Evolving racial identity and the consolidation of men's authority in early twentieth-century Quebec

Canadian Historical Review

Volumn 88, Issue 3, 2007, Pages 413-438

  Vacante, Jeffery ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN ONTARIO   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 51249147282     PISSN: 00083755     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.3138/chr.88.3.413     Document Type: Review

References (157)

1. Lionel Groulx, La Naissance d'une race (Montreal: Bibliothèque de l'Action française, 1919), 7
2. Léo-Paul Desrosiers, 'La nationalisation de notre littérature par l'étude de notre histoire,' L'Action française 3, no. 2 (Feb. 1919): 69
3. Lionel Groulx, Dix ans d'Action française (Montreal: Bibliothèque de l'Action française, 1926), 258
4. Lionel Groulx, Directives (Montreal: Les Éditions du Zodiaque, 1937), 143
5. Edmond Lacroix, 'Les généologies,' L'Action française 2, no. 9 (Sept. 1918): 411
6. Lionel Groulx, Notre maître, le passé, 1st ser., 3rd ed. (Montreal: Librairie Granger Frères, 1937), 149
7. Groulx, Directives, 244
8. According to Groulx, the French, at least prior to the Revolution, were not like the other old races because they were the 'chosen' European people who had adopted the best traditions from Greek and Roman civilization. See Groulx, Dix ans d'Action française, 128, 269
9. and La Naissance d'une race, 39-41
10. See also Gérard Bouchard, Les Deux Chanoines: Contradiction et ambivalence dans la pensée de Lionel Groulx (Montreal: Boréal, 2003), 63, 74-5, 142
11. Groulx, Notre maître, le passé, 2nd ser. (Montreal: Librairie Granger Frères, 1936), 258
12. Studies on masculinity for this period of Quebec history are only just beginning to appear. See, for example, Louise Bienvenue and Christine Hudon, '"Pour devenir homme, tu transgresseras ..." Quelques enjeux de la socialisation masculine dans les collèges classiques québé cois (1880-1939),' Canadian Historical Review 86, no. 3 (Sept. 2005): 485-511
13. Christine Hudon and Louise Bienvenue, 'Entre franche camaraderie et amours socratiques: L'espace trouble et ténu des amitiés masculines dans les collèges classiques (1870-1960),' Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 57, no. 4 (Spring 2004): 481-507
14. Suzanne Morton, At Odds: Gambling and Canadians, 1919-1969 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), especially chap. 3
15. and Jarrett Rudy, The Freedom to Smoke: Tobacco Consumption and Identity (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2005)
16. According to some observers, true manhood could be attained only outside the industrial realities of the city. For one particular manifestation of this attitude, see Christian Morissonneau, La Terre promise: le mythe du Nord québécois (Montreal: Hurtubise HMH, 1978). Others blamed church-run schools for 'emasculating' and 'devirilizing' the province's boys by failing to prepare them for the industrial workforce
17. See Victor Barbeau, Pour nous grandir: essai d'explication des misères de notre temps (Montreal: Imprimé au Devoir, 1937), 190-1
18. and Mesure de notre taille (Montreal: Imprimé au Devoir, 1936), 16
19. On the close association between militarism, imperialism, and manhood during this period, see Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), 257-8
20. Robert H. MacDonald, Sons of Empire: The Frontier and the Boy Scout Movement, 1890-1918 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993)
21. Paul Maroney, '"The Great Adventure": The Context and Ideology of Recruiting in Ontario, 1914-17,' Canadian Historical Review 77, no. 1 (Mar. 1996): 92
22. Mark Moss, Manliness and Militarism: Educating Young Boys in Ontario for War (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2001), 20
23. and Mike O'Brien, 'Manhood and the Militia Myth: Masculinity, Class, and Militarism in Ontario, 1902-1914,' Labour/Le Travail 42 (Fall 1998): 115-41
24. On the British context, see Michael C.C. Adams, The Great Adventure: Male Desire and the Coming of World War I (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990)
25. Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire and the Imagining of Masculinities (London: Routledge, 1994)
