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Volumn 95, Issue 1, 2005, Pages 81-120

The intellectual roots of Islamic radicalism in Indonesia

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EID: 60949177071     PISSN: 00274909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-1913.2005.00080.x     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (16)

References (67)
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    • London and New York: Routledge and Adam Schwarz 1996. A Nation in Waiting: Indonesian in the 1990s. Third printing. Boulder: Westview Press
    • For critical accounts of Suharto government, see Micheal R. J. Vatikiotis 1993. Indonesian Politics under Suharto: Order, Development and Pressure for Change. London and New York: Routledge and Adam Schwarz 1996. A Nation in Waiting: Indonesian in the 1990s. Third printing. Boulder: Westview Press
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    • The deployment was decided due to the failure of the government to control the situation
    • The involvement began on January 7, 2000, when some radical Muslim leaders organized a gathering of more than 100,000 people at the National Monument (Monas) Park in Central Jakarta, calling for Muslims to wage a holy war in Maluku. The attendees represented 22 militant Muslim organizations, including FPI and the Indonesian Committee in Solidarity with the Muslim World (KISDI). The gathering was addressed by People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) speaker Amien Rais, Vice President Hamzah Haz, and Fuad Bawazier, a former finance minister in Suharto's short-lived final cabinet. There have been allegations that FPI is close to Hamzah Haz, while the main figures behind the formation of KISDI were believed to be former president Suharto's half-brother Probosutedjo and Suharto's son-in-law retired Lieutenant General Prabowo Subianto. See "Usama bin Laden and Indonesia," September 12, 2001. Editor, Laksamana.Net in http://www.laksamana.net/vnews.cfm?ncat=19&news-id= 117562). According to Ja'far, the deployment was decided due to the failure of the government to control the situation. See "Declaration of War," ibid
    • Declaration of War
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    • March 10
    • Andrew Marshall is a reporter for The New York Times. He interviewed Ja'far in late December 2001 in Laskar Jihad's Headquarter, Central Java. See his report: "The Threat of Jaffar," The New York Times, Headine, March 10, 2002
    • (2002) The Threat of Jaffar, The New York Times, Headine
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    • Tuesday, 7-5-2002
    • Kompas Online (Tuesday, 7-5-2002), in http://www.kompas.com/kompascetak/ 0205/07/english/jafa.htm
    • Kompas Online
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    • December 17, 2001. 158. No. 24. Indonesia's Dirty Little Holy War
    • See Time Asia Online, December 17, 2001. Vol. 158. No. 24. "Indonesia's Dirty Little Holy War," in http://www.time.com/time/asia/ news/magazine/0,9754,187655-2,00.html
    • Time Asia Online
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    • The Threat of Jaffar
    • March 10
    • Andrew Marshall 2002. "The Threat of Jaffar," in The New York Times, March 10
    • (2002) The New York Times
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    • Radikalisasi Salafi Radikal
    • XXXI/08-15 December 2002. on December 16, 2002
    • Azyumardi Azra 2002. "Radikalisasi Salafi Radikal," in Majalah Tempo, No. 41/XXXI/08-15 December 2002. Available at http://www.tempo.co.id/ majalah/arsip/thn05/edisi41/kol-l.html, accessed on December 16, 2002
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    • Robert W. Hefner 2002. "Civil Pluralism Denied? The New Media and Jihadi Violence in Indonesia," Paper, p. 6
    • (2002) Paper , pp. 6
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    • Institute for the African Child - Ohio University Athens, Ohio, April 10-14
    • Quoted in Sukidi, Mulyadi 2003. "Violence under the Banner of Religion: The Case of the Laskar Jihad and the Laskar Kristus. Paper presented at Conference on Children and Islam: Faith and Social Change in Africa and Southeast Asia. Institute for the African Child - Ohio University Athens, Ohio, April 10-14, 2003
    • (2003) Conference on Children and Islam: Faith and Social Change in Africa and Southeast Asia
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    • For a complete text of the speech, see Ja'far Umar Thalib's Declaration of War, in http://www.angelfire.corn/rock/hotburrito/laskar/spmm010502.html
    • Declaration of War
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  • 24
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    • Discussion in Greg Fealy January-March 2001
    • Forum Komunikasi Ahl al-Sunnah Wa al-Jama'ah or the Sunni Communication Forum (FKAWJ) ) was established in 1998, two years before the establishment of Laskar Jihad, by a group of hardline Muslim leaders. It is controlled by a 60-member board of patrons (Dewan Pembina), of which Ja'far is chairman. The main objective of FKAWJ is to promote 'true Islamic values'. The truth for FKAWJ is the truth as justified by its board members whose concept of truth is notably based on narrow Islamism and exclusivism. For them, FKAWJ is the only authentic ahlus sunnah wal jamaah in Indonesia. They believe that other major organizations, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Mubammadiyah are deviating from the Qur'ān and example of the Prophet Muhammad. The doctrines of these organizations, they criticize, are corrupted by non-Islamic sources. Their views on "hot" topics, such as democracy and the implementation of Islamic law as well as the position of woman in social and political life are very different from the views of the mainstream organizations. See discussion in Greg Fealy January-March 2001. "Inside the Laskar Jihad. An interview with the leader of a new, radical and militant sect," 21. Available on http://www.insideindonesia.org/edit65/fealy.htm
