème Fayard et Cie, 1900), pp. 9-10
132. Report of Dr. Emily, La Dépêche Coloniale (February 3, 1901), p. 1.
133. Johannes Fabian, Out of Our Minds: Reason and Madness in the Exploration of Central Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), pp. 71-72.
134. Général Gouraud, Zinder Tchad: Souvenirs d'un Africain (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1944), pp. 279-280.
135. Ibid.
136. Barot, Guide, p. 109.
137. Gouraud, p. 98.
138. Centre des archives d'outre-mer (CAOM), AEF 3d 1. Brazza inspection of 1905, report to Brazza from the administrator of the region of Krebedje.
139. Fernand Rouget, L'Afrique Equatoriale illustrée (Paris: Larose, 1913), pp. 73-74. He recorded that it cost 4-6 francs for a kilo of meat, which was hard to obtain, 2-3 francs for a chicken, and 6-9 francs for duck.
140. Rich, A Workman, p. 138.
141. Captain Deschamps, De Bordeaux au Tchad par Brazzaville (Paris: Société d'Imprimerie et de Librarie, 1911), p. 24.
142. The writer Gabrielle Vassal notes that "Neither rabbit nor fowl, rarely a bird bigger than a sparrow is to be found, for two or three days' journey in circumference." See Life in French Congo (London: T Fisher Unwin Ltd., 1925), pp. 150-162 for more on hunting expeditions in the colony.
143. Gouraud, Zinder Tchad p. 137.
144. For more on the European liquor trade with Africa, the attempts to curb it, and African reactions to restrictive legislation, see Owen White, "Drunken States: Temperance and French Rule in Cô te d'Ivoire, 1908-1916," Journal of Social History 40/3 (2007): 663-684
145. Simon Heap, "A Bottle of Gin is Dangled Before the Nose of the Natives": The Economic Uses of Imported Liquor in Southern Nigeria, 1860-1920," African Economic History 33 (2005): 69-85
146. Akyeampong, Drink, Power, and Cultural Change, Charles Ambler, "Drunks, Brewers and Chiefs: Alcohol Regulation in Colonial Kenya, 1900-1939," in Susanna Barrows and Robin Room, eds., Drinking: Behavior and Belief in Modern History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 165-183.
147. Vassal, Life in French Congo, p. 174. Vassal's assertion about whisky is contradicted by other accounts where French writers show a preference for it. Marcel Sauvage's 1937 memoir often mentions whisky consumption, and French official Marcel Gousset, before a day of hunting, reminded his servant to bring whisky along with his packed lunch of three roasted chickens, bread, wine, and canned goods.
148. See Sauvage, Sous le feu de l'Equateur (Paris: Denoël, 1937), pp. 194, 244, 245
149. Gousset, En brousse A.E.F. (Paris: Fernand Sorlot, 1943), p. 11.
150. Barot, Guide, p. 140.
151. Ibid., p. 109
152. Lemanski, L'Hygiène, p. 57
153. Levaré, Le Confort aux Colonies, pp. 102-106, 132-134.
154. S. Leith-Ross and G. Ruxton, Practical West African Cookery (Chichester: J.W. Moore, 1910), preface.
155. Olga Rosenberg, Kolonial-Kochbuch (Berlin: Süsserott, 1906), pp. 6-14.
156. Statistics are from Phyllis Martin, Leisure and Society, p. 36, quote is on p. 190.
157. For more on Motley, see Martin, Leisure, pp. 189-191 and Mary Motley, Devils in Waiting (London: Longmans, 1959).
158. Vassal, Life in French Congo, pp. 41-42
159. Mary Motley, Devils in Waiting pp. 29-35, quote is on p. 29.
160. Vassal, Life in French Congo, pp. 29-32.
161. Rich, A Workman, p. 139.
162. Jean Kenyon MacKenzie, African Clearings (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1924), pp. 19-20
163. idem, Black Sheep: Adventures in West Africa (Boston and New York, Houghton Mifflin, 1916), pp. 287-288, 253.
164. MacKenzie, Black Sheep, pp. 212-213
165. African Clearings, pp. 1-2, 18.
166. Rich, A Workman, p. 140.
167. MacKenzie, African Clearings, pp. 76-77.
168. Brazzaville's European population went from 248 in 1900 to 1,093 in 1931. See Martin, Leisure and Society, p. 36.
169. Rouget, L'Afrique, p. 77.
170. Vassal, Life in French Congo, p. 41.
171. Levaré, Le Confort aux colonies, p. 24.
172. Vassal, Life in French Congo, pp. 43, 44-45.
173. Vassal, pp. 94, 72, 39.
174. Rich, A Workman, 91.
175. Maurice Briault, Dans la forêt du Gabon (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1930), pp. 20-21.
176. For more on rations, currency and barter with food in Libreville, see Rich, A Workman, p. 92.
177. Briault, Dans la forêt du Gabon, pp. 20-21.
178. Ferri-Pisani, Congo. Avec les chercheurs d'or et les pygmées parmi les éléphants et les gorilles (Paris: Les éditions de France, 1940), pp. 1-10.
179. Quote is on p. 7-8.
180. For more on the acceptance of tropical foods in France, see Capatti, Le Goût du nouveau, pp. 187-212.
181. For a contemporary cookbook celebrating the French colonies, see Charlotte Rabette, La Cuisine Chez Soi par Catherine (Paris: éditions Portiques, 1931).