Civic solidarity in Hong Kong and Taiwan

China Quarterly

Volumn , Issue 197, 2009, Pages 183-203

  Lo, Ming Cheng Miriam ^a   Bettinger, Christopher P ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CIVIL SOCIETY; DEMOCRACY; ELECTION; PARTY POLITICS; POLITICAL DISCOURSE; STATE ROLE;

ASIA; CHINA; EURASIA; FAR EAST; HONG KONG; TAIWAN;

EID: 67949086886     PISSN: 03057410     EISSN: 14682648     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0305741009000101     Document Type: Article

References (80)

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2. Jeffery Alexander, Action and Its Environments: Toward a New Synthesis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988).
3. It is important to clarify that we, like Alexander, focus on this symbolic, cultural sense of "we-ness" rather than the mechanisms that may be associated with building such a sense. While social ties and civic engagement are often considered as possible (though not inevitable) mechanisms for engendering and strengthening this symbolic sense of a civic community, the two should not be conflated. Thus civil society scholarship centred on discourse takes up a different object of study from studies of civic ties.
4. Robert M. Marsh, "Tolerance of civil liberties in a new democracy," Comparative Sociology, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (2005), pp. 313-38.
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9. Agnes Ku, "Postcolonial cultural trends in Hong Kong: Imagining the local, the national, and the global," in ibid. pp. 343-64.
10. Ngok Ma, "Changing political cleavages in post-1997 Hong Kong: A study of the changes through the electoral arena," in ibid. pp. 111-38;
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15. For Locke, what held human beings together in the form of a civil society was their shared fear of the Christian God. For most of the Scottish Enlightenment scholars, civil society was held together by an awareness of the interdependence of need. Hegel found both answers insufficient. He claimed to have produced a political equivalent of the Christian community, "united not by fear of God but by belief in the divinity of the political community itself." Sunil Khilnani, "The development of civil society," in Sudipta Kaviraj and Sunil Khilnani (eds.), Civil Society: History and Possibilities (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 11-32;
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17. For Habermas, a vibrant pluralistic public sphere is united by the universally-revered value of rational communicative action, thus "any individual or group may argue for continued incorporation into the decision-making process simply by demonstrating their ability to reason and to express it." Eyal Rabinovitch, "Gender and the public sphere: alternative forms of integration in 19th-century America," Sociological Theory, Vol. 19 (2001), p. 347.
18. For him, only rational communicative action can achieve social integration necessary for a democratic public sphere without suppressing social and cultural differences. Gellner shares a similar view, with less of a focus on the normative value of rational debate than on the social function of rational individualism. Ernest Gellner, "The importance of being modular," in John A. Hall (ed.), Civil Society: Theory, History, Comparison (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1995), pp. 41-52.)
19. In Democracy in America, Tocqueville praises civic associations in the United States not just for their ability to create social ties but especially their orientation towards the common good, or the propensity to orient their arguments towards public engagement. Jeffrey Alexander, The Civil Sphere (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).
20. Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the public sphere: A contribution to the critique of actually existing democracy," in Craig Calhoun (ed.), Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), p. 119.
21. Alexander, The Civil Sphere;
22. Alexander, "Citizen and enemy as symbolic classification."
23. See Rabinovitch, "Gender and the public sphere";
24. Ku, "The 'public' up against the state";
25. Gianpaolo Baiocchi, "The civilizing force of social movements: corporate and liberal codes in Brazil's public sphere," Sociological Theory, Vol. 24, No. 4 (2006), pp. 285-311.
26. Ku, "The 'public' up against the state";
27. Baiocchi, "The civilizing force of social movements";
28. Pamela Radcliff, "Citizens and housewives: The problem of female citizenship in Spain's transition to democracy," Journal of Social History, Vol. 36, No. 1 (2002), pp. 77-100.
29. Baiocchi, "The civilizing force of social movements," p. 291.
30. Goeff Eley, "Nations, publics, and political cultures: Placing Habermas in the 19th century," in Calhoun, Habermas and the Public Sphere, pp. 289-339;
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34. Jacobs, "Civil society and crisis."
35. Jacobs, "Race, media and civil society."
36. See Alexander, The Civil Sphere, particularly chs. 10 and 11.
37. See ibid., particularly ch. 8, for a detailed discussion of civil repairs.
