Identity, sovereignty, and economic penetration: Beijing's responses to offshore Chinese democracies

Journal of Contemporary China

Volumn 16, Issue 51, 2007, Pages 295-313

  Wu, Guoguang ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRATIZATION; ECONOMIC INTEGRATION; LEADERSHIP; NATIONAL IDENTITY; NATIONALISM; SOVEREIGNTY; STRATEGIC APPROACH;

ASIA; BEIJING [CHINA]; CHINA; EURASIA; FAR EAST; HONG KONG; TAIWAN;

EID: 34247647446     PISSN: 10670564     EISSN: 14699400     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10670560701194590     Document Type: Article

References (68)

1. For systematic examinations of democratization in colonial, transitional, and Chinese Hong Kong, see, for example, Ming K. Chan, 'Decolonization without democracy: The birth of pluralist politics in Hong Kong', in Edward Friedman, ed., The Politics of Democratization: Generalizing East Asian Experience (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), pp. 161-181
2. Shiu-Hing Lo, The Politics of Democratization in Hong Kong (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997)
3. and Ming Sing, Hong Kong's Tortuous Democratization: A Comparative Analysis (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004).
4. For accounts of the Taiwanese transition to democracy, see, for instance, Hung-mao Tien, The Great Transition: Political and Social Change in the Republic of China (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1989)
5. Linda Chao and Ramon H. Myers, The First Chinese Democracy: Political Life in the Republic of China on Taiwan (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998)
6. and Bruce J. Dickson, 'The evolution of the state in the Republic of China on Taiwan', in David Shambaugh, ed., The Modern Chinese State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 73-104.
7. Han Chinese make up about 98% of the Hong Kong population; in Taiwan, despite the historically and politically constructed 'ethnic' divisions between 'mainlanders' and 'Taiwanese', both groups are actually han Chinese, as non-han residents of Taiwan (mainly the aboriginal people) make up a very small portion in the Taiwan population. See James C. F. Wang, Comparative Asian Politics (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1994).
8. For democracy as a universal value and its compatibility with Chinese traditional culture as reflected in the cases of Taiwan and Hong Kong, see, for example, Amartya Sen, 'Democracy as a universal value', and Francis Fukuyama, 'Confucianism and democracy', both in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds, The Global Divergence of Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), pp. 3-17, 23-36
9. Lee Teng-hui, 'Chinese culture and political renewal', Journal of Democracy 6(4), (December 1995), pp. 3-8
10. Margaret Ng, 'Why Asia needs democracy: A view from Hong Kong',
11. and Wm. Theodore de Barry, 'Confucianism and human rights in China', both in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds, Democracy in East Asia (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), pp. 3-16, 42-54.
12. Also, see Chao and Myers, The First Chinese Democracy.
13. Laurence Whitehead, 'Three international dimensions of democratization', in Laurence Whitehead, ed., The International Dimensions of Democratization: Europe and the Americas, expanded edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 5.
14. Ibid., p. 6.
15. For the importance of 'stateness' in democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), particularly ch. 2.
16. See, for example, John W. Garver, Face Off: China, the United States, and Taiwan's Democratization (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997).
17. Edward Friedman and Barrett L. McCormick, eds, What If China Doesn't Democratize? Implications for War and Peace (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2000).
18. For studies of external factors in democratization, particularly the leading democracies' stimulating role internationally, see, for instance, Whitehead, ed., The International Dimensions of Democratization
19. Tony Smith, America's Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).
20. I borrow the word 'mission' from Smith, America's Mission, to show the role of China in the 'East Asian regional struggle for democracy' in the context of ironic paralleling with the United States' role in worldwide democratization as discussed by Smith.
21. Alan M. Wachman, Taiwan: National Identity and Democratization (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994).
22. For studies of local identities and their importance in China's nation-building in history and current political development, see, for example, James L. Watson, 'Rites or beliefs? The construction of a unified culture in late imperial China',
23. and Lynn White and Li Cheng, 'China coast identities: Regional, national, and global', both in Lowell Dittmer and Samuel S. Kim, eds, China's Quest for National Identity (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 80-103, 154-193.
24. Jiang Zemin, 'Continue to promote the reunification of China', quoted from Orville Schell and David Shambaugh, eds, The China Reader: The Reform Era (New York: Vintage Books, 1999), p. 500.
25. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991), p. 97.
26. Christian Schafferer, The Power of the Ballot Box: Political Development and Election Campaigning in Taiwan (Cambridge, MA: Lexington Books, 2003). In the recent prefecture elections, which took place in December 2005, however, the KMT won 16 out of a total of 23 seats for governors, and the DPP lost, taking only six seats. It has been widely interpreted as the failure of the campaign strategy of mobilizing the division between 'Mainlanders' and 'Taiwanese'.
