Appraising Democratic Consolidation in Thailand under Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai Government

Japanese Journal of Political Science

Volumn 7, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 153-174

  Ganesan, N ^a  

^a Hiroshima Peace Institute   (Japan)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 42549158732     PISSN: 14681099     EISSN: 14740060     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109906002246     Document Type: Article

References (90)

1. The treatment of participation and contestation as fulfilling the minimal requirements of a functioning democracy can be found in Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975, p. 4.
2. These practices, which constitute procedural democracy, are generally regarded as an acceptable way to operationalize democratic theory. In order to prevent the ‘tyranny of the majority’, liberal-democratic countries also guarantee the right to individual self-determination. See John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, Stefan Collini (ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 7–11.
3. The classic study of democratic transitions is Guillermo A. O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter (eds), Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986.
4. Also see Stephanie Lawson, ‘Conceptual Issuesinthe Comparative Study of Regime Change and Democratization’, Comparative Politics 25, 3 (1993): 183–205.
5. See Jeffrey Phang Siang Yoon, ‘Democratic Transition in Indonesia: An Institutionalist Analysis’, Political Science Honours Thesis 2002/03, National University of Singapore, Singapore, p. 10.
6. Dankwart Rostow, ‘Transitions to Democracy: Towards a Dynamic Model’, Comparative Politics 2, 3 (1970): 337–363.
7. Georg Sorensen, Democracy and Democratization: Processes and Prospects in a Changing World, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998, p. 39.
8. See Gerardo L. Munck, ‘The Regime Question: Theory Building in Democracy Studies’, World Politics 54 (2001): 125.
9. On the importance of bringing democratic transition to a conclusion see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, ‘Toward Consolidated Democracies’, Journal of Democracy 7, 2 (1996): 14–33.
10. Phang, ‘Democratic Transition in Indonesia’, pp. 15–31.
11. Geoffrey Pridham and Tatu Vanhanen (eds), Democratization in Eastern Europe: Domestic and International Perpectives, New York: Routledge, 1992, p. 2.
12. William Mishler and Richard Rose, ‘What are the origins of trust?’, Comparative Political Studies 34 (2001): 30–62.
13. See for example Patrick O'Neal, ‘Revolution from Within: Institutional Analysis, Transitions from Authoritarianism, and the Case of Hungary’, World Politics 48 (July 1996): 579–603.
14. See Stephen Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, ‘The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions’, Comparative Politics 29 (1997): 263–284.
15. See for example Guiseppe di Palma, To Craft Democracies: An Essay on Democratic Transitions, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990.
16. Clark D. Neher, ‘Semi-Successful Semi-Democracy’, Asian Survey 38,2(1988): 192–201. It should be noted however that there is considerable disagreement in the scholarly community whether semi-democracy constitutes a regime type.
17. See William F. Case, ‘Can the Halfway House Stand? Semi-Democracy and Elite Theory in Three Southeast Asian Countries’, Comparative Politics 28, 4 (1996): 437–465
18. David Collier and Steven Levitsky, ‘Democracy with Adjectives: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative research’, World Politics 49 (1997): 430–451.
19. ‘Southern Strife: PM reviews his tactics with Prem’, Nation, 2 March 2005.
20. ‘Anand heads up peace panel’, Bangkok Post, 1 March 2005
21. ‘PM endorses line-up of reconciliation panel’, Bangkok Post, 29 March 2005
22. ‘PM urged to put ‘hawks’ on sidelines’, Bangkok Post, 9 June 2005.
23. On factionalism within the Thai military see Chai-Anan Samudavanija, The Thai Young Turks, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1982.
24. See Katharya Um, ‘Thailand and the Dynamics of Economic and Security Complex in Mainland Southeast Asia’, Contemporary Southeast Asia 13, 3 (1991): 245–270.
