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Volumn 8, Issue 3, 2008, Pages 178-191

Benefits to research subjects in international trials: Do they reduce exploitation or increase undue inducement?

Author keywords

Benefit sharing; Clinical trials; Consent; Developing world; Justice; Research ethics

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; CLINICAL TRIAL; CONFLICT OF INTEREST; DEVELOPING COUNTRY; ETHICS; FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT; HUMAN; INCOME; INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION; PATIENT SELECTION; PROFESSIONAL STANDARD; RESEARCH ETHICS; SOCIAL JUSTICE; VULNERABLE POPULATION;

EID: 57349125037     PISSN: 14718731     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1471-8847.2006.00175.x     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (58)

References (113)
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    • The Council for International Organizations of Medical Sciences (CIOMS) defines externally-sponsored research as: 'research undertaken in a host country but sponsored, financed, and sometimes wholly or partly carried out by an external international or national organization or pharmaceutical company with the collaboration or agreement of the appropriate authorities, institutions and personnel of the host country.' Council for International Organisations of Medical Science (CIOMS). 1993. International Ethical Guidelines for Biomedical Research Involving Human Subjects. Geneva: CIOMS: Guideline 3.
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    • The 2001 collection of papers selected by Udo Schüklenk provides a good overview of the controversy surrounding the AZT trials, including the question of whether the trial participants were exploited. See U. Schüklenk, ed. 2001. AIDS: Society. Ethics and Law. Dartmouth: Ashgate (in particular pp. 403-431);
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    • Analytic accounts of exploitation fall into two broad categories; these are not strict, mutually exclusive categories, rather, they represent a difference in focus and emphasis. The first category is 'fair-outcomes' accounts, which define exploitation primarily in terms of fairness; in particular they define exploitation in terms of an unfair distribution of benefits and burdens. These accounts are often characterised by concepts such as taking unfair advantage, or inadequate compensating benefits for the exploitee and/or a disproportionate gain for the exploiter. The second category is often referred to as Kantian accounts of exploitation. In addition to the concept of fairness, Kantian accounts also tend to give weight to elements of 'consent, use' and 'dignity, they are characterised by concepts such as wrongful use. taking advantage and treating as a (mere) means. I favour a fair outcomes approach because the Kantian accounts define exploitatio
    • Analytic accounts of exploitation fall into two broad categories; these are not strict, mutually exclusive categories, rather, they represent a difference in focus and emphasis. The first category is 'fair-outcomes' accounts, which define exploitation primarily in terms of fairness; in particular they define exploitation in terms of an unfair distribution of benefits and burdens. These accounts are often characterised by concepts such as taking unfair advantage, or inadequate compensating benefits for the exploitee and/or a disproportionate gain for the exploiter. The second category is often referred to as Kantian accounts of exploitation. In addition to the concept of fairness, Kantian accounts also tend to give weight to elements of 'consent', 'use' and 'dignity'; they are characterised by concepts such as wrongful use. taking advantage and treating as a (mere) means. I favour a fair outcomes approach because the Kantian accounts define exploitation in terms of other independent moral wrongdoings and, thus, do not provide an account of what is distinctively wrong with exploitation. Further, in focusing on the unfair outcomes of transactions, the fair-outcome accounts provide clearer 'tests' of when exploitation has occurred in the real world. By contrast, Kantian concepts such as 'wrongful use' and 'using as a mere means' can be too vague to be applicable in practice. For examples of fair-outcome accounts, see: Arnold, op. cit. note 3;
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    • Levine divides risks related to research into four core categories: 1 physical risks: the research subject may suffer bodily harm (minor or serious, temporary or permanent, immediate or delayed) as a result of his or her participation in the study; 2) psychological risks: study participation may affect the research subject's perception of self, cause emotional suffering (e.g. anxiety or shame, or may induce aberrations in thought or behavior; 3) social risks: research findings, or even study participation itself, may expose subjects to the possibility of insurance or employment discrimination, or other forms of social stigmatisation; 4) economic risks: research subjects may directly or indirectly bear financial costs related to research participation. R.J. Levine. 1988. Ethics and the Regulation of Clinical Research. 2 nd ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press: 42-57. Summarised in this way by C. Weijer. The Ethical Analysis of Risk. J Law Med Ethics 2000;