27. Yongnian Zheng, Discovering Chinese Nationalism in China: Modernization, Identity, and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
28. Suisheng Zhao, A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004).
29. Peter Hays Gries, China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004).
30. Following this logic, Singapore, to some extent, is regarded as 'part' of China despite its status as an independent state, as reflected in the fact that Beijing doesn't accept any proposal for an official meeting between the mainland and Taiwan in a third place but they accepted Singapore as an alternative, where the first Koo-Wang meeting between Taiwan and China was held in 1993. See an account of the meeting in Sheng Lijun, China's Dilemma: The Taiwan Issue (London: I.B. Tauris, 2001).
31. Gries, China's New Nationalism.
32. Willy Lam, 'No more "soft sell" for Hong Kong', China Brief 4(14), (8 July 2004).
33. Guoguang Wu, 'Passion, politics, and politicians: Beijing between Washington and Taipei', The Pacific Review 17(2), (June 2004), pp. 179-198.
34. One attempt to discuss this is given in Guoguang Wu, 'Institutional, informative, and interactive dynamics of sovereignty: Conceptualizing Hong Kong's political influence on China', an unpublished manuscript.
35. Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), p. 9.
36. Deng Xiaoping wenxuan [Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping] (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1993), Vol. 3, pp. 12-15, 67-68, 72-76, 97. For the meaning of the Chinese compromise on sovereignty, see a discussion in Wu, 'Institutional, informative, and interactive dynamics of sovereignty'.
37. Zeng Huaqun, 'Hong Kong's autonomy: Concept, developments and characteristics', China: An International Journal 1(2), (September 2003), pp. 313-325.
38. Krasner, Sovereignty, p. 9.
39. For the European and generally Western democratic transition of state sovereignty, see, for instance, R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959/64), 2 vols.
40. For the third-wave democratization, see, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
41. Jiang Zemin, quoted from Schell and Shambaugh, The China Reader, p. 498.
42. Michael Hunt, The Genesis of Chinese Communist Foreign Policy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).
43. For an academic account of hanjian in a given historical context, see Timothy Brook, Collaboration: Japanese Agents and Local Elites in Wartime China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005).
44. John Chan, 'A show of force by the Chinese military in Hong Kong', World Socialist Web Site, available at: http://www.wsws.org/2004/ aug2004/hong-a05.shtml.
45. Deng Xaioping wenxuan, Vol. 3, p. 75.
46. Barry Naughton, ed., The China Circle: Economics and Electronics in the PRC, Taiwan, and Hong Kong (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1997)
47. David Shambaugh, ed., Grater China: The Next Superpower? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).
48. For various political economy approaches, see, for example, James A. Caporaso and David P. Levine, Theories of Political Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
49. For the traditions of human thought on the political aftermaths of economic marketization, a concern that this article shares, see an ideational historical account in Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977).
50. Angus Foster, 'Key role for Taiwan expats', BBC News Online, (18 March 2004).
51. '"Green" Taiwan businessmen not welcome: Official', People's Daily Online, (3 June 2004).
52. 'China swaps aggression for dollar diplomacy with Taiwan', Stratfori, (12 February 2004)
53. Chris Hogg, 'Taiwan's economic future', BBC News Online, (18 March 2004)
54. Su Yongyao, 'China intervenes in upcoming Taiwan elections', The Epoch Times, (17 October 2005).
55. Joyce Huang, 'Trade links: China's economic embrace', Time Asia, (15 March 2004).
56. Sheng, China's Dilemma, p. 223.
57. Kong Qingjiang, 'Closer economic partnership agreement between China and Hong Kong', China: An International Journal 1(1), (March 2003), pp. 133-143.
58. Joseph Y. S. Cheng, 'Causes and implications of the July 1 protest rally in Hong Kong', unpublished manuscript.
59. Kong, 'Closer economic partnership agreement between China and Hong Kong'.
60. Willy Lam, 'Beijing's hand in Hong Kong politics', China Brief 4(12), (10 June 2004); '"Climate of fear" before polls open in vote for legislators', Human Rights News, (9 September 2004).
61. Sheng, China's Dilemmas, p. 223
62. Centre of Chinese Studies, The Implications of the 2004 LegCo Elections in Hong Kong: A Workshop [Report] (Institute of Asian Research, University of British Columbia, 2004).
63. Lawrence Gray, 'Beijing kills Hong Kong's "buzz"', Asia Times Online, (2 July 2004).
64. Ma Ngok, 'Democracy at a stalemate: The September 2004 Legco Elections in Hong Kong', China Perspectives 57, (January-February 2005), pp. 40-49.
65. For this assumption of modernization theory, see, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, 'Some social requisites of democracy: Economic development and political legitimacy', American Political Science Review 53, 1959), pp. 69-105.
66. Also, Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971).
67. For such positive connections between nationalism and democracy, see, for example, Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).
68. For a discussion of various definitions of democracy in a wide ideological spectrum, see, for example, David Held, Models of Democracy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987).