26. and J.A. Mangan and James Walvin, eds., Manliness and Morality: Middle-class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1987)
27. French Canadians who found strength in the purity of their own blood were at odds with some Americans like Theodore Roosevelt, who argued that America's racial superiority rested precisely on its 'mixed blood.' See Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)
28. On American manhood, militarism, and race, see Gail Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995)
29. and Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998)
30. See also Mark C. Carnes and Clyde Griffen, eds., Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian American (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990)
31. Michael Kimmel, Manhood in America: A Cultural History (New York: Free Press, 1996)
32. and E. Anthony Rotundo, American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era (New York: Basic Books, 1993)
33. See Susan Mann Trofimenkoff, 'Henri Bourassa and the "Woman Question,"' Journal of Canadian Studies 10, no. 4 (Nov. 1975): 3-11
34. The reissue of Lionel Groulx's novel L'Appel de la race in 1986 under the new title The Iron Wedge sidestepped the issue of race entirely. The editor of the new edition explained, 'Literal renditions of "l'appel de la race" are awkward at best, and given some of the modern connotations that the word "race" has assumed, it was felt wise to stay clear of its use.' See Michel Gaulin, introduction to The Iron Wedge, trans. J.S. Wood (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1986), xxxii
35. originally published as l'Appel de la race (Montreal: Bibliothèque de l'Action française, 1922)
36. See, for example, Kay J. Anderson, Vancouver's Chinatown: Racial Discourse in Canada, 1875-1980 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1991)
37. Constance Backhouse, Colour Coded: A Legal History of Racism in Canada, 1900-1940 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999)
38. James W.St.G. Walker, 'Race,' Rights and the Law in the Supreme Court of Canada (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1997)
39. and W. Peter Ward, White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy toward Orientals in British Columbia, 3rd ed. (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002)
40. Other works focusing on racial identity - including Sherene H. Razack, ed., Race, Space, and the Law: Unmapping a White Settler Society (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2002)
41. and Veronica Strong-Boag, Sherill Grace, Avigail Eisenberg, and Joan Anderson, eds., Painting the Maple: Essays on Race, Gender, and the Construction of Canada (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1998) - tend not to address the use of the word race in reference to French Canadians
42. e siècle 8 (Fall 1997): 151-4
43. René Dionne, '"L'Appel de la race" est-il un roman raciste?' Relations (Nov. 1978): 317-8
44. e siècle 8 (Fall 1997): 130-50
45. and Séraphin Marion, 'L'abbé Groulx, raciste?' Les Cahiers des Dix 43 (1983): 192
46. Paul-André Linteau, René Durocher, and Jean-Claude Robert claim that the word race 'was used at the time as a synonym for nation or people,' in Quebec: A History, 1868-1929, trans. Robert Chodos (Toronto: Lorimer, 1983), 531-2
47. Pierre Trépanier concludes that the word race 'was a synonym of people and nation,' in 'L'éducation intellectuelle et politique de Lionel Groulx (1906-1909),' in Lionel Groulx: Correspondance, 1894-1967. Vol. 2, 1906-1909: un étudiant à l'école de l'Europe, ed. Giselle Huot, Juliette Lalonde Rémillard, and Pierre Trépanier (Montreal: Fides, 1993), xlviii
48. See also Esdras Minville, La vie sociale. Vol. 1, Le nationalisme canadien-français, ed. François-Albert Angers (Montreal: Fides and HEC, 1992), 221
49. Jean-Christian Pleau, 'Polémique sur un "mauvais livre": L'appel de la race de Lionel Groulx,' Voix et Images 28, no. 2 (Winter 2003): 155-6
50. and Ronald Rudin, Making History in Twentieth-Century Quebec (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 57