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    • Ballantyne, op. cit. note 9. Here, I argued that a standardised infrastructure charge of 10-15, for public funding agencies and 20-30, for pharmaceutical companies, on top of the existing costs of the trial, should be invested in local health infrastructure that would benefit the research population and the host community. I argued that this model had the following advantages: it represents a substantial benefit that significantly increases the benefit realised by trial participants and should have a sizable impact on participants' welfare; it increases the benefit to the worst-off; the benefit is guaranteed rather than potential; the model is both financially and practically feasible; and difference in the level of the infrastructure charge reflects different sponsor's expected gain
    • Ballantyne, op. cit. note 9. Here, I argued that a standardised infrastructure charge of 10-15% (for public funding agencies) and 20-30% (for pharmaceutical companies), on top of the existing costs of the trial, should be invested in local health infrastructure that would benefit the research population and the host community. I argued that this model had the following advantages: it represents a substantial benefit that significantly increases the benefit realised by trial participants and should have a sizable impact on participants' welfare; it increases the benefit to the worst-off; the benefit is guaranteed rather than potential; the model is both financially and practically feasible; and difference in the level of the infrastructure charge reflects different sponsor's expected gain.
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    • For example, the following authors argue that the provision of direct benefit to trial populations in the form of capacity building can prevent or reduce exploitation. Shapiro & Benatar, op. cit. note 9;
    • For example, the following authors argue that the provision of direct benefit to trial populations in the form of capacity building can prevent or reduce exploitation. Shapiro & Benatar, op. cit. note 9;
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    • Nuffield Council on Bioethics, op. cit. note 4: 52: paragraph 4.20.
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    • See also, Council of International Organizations of Medical Sciences, op. cit. note 1, Guideline 20 (Strengthening capacity for ethical and scientific review and biomedical research) and the text of the 2002 revised CIOMS guidelines, which make it clear that capacity building is viewed as an effective method for reducing exploitation. Council of International Organizations of Medical Sciences (CIOMS). 2002. International Ethical Guidelines for Biomedical Research Involving Human Subjects. Geneva: CIOMS in collaboration with the World Health Organisation (WHO). Available at: http://www.cioms.ch/frame-guidelines-nov-2002.htm [Accessed 28 July 2006].
    • See also, Council of International Organizations of Medical Sciences, op. cit. note 1, Guideline 20 (Strengthening capacity for ethical and scientific review and biomedical research) and the text of the 2002 revised CIOMS guidelines, which make it clear that capacity building is viewed as an effective method for reducing exploitation. Council of International Organizations of Medical Sciences (CIOMS). 2002. International Ethical Guidelines for Biomedical Research Involving Human Subjects. Geneva: CIOMS in collaboration with the World Health Organisation (WHO). Available at: http://www.cioms.ch/frame-guidelines-nov-2002.htm [Accessed 28 July 2006].
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    • Nuffield Council on Bioethics, op. cit. note 4, p. 52: paragraph 4.20.
    • Nuffield Council on Bioethics, op. cit. note 4, p. 52: paragraph 4.20.
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    • Shapiro & Benatar, in an article about global equity and research, for example, make a recommendation that a minimum of 1% of the costs of a research project be allocated towards improving the SOC [standard of care] in association with the project.' Shapiro & Benatar, op. cit. note 9. I agree with Shapiro & Benatar that standardised guidelines regarding the level of required investment should be in place, but I argue for a significantly higher threshold.
    • Shapiro & Benatar, in an article about global equity and research, for example, make a recommendation that "a minimum of 1% of the costs of a research project be allocated towards improving the SOC [standard of care] in association with the project.' Shapiro & Benatar, op. cit. note 9. I agree with Shapiro & Benatar that standardised guidelines regarding the level of required investment should be in place, but I argue for a significantly higher threshold.
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    • See The Global Alliance for TB Drug Development. 2001. Economics of TB Drug Development. New York, NY: The Global Alliance for TB Drug Development: 57-58. Available at: http://66.216.124.114/pdf/ Economics%20Report%20Full%20(final).pdf [Accessed 20 Aug 2004]; and M.P. Flaherty et al. The Body Hunters: Overwhelming the Watchdogs. Washington Post 18 December: A01.
    • See The Global Alliance for TB Drug Development. 2001. Economics of TB Drug Development. New York, NY: The Global Alliance for TB Drug Development: 57-58. Available at: http://66.216.124.114/pdf/ Economics%20Report%20Full%20(final).pdf [Accessed 20 Aug 2004]; and M.P. Flaherty et al. The Body Hunters: Overwhelming the Watchdogs. Washington Post 18 December: A01.
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    • The Global Pharmaceutical Market Experienced Sales of $466bn in 2003 up from $317bn in 2000