25. A Security Complex refers to a web of interactions between geographically proximate states that are relatively self-contained. Perceptions of external threat derive from such patterned interactions. The Indochina Security Complex groups the countries of mainland Southeast Asia into such a complex with Vietnam being the regional hegemon. See Barry Buzan, ‘The Southeast Asian Security Complex’, Contemporary Southeast Asia 10, 1 (1988): 1–16
26. Muthiah Alagappa, ‘The Dynamics of International Security in Southeast Asia: Change and Continuity’, Australian Journal of International Affairs 45: 1 (1991): 17–21.
27. See Surin Maisrikrod, Thailand's Two General Elections: Democracy Sustained, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1992.
28. See Suchit Bunbongkarn, ‘Thailand's Successful Reforms’, Journal of Democracy 10, 4 (1999): 54–68
29. N. Ganesan, ‘Appraising Democratic Developments in Post-Authoritarian States: Thailand and Indonesia’, Asian Affairs: An American Review 28, 1 (2001): 3–18.
30. See Michael Montesano, ‘Thailand in 2001: Learning to Live with Thaksin’, Asian Survey 42, 1 (2002): 90–99.
31. See James Ockey, ‘Change and Continuity in the Thai Political Party System’, Asian Survey 43, 4 (2003): 663–680.
32. ‘Opposition takes battle to the EC: two more seats needed to launch censure bid’, Bangkok Post, 11 February 2005
33. ‘Civic groups plan government rally to keep campaign in check’, Bangkok Post, 9 March 2005
34. ‘Wider charter changes opposed’, Bangkok Post, 30 May 2005.
35. This development was predicted some four decades ago by the American political scientist Clinton Rossiter. See his Parties and Politics in America, New York: Mentor Books, 1976 (originally published by Cornell University Press, 1960), p. 19.
36. Banyat Bantadtan who led the Democrat Party in the 2005 election did not have the same level of support as Chuan Leekpai. His resignation immediately after the election results were announced left the party in limbo before Abhisit Vejjajiva was elected to lead the party. At 40 years of age, Abhisit is generally regarded as young and inexperienced. See ‘Banyat, Sanan call it quits’, Bangkok Post, 8 February 2005
37. ‘Abhisit steps in as acting party leader’, Nation, 21 February 2005.
38. ‘Thai Talk: The weaker the opposition, the more defiant the factions’, Nation, 24 March 2005
39. ‘Another TRT faction sets up panel to spy on ministers’, Bangkok Post, 25 March 2005
40. ‘Factional spat: Thaksin shrugs off Snoh's new politics centre’, Nation, 31 March 2005
41. ‘Factional anger boils as Thaksin refuses to go to Sanoh's birthday bash’, Bangkok Post, 31 March 2005
42. ‘TRT feud reaches new heights’, Nation, 1 April 2005
43. ‘Factions go after Sudarat in tit-for-tat’, Bangkok Post, 1 April 2005
44. ‘Tot TRT Position: Faction to “rock” party if Suriya is dumped’, Nation, 13 April 2005
45. ‘Split over Auditor General: TRT rocked by rebellion’, Nation, 26 May 2005
46. ‘Thaksin's bad day in parliament: expel me, Snoh dares PM’, Nation, 9 June 2005
47. ‘Sanoh in open rebellion’, Bangkok Post, 9 June 2005
48. ‘Snoh rallying more MPs for defection’, Nation, 12 June 2005
49. ‘Snoh: government not too strong to collapse’, Nation, 15 June 2005
50. ‘Belligerent Snoh hurls abuse’, Nation, 16 June 2005. Currently, Somsak Thepsuthin heads the Wang Nam Yom faction with 100 MPs, Snoh Tienthong heads the Wang Nam Yen faction with about 40 MPs, Thaksin's sister Yaowapa Wongsawat heads the Wang Bua Ban faction, and Sudarat Keyuraphan heads the faction comprising some 30 MPs from Bangkok.
51. Rodney Tasker and Bertil Lintner, ‘Nasty job for Task Force 399’, Far Eastern Economic Review 164, 15 (19 April 2001): 24–25
52. ‘Burma makes drugs in own camps’, Bangkok Post, 8 December 2002.
53. On recent tensions between Thailand and Myanmar over the latter's claim of Thai support for the SSA see ‘Keep off Thai soil, Burmese warned’, Bangkok Post, 27 April 2005.
54. See N. Ganesan, ‘Thaksin and the Politics of Domestic and Regional Political Consolidation in Thailand’, Contemporary Southeast Asia 26, 1 (April 2004): 26–44.
55. Thai Armed Forces chief Surayud Cholanond complained in 2002 that his senior officers were often in Thaksin's company rather than attending weekly briefings. In the 2003 annual military reshuffle, Thaksin's cousin, General Chaisit Shinawatra was positioned to become the army chief. See Alex Mutebi, ‘Thailand in 2002: Political Consolidation and Economic Uncertainties’, Asian Survey 43, 1 (January/February 2003): 108.
56. Ukrist Pathmanand, ‘From the Shinawatra Group of Companies to the Thaksin Government: The Politics of Money and Power in Contemporary Thailand’, paper presented at the Third International Convention of Asian Scholars, 19–22 August 2003, Singapore.