51. Jean-Pierre Gaboury does more to highlight the tensions evident in Groulx's ideas about race, suggesting that Groulx believed that French Canadians were both the guardians of a 'pure' race and part of a new French-Canadian race, in Le Nationalisme de Lionel Groulx: aspect idéologiques (Ottawa: Éditions de l'Université d'Ottawa, 1970), 31-6
52. Patrice Groulx writes that Groulx did not have physical differences in mind when he used the word, but concedes that the priest-historian sometimes 'slipped into biological definitions of race,' in Pièges de la mémoire: Dollard des Ormeaux, les Amériendiens et nous (Hull, QC: Vents d'Ouest, 1998), 217-18
53. In his look at how Canadian historians have used the word race, Joseph Levitt suggests, 'Even those historians most influenced by racist ideas never supposed that biological factors were the ultimate determinants of history,' in 'Race and Nation in Canadian Anglophone Historiography,' Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism 8, no. 1 (1981): 3
54. Gérard Bouchard was more definitive when he concluded recently that Lionel Groulx did, in fact, believe the French-Canadian race to be defined, at least partly, through blood, in les Deux Chanoines, 133-48
55. Jean-Philippe Warren is also willing to acknowledge that Edmond de Nevers believed that race was tied to blood; see 'Préface' in Edmond de Nevers, La Question des races: Anthologie, ed. Jean-Philippe Warren (Montreal: Bibliothèque québécoise, 2003), 25, 35
56. Berger, The Sense of Power, 117
57. See also Jean-Philippe Warren, Edmond de Nevers: Portrait d'un intellectuel, 1862-1906 (Montreal: Boréal, 2005), 172
58. Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigration and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 6
59. Fadette [Henriette Dessaulles Saint-Jacques], La Mission de la mère (Montreal: Bibliothèque de l'Action française, 1921), 2
60. Fadette, 'La canadienne,' L'Action française 2, no. 6 (June 1918): 242
61. Joseph Gauvreau, 'Plus que l'homme,' L'Action française 1, no. 2 (Feb. 1917): 48
62. Henri Bourassa, Femmes-hommes ou hommes et femmes? Etudes à bâtons rompus sur le féminisme (Montreal: Imprimerie du Devoir, 1925), 11
63. Sherene Razack, 'Schools for Happiness: Instituts familiaux and the Education of Ideal Wives and Mothers,' in Delivering Motherhood: Maternal Ideologies and Practices in the 19th and 20th Centuries, ed. Katherine Arnup, Andrée Lévesque, and Ruth Roach Pierson (New York: Routledge, 1990), 212
64. Groulx, Notre maître, le passé, 1st ser., 149
65. Danielle Juteau, 'From Nation-Church to Nation State: Evolving Sex-Gender Relations in Québec Society,' in Between Woman and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminism, and the State, ed. Caren Kaplan, Norma Alarcón, and Minoo Moallem (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999), 147
66. Elspeth Probyn, 'Love in a Cold Climate': Queer Belonging in Québec (Montreal: Research Group on Cultural Citizenship, 1994), 56-7
67. Ruth Roach Pierson, 'Nations: Gendered, Racialized, Crossed with Empire,' in Gendered Nations: Nationalisms and Gender Order in the Long Nineteenth Century, ed. Ida Blom, Karen Hagemann, and Catherine Hall (New York: Berg, 2000), 44
68. See also Susan Mann Trofimenkoff, Action Française: French-Canadian Nationalism in the Twenties (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), 82
69. Idola Saint-Jean, Montreal Herald, 22 Nov. 1929; 1 Dec. 1929
70. Bourassa, Femme-hommes ou hommes et femmes? 17, 44
71. Bourassa, Femmes-hommes ou hommes et femmes? 5
72. Bourassa, Femmes-hommes ou hommes et femmes? 6
73. See Marie-Paule Malouin, Le Mouvement familial au Québec. Les débuts: 1939-1965 (Montreal: Boréal, 1998), 16-17
74. Georges Panneton, Le Garçonnisme (Quebec: Semaine religieuse de Québec, 1932), 3, 14
75. On the growing concern over the 'woman problem' in France, see Mary Louise Roberts, Civilization without Sexes: Reconstructing Gender in Postwar France, 1917-1927 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994)
76. Mary Jean Green, Women and Narrative Identity: Rewriting the Quebec National Text (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001), 9
77. Lionel Groulx, Mes mémoires (Montreal: Fides, 1971), 3:86