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    • For example, Prilosec, a drug for heartburn, brought in USS6 bn a year for AstraZenenca. M. Angell. 2005. The Truth About the Drug Companies. New York, NY: Random House: 15.
    • For example, Prilosec, a drug for heartburn, brought in USS6 bn a year for AstraZenenca. M. Angell. 2005. The Truth About the Drug Companies. New York, NY: Random House: 15.
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    • These figures are based on the fact the NIH in the United States (US) currently allows US researchers conducting trials in developing countries to apply for an extra 8% of the trial funds to be paid to the host country as a facilities and administrative cost. National Institutes of Health (NIH). 2002. Global Health Research Initiative Program for New Foreign Investigators ROD. Bethesda. MD: National Institutes of Health. Available at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/rfa-files/RFA-TW-02-002.html [Accessed 20 Aug 2006], Eight per cent is low compared to the comparative costs of running trials in institutions in the developed world. Academic institutions in the US can receive up to 60% of research awards as overhead costs; Shapiro & Benatar, op. cit. note 10.
    • These figures are based on the fact the NIH in the United States (US) currently allows US researchers conducting trials in developing countries to apply for an extra 8% of the trial funds to be paid to the host country as a facilities and administrative cost. National Institutes of Health (NIH). 2002. Global Health Research Initiative Program for New Foreign Investigators (ROD. Bethesda. MD: National Institutes of Health. Available at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/rfa-files/RFA-TW-02-002.html [Accessed 20 Aug 2006], Eight per cent is low compared to the comparative costs of running trials in institutions in the developed world. Academic institutions in the US can receive up to 60% of research awards as overhead costs; Shapiro & Benatar, op. cit. note 10.
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    • note 23, p, Angell confirms that clinical research is the most expensive component of research and development
    • Angell, op. cit. note 23, p. 22. Angell confirms that clinical research is the most expensive component of research and development.
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    • The Global Alliance for TB Drug Development, op. cit. note 21, pp. 56-57
    • The Global Alliance for TB Drug Development, op. cit. note 21, pp. 56-57.
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    • D. Orentlicher. Universality and its Limits: When Research Ethics Can Reflect Local Circumstances. J Law Med Ethics 2002; 30: 403-410. See David Orentlicher's paper about the exploitation in AZT trials conducted in developing countries during the 1990s. Orentlicher comes. to some interesting conclusions regarding the appropriate ways of redis-tributing gains in order to reduce exploitation. He argues, that one can accept universal principles of research ethics whilst acknowledging that those principles may, when applied in different circumstances, allow for different forms of benefit for different trial populations.
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    • For example, Wilkinson & Moore argue in favour of allowing cash, payments to competent people to act as research subjects. Wilkinson & Moore, op. cit. note 28, p. 375.
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    • Financial rewards can, in some cases, be used to 'purchase' medical care and treatment, thus resulting in an overlap between the incentives generated by financial reward and the incentives generated through access to medical care. However, in many cases financial reward cannot be directly exchanged for the desired medical care. Safe and effective treatment for the medical condition in question may not exist, may be prohibitively expensive, may not be approved for sale in the patient's country, and/or there may be inadequate medical monitoring to support the safe use of the treatment. When and how financial rewards can be exchanged for medical treatment differs from case to case and so I leave the issue aside for now. It is, however, important to be aware that in cases where financial rewards for trial participation can be easily transformed into medical care, financial rewards will generate similar incentives to those generated by the direct assess to medical care during the trial
    • Financial rewards can, in some cases, be used to 'purchase' medical care and treatment, thus resulting in an overlap between the incentives generated by financial reward and the incentives generated through access to medical care. However, in many cases financial reward cannot be directly exchanged for the desired medical care. Safe and effective treatment for the medical condition in question may not exist, may be prohibitively expensive, may not be approved for sale in the patient's country, and/or there may be inadequate medical monitoring to support the safe use of the treatment. When and how financial rewards can be exchanged for medical treatment differs from case to case and so I leave the issue aside for now. It is, however, important to be aware that in cases where financial rewards for trial participation can be easily transformed into medical care, financial rewards will generate similar incentives to those generated by the direct assess to medical care during the trial.