38. Ma, "Changing political cleavages in post-1997 Hong Kong," p. 120.
39. Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom and Sin-kiong Wong, "Taunting the turtles and damning the dogs: Animal epithets and political conflict in Modern China," East Asian Working Paper Series on Language and Politics in Modern China, No. 9 (1996).
40. Larry Feign, Banned in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hambalan Press, 2005 ).
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43. Alexander, The Civil Sphere.
44. Christie Davies, "Humour is not a strategy in war," Journal of European Studies, 2002, pp. 395-413;
45. Peter Duus, "Presidential address: Weapons of the weak, weapons of the strong - the development of the Japanese political cartoon," The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 60, No. 4 (2001), pp. 965-97.
46. Joan L. Connors, "Visual representations of the 2004 presidential campaign: Political cartoons and popular culture references," American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 49, No. 3 (2005), p. 480;
47. See also William Gamson and David Stuart, "Media discourse as a symbol contest: The bomb in political cartoon," Sociological Forum, Vol. 7, No. 1 (1992), pp. 55-86.
48. Gamson and Stuart, "Media discourse as a symbol contest."
49. Agnes Ku, Narratives, Politics and the Public Sphere Struggles over Political Reform in the Final Transitional Years in Hong Kong (1992-1994) (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 1999).
50. For a detailed description of the positions and readerships of these newspapers and news magazines during the 1990s, see Chin-Chuan Lee, "The paradox of political economy: Media structure, press freedom, and regime change in Hong Kong," in Chin-Chuan Lee (ed.), Power, Money, and Media: Communication Patterns and Bureaucratic Control in Cultural China (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2000), pp. 288-336.
51. Ming-Cheng M. Lo and Yun Fan. "Gender and civic imagination: Political culture in Hong Kong and Taiwan," paper presented at the 2006 Annual meetings of the Social Science History Association (Minneapolis, Minnesota).
52. Ku, "The 'public' up against the state."
53. Lo, Bettinger and Fan, "Deploying weapons of the weak."
54. Binary code was operationalized in two ways: Using the three major discourses of liberty, caring and bureaucracy; and using the discourses of caring and bureaucracy and the five subcodes of liberty. These two methods had no effect on the substantive findings. We have presented the second method here for its greater detail.
55. Yu-tzung Chang, Yun-han Chu and Min-hua Huang, "The uneven growth of democratic legitimacy in East Asia," International Journal of Public Opinion Research, Vol. 18, No. 2 (2006), pp. 246-55;
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59. Marilynn Brewer, "Multiple identities and identity transition: implications for Hong Kong," International Journal of Intercultural Relations, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1999), pp. 187-97;
60. Anthony Fung, "Postcolonial Hong Kong identity: Hybridising the local and the national," Social Identities, Vol. 10, No. 3 (2004), pp. 399-414.
61. Nai-Te Wu, "Identity conflict and political trust";
62. Joseph Chan and Elaine Chan, "Charting the state of social cohesion in Hong Kong," The China Quarterly, No. 187 (2006), pp. 635-58.
63. See for example, Agnes Ku, "Negotiating the space of civil autonomy in Hong Kong: Power, discourse and dramaturgical representations," The China Quarterly, No. 169 (2004), pp. 108-35;
64. Ku, "The 'public' up against the state";
65. Scott Simon, "Contesting Formosa: Tragic remembrance, urban space, and national identity in Taipak," Identities, Vol. 10, No. 1 (2003), pp. 109-31;
66. Sheue Yun Chen, "State, media and democracy in Taiwan," Media, Culture & Society, Vol. 20 (1998), pp. 11-29;
67. Dafydd Fell, "Political and media liberalization and political corruption in Taiwan," The China Quarterly, No. 184 (2005), pp. 875-93.
68. See Agnes Ku, "Immigration policies, discourses, and the politics of local belonging in Hong Kong (1950-1980)," Modern China, Vol. 30 (2004), pp. 326-60.
69. Guoguang Wu, "Identity, sovereignty, and economic penetration: Beijing's responses to offshore Chinese democracies," Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 16, No. 51 (2007), pp. 295-313;
70. Kuan and Lau, "Traditional orientations and political participation in three Chinese societies."
71. Ku, "The 'public' up against the state;"
72. Lo and Fan, "Gender and civic imagination."
73. Rabinovitch, "Gender and the public sphere."
74. For example Kuan and Lau, "Traditional orientations and political participation in three Chinese societies";
75. Nai-Te Wu, "Identity conflict and political trust."
76. Ku, "Immigration policies, discourses, and the politics of local belonging in Hong Kong."
77. Wong and Sun, "Dissolution and reconstruction of national identity."
78. Brewer, "Multiple identities and identity transition."
79. See also Ma, "Changing political cleavages in post-1997 Hong Kong."
80. Wu, "Identity, sovereignty, and economic penetration."