78. Harry Bernard, L'Homme tombé (Montreal, 1924), 22
79. See Louis Lalande, 'La revanche des berceaux,' L'Action française 2, no. 3 (Mar. 1918): 98-108
80. and Henri Bourassa, 'La famille canadienne ses périls, son salut,' Semaines Sociales du Canada, 4th session, La Famille (Montreal: Bibliothèque de l'Action française, 1923), 279-88
81. Errol Bouchette, Robert Lozé (Montreal: Pigeon, 1903), 25
82. Fadette, 'Les mères,' L'Action française 4, no. 7 (July 1920): 289
83. On the view that women could be both 'the destroyer as well as giver of life,' see Patricia Smart, Writing in the Father's House: The Emergence of the Feminine in the Quebec Literary Tradition (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 169
84. On male authority in the household, see Roy, 'L'autorité dans la famille,' 49-50. For a critique of the idea that Quebec was ever a matriarchal society, see Lori Saint-Martin, Le Nom de la mère: Mères, filles et écriture dans la littérature québécoise au féminin (Quebec: Nota Bene, 1999), 25-6. The myth that Quebec was a matriarchal society persisted well into the twentieth century, and was used against women who complained about their position
85. See Lysiane Gagnon, Vivre avec les hommes: un nouveau partage (Montreal: Québec/Amérique, 1983), 33-4
86. Raoul Masson, 'La mortalité infantile dans la province de Québec,' L'Union médicale du Canada 54, no. 1 (Jan. 1925): 4
87. quoted in Denyse Baillargeon, Un Québec en mal d'enfants: La médicalisation de la maternité, 1910-1970 (Montreal: Les Éditions du remue-ménage, 2004), 70
88. See Elspeth Probyn, 'Bloody Metaphors and Other Allegories of the Ordinary,' in Between Woman and Nation (see note 26), 52
89. Saint-Martin, Le Nom de la mère, 28-32
90. and Mariana Valverde, Sex, Power and Pleasure (Toronto: Women's Press, 1985), 52-3
91. See Gérard Bouchard, La Pensée impuissante: échecs et mythes nationaux canadiens-français, 1850-1960 (Montreal: Boréal, 2004), 25-57
92. G.A. Nantel, La colonization du Nord-Ouest de la province de Québec. Conférences de l'Honorable G.-A. Nantel, le 7 mai 1895 (Montreal: Senécal, 1895), 11. The colonization movement was not merely an expression of nostalgic and agrarian values. Rather it was an aggressive movement of conquest, an attempt to reconquer the British conquerors. It thus presented men with the opportunity to reclaim the land by 'giving birth,' it might be said, to a new French-Canadian power within Confederation
93. See Gabriel Dussault, Le Curé Labelle: Messianisme, utopie et colonisation au Québec, 1850-1900 (Montreal: Hurtubise HMH, 1983)
94. Bouchard, La Pensée impuissante, 49. According to some proponents of colonization, however, a new and more vigorous manhood would develop following men's immersion in the wilderness and their interaction with the 'savage' native peoples
95. See Morissonneau, La Terre promise, 109-15
96. See Groulx, Pièges de la mémoire, 379
97. Lionel Groulx also used his historical works to demonstrate that French Canadians were not 'demi-sauvage et demi-barbare, comme l'a caricaturé [Francis] Parkman,' in La Naissance d'une race, 156-7
98. See Morissonneau, La Terre promise, 26, 93-7, 124
99. The prospect of escaping the effeminizing clutches of the traditional domestic sphere found in the city and establishing a homosocial society based on male fraternity turned out to be one of the attractions of establishing new settlements. See Adele Perry, On the Edge of Empire: Gender, Race, and the Making of British Columbia, 1849-1871 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), 21, 30
100. and Victor-Laurent Tremblay, 'La "Patrie homosociale" de Jules-Paul Tardivel,' in Francophonie plurielle: Actes du congrès mondial du Conseil international d'études francophones tenu à Casablanca (Maroc) du 10 au 17 juillet 1993, ed. Ginette Adamson and Jean-Marc Gouanvic (Montreal: Hurtubise HMH, 1995), 173-6
101. A.I. Silver has written that the novel 'was not untypical of what French-Canadians were thinking in his time. Indeed the whole program was consistent with the mainstream of French-Quebec thought,' in introduction to For My Country - 'Pour la Patrie': An 1895 Religious and Separatist Vision of Quebec in the Mid-Twentieth-Century, by Jules-Paul Tardivel, trans. Sheila Fischman (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), xxxvi