57. Also see Ukrist Pathmanand and Duncan McCargo, The Thaksinization of Thailand, Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2004.
58. In a somewhat different vein, Duncan McCargo has also argued that traditionally, Thai constitutions have been drafted by political victors and typically skewed to suit their interests and needs rather than attending to some conception of the national good. See Duncan McCargo, ‘Alternative Meanings of Political Reform in Contemporary Thailand’, Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 13 (1998): 5–30.
59. Another prominent interpretation has it that the prince and the purser have always been wedded in Thailand and that political power invariably confers wealth through preferential legislation and the utilization of loopholes in business practices. For an elaboration of this second view see Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, Thaksin: The Business of Politics in Thailand, Chiangmai: Silkworm books, 2004, especially chapter 7.
60. ‘Anti-graft symposium: corruption now the norm at all levels - Ammar’, Nation, 10 December 2004
61. ‘Thewizard ofeconomics exposed’, Nation, 7 February 2005
62. ‘Thirayuth's latest warning: PM becoming more like Sarit’, Nation, 28 February 2005.
63. ‘Exim Bank: government forced us to lend to Shinsat project’, Nation, 9 February 2004.
64. ‘Several ministers could be grilled, Bangkok Post, 31 May 2005
65. ‘Democrats out to grill Suriya’, Nation, 10 June 2005.
66. ‘Radio hosts: gagged for “negative” news reports’, Nation, 16 December 2004
67. ‘February ballot: TRT flayed for using state assets’, Nation, 14 January 2005
68. ‘Radio host digs in against witch-hunt’, Bangkok Post, 19 April 2005.
69. ‘Thailand: ITV dealt big blow as court orders it to reinstate all 21 laid-off staff’, Bangkok Post, 9 March 2005.
70. ‘Emergency Powers: Media finally unites in face of blatant assault on press freedom’, Nation, 19 July 2005
71. ‘Defamation llawsuits: Luangta Bua escapes PM's legal wrath’, Nation, 11 October 2005.
72. ‘Promises galore at TRT rally’, Bangkok Post, 18 October 2004.
73. ‘Debt balloons under village fund scheme, survey finds’, Nation, 16 November 2004
74. ‘Village funds just worsening debt’, Bangkok Post, 16 November 2004
75. ‘Govt. hospitals reeling under B1.365bn debt’, Bangkok Post, 26 November 2004.
76. ‘PM warmed against use of reserves’, Nation, 11 February 2005.
77. Interview with Dr Panitan Wattanayagorn, October 2004. More recently, there has been a suggestion that the violence in southern Thailand is a millenarian revolt. See Nidhi Aeusrivongse, ‘Understanding the situation in the south as a “Millenarian Revolt”’, Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia 6 (March 2005).
78. ‘Extremists step up attacks in Thailand’, Guardian Weekly, 5 April 2005.
79. ‘78 perished in custody’, Nation, 27 October 2004
80. ‘Tak Bai Crackdown: Global outrage as grim details emerge: PM shows no remorse’, Nation, 28 October 2004.
81. ‘Violence in south: Thaksin agrees to try the peaceful approach’, Nation, 31 March 2005.
82. ‘Thai premier links Indonesia to southern unrest’, Channel News Asia, 19 December 2004.
83. ‘Tak Bai fallout: PM reassures Jakarta, KL’, Nation, 29 November 2004
84. ‘Allegations on funds for separatist movements: we don't support such groups’, New Straits Times, 10 December 2004.
85. Duncan McCargo, ‘Can Thaksin Lead Southeast Asia’, Time Asia 165, 5 (7 February 2005): 1–2.
86. ‘Drug-suspect killings: police “refusing” to help government probe’, Nation, 1 April 2003
87. ‘Anti-narcotics campaign: PM launches new round in war on drugs’, Nation, 12 April 2005
88. ‘Thaksin launches War on Drugs III’, Bangkok Post, 12 April 2005.
89. This was the view of two academics from Chiangmai University and a prominent Democrat MP. The most recent development in this regard that may well serve as a precursor of forthcoming changes is a constitutional amendment allowing the current politically neutral senators to join political parties and serve two consecutive six-year terms after appointment - a practice that is now barred. Under current legislation, senators are required to sit out for a term before reappointment. See ‘Abhisit flays Senate push to amend Constitution’, Nation, 12 April, 2005
90. ‘Amending the charter: PM leaves door open to change’, Nation, 16 April 2005.