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    • A. survey of the public perception of clinical trial participation in Japan, found that survey respondents demonstrated a greater willingness to volunteer for research if there were direct benefits to themselves or their families. A. Asai et al. Focus Group Interviews Examining Attitudes toward Medical Research among the Japanese: A Qualitative Study. Bioethics 2004; 18: 448-470.
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    • For example, the research by Z.A. Nurgat et al, op. cit. note 40
    • For example, the research by Z.A. Nurgat et al., op. cit. note 40.
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    • See notes 44-46.
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    • The exception would again be cases where financial rewards can be exchanged for access to medical care and treatment. See note 38
    • The exception would again be cases where financial rewards can be exchanged for access to medical care and treatment. See note 38.
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    • Research ethics committees in. different countries operate according to different terms of reference and have varying degrees of flexibility. Some committees may operate according to strict written guidelines with little room for interpretation. It may be difficult for such committees to take on the role of determining the fair infrastructure charge on a case-by-case basis. That said, the role of research ethics committees has continued to evolve and it seems reasonable that their terms of reference could be adjusted to incorporate this new role if it were seen to be a crucial means of protecting vulnerable populations from exploitation
    • Research ethics committees in. different countries operate according to different terms of reference and have varying degrees of flexibility. Some committees may operate according to strict written guidelines with little room for interpretation. It may be difficult for such committees to take on the role of determining the fair infrastructure charge on a case-by-case basis. That said, the role of research ethics committees has continued to evolve and it seems reasonable that their terms of reference could be adjusted to incorporate this new role if it were seen to be a crucial means of protecting vulnerable populations from exploitation.
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    • Ibid. See the National Bioethics Advisory Commission report which mirrors this concern, and, therefore, recommends that ethics review committees should exclude any potential post-trial interventions from the category of benefits they consider when making an assessment of the expected risk-benefits balance in research protocols under consideration. National Bioethics Advisory Commission, op. cit. note 4.
    • Ibid. See the National Bioethics Advisory Commission report which mirrors this concern, and, therefore, recommends that ethics review committees should exclude any potential post-trial interventions from the category of benefits they consider when making an assessment of the expected risk-benefits balance in research protocols under consideration. National Bioethics Advisory Commission, op. cit. note 4.
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    • Also see the discussion of the role of institutional review committees in assessing therapeutic and nontherapeutic risks and benefits in research, in C. Weijer. The Ethical Analysis of Risk in Intensive Care Unit Research. Crit Care 2004; 8: 85-86.
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    • Savulescu, op. cit. note 32.
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    • Indeed, Zink argues along these lines. He contends that to deny research subjects the opportunity for payment would not only exploit them but would potentially create a system of real coercion for participants. He asks, To what lengths would drug manufacturers go to recruit subjects who could not be offered financial compensation, See
    • Indeed, Zink argues along these lines. He contends that to deny research subjects the opportunity for payment would not only exploit them but would potentially create a system of real coercion for participants. He asks, 'To what lengths would drug manufacturers go to recruit subjects who could not be offered financial compensation?' See S. Zink. Maybe We Should Pay Them More. Am. J Bioeth 2001; 1(2): 88.
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    • Savulescu, op. cit. note 32, p. 3.
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    • McGee raises the concern that clinical benefits may constitute an undue inducement in G. McGee. Paid in Full? Am J Bioeth 2001; 1(2): 1. Christine Grady concludes that there is nothing unique about money's ability to distort judgments about the risks and benefits of research, the chance for treatment or medical care can be equally distorting given certain background conditions.
    • McGee raises the concern that clinical benefits may constitute an undue inducement in G. McGee. Paid in Full? Am J Bioeth 2001; 1(2): 1. Christine Grady concludes that there is nothing unique about money's ability to distort judgments about the risks and benefits of research, the chance for treatment or medical care can be equally distorting given certain background conditions.
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    • See Grady, op. cit. note 33
    • See Grady, op. cit. note 33.


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