102. e siècle (Montreal: Cadieux et Derome, 1895)
103. On Tardivel's influence, see Mathieu Girard, 'La pensée politique de Jules-Paul Tardivel,' Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 21, no. 3 (Dec. 1967), 397-8
104. Tardivel, For My Country, 93-4
105. On the shifting meaning of the word race by the late nineteenth and early twentieth century see George W. Stocking Jr, Victorian Anthropology (New York: Free Press, 1987)
106. Otto Klineberg, Race Differences (New York: Harper, 1935), 17-18
107. See also George W. Stocking Jr, 'The Turn-of-the-Century Concept of Race,' in Delimiting Anthropology: Occasional Essays and Reflections (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), 3-23
108. See Carl Berger, 'The True North Strong and Free,' in Nationalism in Canada, ed. Peter Russell (Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 3-26
109. and Berger, Tiie Sense of Power, 53, 128-33
110. Robert Grant Haliburton, The Men of the North and Their Place in History. A Lecture Delivered before the Montreal Literary Club, March 31st, 1869 (Montreal: Lovell, 1869)
111. and William H. Hingston, The Climate of Canada and Its Relation to Life and Health (Montreal: Dawson, 1884)
112. Henri d'Arles, 'Le livre de la Genèse,' L'Action française 3, no. 11 (Nov. 1919): 505. Henri d'Arles was the pseudonym of the noted critic Abbé Henri Beaudé
113. See also Frédéric Boily, La Pensée nationaliste de Lionel Groulx (Sillery, QC: Septentrion, 2003), 47-50
114. Berger, 'The True North Strong and Free,' 13
115. and George M. Wrong, 'The Two Races in Canada,' Canadian Historical Association Annual Report 4 (1925): 21-3
116. By the late nineteenth century a number of politicians sought to promote national unity by highlighting the 'racial fusion' that supposedly took place following the Conquest. See Patrice Groulx, 'La commémoration de la bataille de Sainte-Foy du discours de la loyauté à la "fusion des races,"' Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 55, no. 1 (Summer 2001): 73-6
117. H.V. Nelles, The Art of Nation-Building: Pageantry and Spectacle at Quebec's Tercentenary (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 126
118. Pierre Savard, 'Sur le mythe Normand au Canada français,' Études canadiennes/Canadian Studies 21 (1986): 47-57
119. and Donald Wright, 'W.D. Lighthall and David Ross McCord: Antimodernism and English-Canadian Imperialism, 1880s-1918,' Journal of Canadian Studies 32, no. 2 (Summer 1997): 137
120. François Hertel, Leur inquiétude (Montreal: Éditions Jeunesse, 1936), 93
121. and Hertel, Pour un ordre personnaliste (Montreal: Les Éditions de l'Arbre, 1942), 99-102
122. Robert Charbonneau, Robert Élie, Paul Beaulieu, and Claude Hurtubise, 'Préliminaire à un manifeste pour la patrie,' La Relève 3, no. 1 (Sept.-Oct. 1936): 23
123. Ramsay Cook and Michael Behiels, eds., The Essential Laurendeau (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1976), 51
124. On Laurendeau's evolving attitude toward nationalism and race, see Donald J. Horton, André Laurendeau: French-Canadian Nationalist, 1912-1968 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1992), especially chap. 3
125. Groulx, La Naissance d'une race, 2nd ed. (Montreal: Librairie d'Action Canadienne-française, 1930), 10
126. For discussions of Groulx's intellectual evolution on the issue of race, see Boily, La Pensée nationaliste de Lionel Groulx, 32
127. and Rudin, Making History in Twentieth-Century Quebec, 56-7
128. See also Louis-Marie Lalonde, Hérédité: Manuel de génétique (La Trappe: L'Institut agricole d'Oka, 1936), 396
129. Groulx published the novel under the pseudonym Alonié de Lestre, although it was widely known at the time that he was the author. See Pierre Hébert, with Marie-Pier Luneau, Lionel Groulx et L'appel de la race (Montreal: Fides, 1996), 96-7
130. On the popularity of the novel, see 'L'Appel de la race. Un nouveau roman appelé à un grand retentissement,' L'Action catholique, 7 Oct. 1922
131. For the critical reception of the novel at the time, see Hébert, Lionel Groulx et L'appel de la race, 8-9, 94, 148-53