    • Inside the Laskar Jihad. An interview with the leader of a new, radical and militant sect , vol.21
  • 25
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    • Since 1999, when sectarian violence began in the Moluccas, fighting has claimed over 5000 lives in that province
    • Since 1999, when sectarian violence began in the Moluccas, fighting has claimed over 5000 lives in that province
  • 26
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    • September 12, 2001, Editor, Laksamana.Net
    • See "Usama bin Laden and Indonesia," September 12, 2001, Editor, Laksamana.Net, in http://www.laksamana.net/vnews.cfm?ncat=19&news- id=1175
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    • January 23
    • See Raymond Bonner and Jane Perlez 2002. "A Nation Challenged: Asian Terror; Qaeda Moving Into Indonesia, Officials Fear," in The New York Times, January 23
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    • Bonner, R.1    Perlez, J.2
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    • The Jakarta Post, October 23, 2002
    • This view has been strongly opposed by mainstream Muslim organizations in Indonesia, such as Nahdatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. Hasyim Muzadi of NU, for example, states the position of his organization: "Through the khittah NU will become the nation's most important asset. In the hands of NU religion is peaceful and tolerant. NU sees that the country must not become an Islamic state. The inclusion of Islamic values in the Constitution and way of living is enough. We have never formalized religion in the state. No religion condones and supports gambling, corruption and prostitution. The government can just formulate antigambling, anticorruption and antiprostitution laws and regulations with Islamic values in them, so as not to disturb the sensitivities of other religions and ideologies. In this way religion can develop properly in the nation state." See The Jakarta Post, October 23, 2002. "Religion will not prosper through violence." In http://www.infid.be/interviewmuzadi.html, 4
    • Religion will not prosper through violence , pp. 4
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    • See Martin van Bruinessen 2002. "The violent fringes of Indonesia's radical Islam," in http://www.let.uu.nl/∼martin.vanbruinessen/personal/ publications/violent- fringe.htm Also in ISIM Newsletter 11 (December)
    • The violent fringes of Indonesia's radical Islam
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    • London: Saqi Books. discussion in Samira Haj 2002
    • Muhammad ibn 'Abdul Wahhāb was born into a Najdi (in Ottoman central Arabia) family of renowned Hanbali scholars. Part of his scholarly training involved traveling (in his late teens) and seeking knowledge in various Islamic centers in Arabia, Persia and Iraq. He studied Islamic fiqh, theology, and philosophy and also Sufism. But during his travels, he became exposed to many "deviationist" practices centered on the cult of saints, which in turn made him turn his back against Sufi superstition accretions and practices. He returned home at the age of forty and started to his summon (da'wah) for tawhid in 1740, following the death of his father. Resistance to his da'wah by his kinsmen led him to emigrate to Dar'iyah, whe he forged an alliance with the local tribal chieftain, Muhammad ibn Sa'ud, who accepted his religious views. It was from there the the Wahabiyyah [Unitarian] movement expanded from Najd to Hijaz to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. This alliance led to the establishment of the first Saudi Dynasty, one that extended its control over most of the Arabian Peninsula and beyond. After the takeover of Riyadh, ibn 'Abdul Wahhāb retired from campaining and devoted the last two decades of his life to worship and meditation. The first Wahhabi/Saudi dynasty was crushed I 1818 at the hands of Egyptian and Ottoman forces. See A. Vasil'ev 1998. The History of Saudi Arabia. London: Saqi Books. See also discussion in Samira Haj 2002, 338
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    • Fall
    • See discussion in Samira Haj 2002. "Reordering Islamic Orthodoxy: Muhammad ibn 'Abdul Wahhāb," in The Muslim World, Volume 92, Numbers 3 & 4. Fall, 333-370
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    • Pesantren is a type of school in Southeast Asia offering second-level training in Islamic subjects is termed pesantren on Java, surau on Sumatera, pondok on the Malay Peninsula, and pandita ("school") in the Philippines. Pesantren derives from the sixteenth century, when learning centers known as the "place of learning for the Islamic faithful (santris)," were established. See John L. Esposito (Ed. In Chief) 1995 The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World. New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, Volume 3, 324
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    • New York: Frederick A. Praeger
    • Originally, madrasah was School Mosque, an educational institution which made its appearance about the middle of the XIth century and combined the functions of theological seminary, a law school and a mosque. Its purpose was to teach and consolidate the body of officially approved religious and juridican doctrines founded on orthodox Sunnite Islam, and to train for the office of qadi (judge), mufti (juridical expert), and khatib (preacher), but in general also for career in the public service. See Stephan and Nandy Ronart 1960. Concise Encyclopaedia of Arabic Civilization. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 331