132. and Pierre-Yves Mocquais, 'L'Appel de la race: Masques narratifs et contre-masques idéologiques,' Voix et Images 6, no. 2 (Winter 1981): 245
133. Pleau, 'Polémique sur un "mauvais livre,"' 145
134. Groulx, The Iron Wedge, 17
135. See Michael Gauvreau, The Catholic Origins of Quebec's Quiet Revolution, 1931-1970 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2005), 115-19. While the push to have men play a larger role in the family began during the interwar years, much of the literature on this phenomenon focuses on the postwar period
136. See Denyse Baillargeon, '"We admire modern parents": The École des Parents du Québec and the Post-war Quebec Family, 1940-1959,' in Cultures of Citizenship in Post-war Canada, 1940-1955, ed. Nancy Christie and Michael Gauvreau (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003), 251-2
137. and Vincent Duhaime, '"Les pères ont ici leur devoir": le discours du mouvement familial québécois et la construction de la paternité dans l'après-guerre, 1945-1960,' Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 57, no. 4 (Spring 2004): 535-66
138. On the supposed obstacles men encountered as they sought to play a larger role in the lives of their children, see Cynthia Fish, 'La puissance paternelle et les cas de garde d'enfants au Québec, 1866-1928,' Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 57, no. 4 (Spring 2004): 509-33
139. On the situation in English Canada, see Cynthia Comacchio, '"A Postscript for Father": Defining a New Fatherhood in Interwar Canada,' Canadian Historical Review 78, no. 3 (Sept. 1997): 385-408
140. Gauvreau, The Catholic Origins of Quebec's Quiet Revolution, 195
141. On the church's changing attitude toward sex, see Isabelle Perrault, 'Morale catholique et genre féminin: la sexualité dissertée dans les manuels de sexualité maritale au Québec, 1930-1960,' Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 54, no. 4 (Spring 2004): 567-90
142. Gaston Desjardins, L'Amour en patience: la sexualité adolescente au Québec, 1940-1960 (Sainte-Foy, QC: Presses de l'Université du Québec, 1995), 234
143. and Gérard Bouchard, 'La sexualité comme pratique et rapport social chez les couples paysans du Saguenay (1860-1930),' Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 54, no. 2 (Autumn 2000): 212
144. Lionel Groulx, La Canadienne française (Nicolet, QC: n.p., 1950), 20
145. 'Trépanier, 'L'éducation intellectuelle et politique de Lionel Groulx,' xlvi
146. Gauvreau, Catholic Origins of Quebec's Quiet Revolution, 195, 201
147. Hector Palardy, Hygiène sexuelle: l'homme et la génération, la femme et la génération, les maladies vénériennes (Chicoutimi, QC: Syndicat des imprimeurs du Saguenay, 1922), 5, 17
148. On evolving attitudes about women's role in reproduction, see Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 99-103
149. Le Soleil, 24 Feb. 1931
150. See Geoff Eley, 'Culture, Nation and Gender,' in Gendered Nations, 32-3 (see note 28)
151. Jane Lewis, '"Motherhood Issues" in the Late Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,' in Delivering Motherhood, 15 (see note 24)
152. and Valverde, Sex, Power and Pleasure, 52
153. Groulx, Notre maître, le passé, 1st series, 281. A similar 'discursive coup d'état' was evident in Australia following the Great War, when it was suggested that men had given birth to the nation on the battlefield
154. See Marilyn Lake, 'Mission Impossible: How Men Gave Birth to the Australian Nation: Nationalism, Gender and Other Seminal Acts,' Gender and History 4, no. 3 (Autumn 1992): 307. In France, maternity came to be regarded as something that women could contribute to the nation after men had done so much during the war to defend and forge that nation on the battlefield
155. See Roberts, Civilization without Sexes, 90, 120. While some French Canadians adopted a similar rhetorical formulation when they declared that men were the ones who had given birth to the nation, they did not link this idea to men's military service
156. See Gauvreau, Catholic Origins of Quebec's Quiet Revolution, 116-19, 180-6
157. and Baillargeon, Un Québec en mal d'enfants, 94, 98