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    • The Future of Islamic Studies in Indonesia: In Appreciation of IAIN-McGill Cooperation
    • 97 There are thirteen IAINs and one Islamic University throughout Indonesia operated by Ministry of Religious Affairs (MORA). These Islamic higher education institutions have been widely known as a strong base for the development of broad minded and moderate Islamic thoughts in Indonesia. They have been a dominant force in the nationalization and internationalization of Islamic studies in the country. See Fuad Jabali 2001. "The Future of Islamic Studies in Indonesia: In Appreciation of IAIN-McGill Cooperation. In Studia Islamika, Vol. 8, No. 2, 187
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    • Pancasila, the five principles of state ideology, as follows: (1) Ketuhanan yang maha esa (belief in one supreme God), (2) Kemanusiaan yang adil dan beradab (just and civilized humanitarianism), (3) Perstuan Indonesia (Indonesian unity), (4) Kerakyatan yang dipimpin oleh hikmat kebijaksanaan dalam permusyawaratan/perwakilan (popular sovereignty governed by wise policies arrived at through deliberation and representation), and (5) Keadilan social bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia, social justice for the entire Indonesian people. See Robert Cribb, 340
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    • For discussion of the concept of holy war in the Western worl, see Karen Amstrong 1992. Holy War: The Crusades and Their Impact on Today's World. New York: Anchor Book. For discussion of the concept of holy war in the activities of Laskar Jihad in Indonesia, see "Usama bin Laden and Indonesia," September 12, 2001, Editor, Laksamana.Net, in http://www.laksamana.net/vnews. cfm?ncat=19&news-id=1175
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    • October Reprinted from the LA Times
    • Thomson notes that there are as many as 30,000 young Indonesians went to Afghanistan in the 1980s to fight the Soviets. More than 1,000 went to Egyptian universities in the same period and at least that number to the same Pakistani schools - the madrasas - from which most of Bin Laden's associates emerged. See W. Scott Thompson October 2001. Champagne in Jakarta; Challenges in the U.S., Reprinted from the LA Times. In http://fletcher.tufts.edu/news/2001/october/ thompson9.htm
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    • The Salafis in Yemen at a Crossroads: An obituary of Syakh Muqbil al-Wadi'I of Dammaj (d. 1422/2001)
    • Muqbil was born in the late 1920s into the tribe of Wadi'a of the Bakil tribal confederation and that is centered on the Wadi Dammaj region of Sa'da, the most important Zaydi city and center in Nothern Yaman. As a child, Muqbil attended a traditional elementary school (maktab) where he learned the Qur'ān and the basics of reading and writing. After completing the maktab curriculum, Muqbil wanted to continue his studies and tried to study in great mosque of al-Hadi Yahya bin al-Husayn in Sa'da. Being unhappy with the way al-Hadi Yahya taught him, Muqbil left Yaman for Mecca. While in Saudi Arabiah, he became exposed to Salafi ideas and writings. Among the works he read was a Wahhabi work entitled Fath al-majid sharh Kitab al-tawhid by 'Abd al-Rahman bin Hasan Al al-Syakh. Muqbil passed away on July 21, 2001 in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, having suffered for some years from cirrhosis of the liver. He left a large corpus of published works and a number of interviews to the press picturing his life, ideas, and teachings. See Bernard Haykel 2002. "The Salafis in Yemen at a Crossroads: An obituary of Syakh Muqbil al-Wadi'I of Dammaj (d. 1422/2001). In Jemen-Report Jg 33/2002, Heft 1, 28-31
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    • Islāh party is a conglomeration of various Islamist groups in Yemen, including moderate Salafiyah (non-sectarian Sunnism), as well as conservative and extremely conservative groups influenced by Wahhabism. See discussion in Paul Dresch and Bernard Haykel 1995 "Stereotypes and Political Styles: Islamists and Tribesfolk in Yemen." In International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 27, 405-31
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    • Dresch, P.1    Haykel, B.2
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    • (1998) Studia Islamika , vol.5 , Issue.3 , pp. 77-124
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    • Pakistan under Islamically oriented Zia ul-Haq was a close ally of the United States, had relations with the West and the international community, and was generally regarded as moderate. It was in contrast with Iran under Ayatollah Khomeini who was highly critical, even condemnatory of the West, of ten at odds with the international community, and regarded as a radical terrorist state. See John L. Esposito (Editor in Chief) 1995. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World. New York Oxford: Oxford University Press. Book 2, 250
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    • See Jamal Malik 1997. "Dynamics aong Traditional Religious Scholars and Their Institutions in Contemporary South Asia," in The Muslim World, Special Issue Islam in South Asia. Vol. LXXXVII, Numbers 3-4, July-October, 208
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