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Volumn 59, Issue 4, 2007, Pages 595-628

Hereditary succession in modern autocracies

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

LEADERSHIP; POST-WAR;

EID: 38849117015     PISSN: 00438871     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/wp.2008.0002     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (137)

References (238)
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    • One recent attempt at apprehending hereditary succession in autocratic regimes is Muhammad Tharwat, Asr al-jumhuriyat al-malakiyah [The Era of Monarchical Republics] (Cairo, Egypt: al-Dar al-Thaqafiyah lil-Nashr, 2002).
    • One recent attempt at apprehending hereditary succession in autocratic regimes is Muhammad Tharwat, Asr al-jumhuriyat al-malakiyah [The Era of Monarchical Republics] (Cairo, Egypt: al-Dar al-Thaqafiyah lil-Nashr, 2002).
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    • Azerbaijan held multiparty parliamentary elections in 1990, 1995, and 2000, as well as multicandidate presidential elections won by Heydar Aliyev, in 1993 and 1998. After gaining independence in 1965, Singapore has held ten multiparty elections. The Togolese government introduced multiparty elections in 1993. Hans Florian Grotz and Raoul Motika, "Azerbaijan," in Dieter Nohlen, Florian Grotz, and Christof Hartmann, eds., Elections in Asia and the Pacific: A Data Handbook (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 1:362-64;
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    • Studies of succession have focused on the Soviet Union and Mexico, but have not established cross-regional explanatory frameworks. Mexico's Partido Revoluncionario Institucional (PRI, r. 1929-2000) selected a nonincumbent presidential candidate every six years, providing an exceptionally robust answer to the succession question. On the Soviet Union, see Valerie Bunce, Leadership Succession and Policy Innovation in the Soviet Republics, Comparative Politics 11 (July 1979);
    • Studies of succession have focused on the Soviet Union and Mexico, but have not established cross-regional explanatory frameworks. Mexico's Partido Revoluncionario Institucional (PRI, r. 1929-2000) selected a nonincumbent presidential candidate every six years, providing an exceptionally robust answer to the succession question. On the Soviet Union, see Valerie Bunce, "Leadership Succession and Policy Innovation in the Soviet Republics," Comparative Politics 11 (July 1979);
  • 30
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    • and the exchange between Valerie Bunce and Philip G. Roeder, The Effects of Leadership Succession in the Soviet Union, American Political Science Review 80 (March 1986).
    • and the exchange between Valerie Bunce and Philip G. Roeder, "The Effects of Leadership Succession in the Soviet Union," American Political Science Review 80 (March 1986).
  • 31
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    • On the PRI, consult Alan Knight, Mexico's Elite Settlement: Conjuncture and Consequences, in John Higley and Richard Gunther, eds., Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992);
    • On the PRI, consult Alan Knight, "Mexico's Elite Settlement: Conjuncture and Consequences," in John Higley and Richard Gunther, eds., Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992);
  • 33
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    • The data set compiles relevant political and genealogical information on nonmonarchical rulers in power for at least three years. In addition to supplementary sources on specific cases, the main sources for information were the Library of Congress Country Studies series; Geddes (fil, 8);
    • The data set compiles relevant political and genealogical information on nonmonarchical rulers in power for at least three years. In addition to supplementary sources on specific cases, the main sources for information were the Library of Congress Country Studies series; Geddes (fil, 8);
  • 35
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    • and Hein Gomans, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, Giacomo Chiozza, Archigos: A Dataset of Leaders 1875-2004 (2006), (accessed August 18, 2006).
    • and Hein Gomans, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, Giacomo Chiozza, Archigos: A Dataset of Leaders 1875-2004 (2006), (accessed August 18, 2006).
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    • In Egypt, Anwar Sadat made Hosni Mubarak his vice president and expected successor in 1975. Mubarak thus gained the status of heir apparent three years before Sadat inaugurated the National Democratic Party and installed Mubarak as the party's vice chairman. On Sadat's tapping of Mubarak and the NDP's founding, see John Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat: The Political Economy of Two Regimes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 47, 369-71.
    • In Egypt, Anwar Sadat made Hosni Mubarak his vice president and expected successor in 1975. Mubarak thus gained the status of heir apparent three years before Sadat inaugurated the National Democratic Party and installed Mubarak as the party's vice chairman. On Sadat's tapping of Mubarak and the NDP's founding, see John Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat: The Political Economy of Two Regimes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 47, 369-71.
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    • John H. Herz, The Problem of Successorship in Dictatorial Régimes: A Study in Comparative Law and Institutions, Journal of Politics 14 (February 1952), 19.
    • John H. Herz, "The Problem of Successorship in Dictatorial Régimes: A Study in Comparative Law and Institutions," Journal of Politics 14 (February 1952), 19.
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    • Bienen and Nicolas van de Walle
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    • On the difficulties of undemocratic rulers retaining power, see Henry Bienen and Nicolas van de Walle, Of Time and Power: Leadership Duration in the Modern World (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1991);
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    • Geddes (fn. 8);
    • Geddes (fn. 8);
  • 45
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    • I discuss these examples in greater detail below. During the transition period in Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew and his eventual heir suppressed public discussions of hereditary succession, even charging the International Herald Tribune with libel for an opinion column about dynastic politics in Singapore. Philip Bowring, The Claims About 'Asian' Values Don't Usually Bear Scrutiny, International Herald Tribune, August 2, 1994;
    • I discuss these examples in greater detail below. During the transition period in Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew and his eventual heir suppressed public discussions of hereditary succession, even charging the International Herald Tribune with libel for an opinion column about dynastic politics in Singapore. Philip Bowring, "The Claims About 'Asian' Values Don't Usually Bear Scrutiny," International Herald Tribune, August 2, 1994;
  • 46
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  • 47
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    • Subsequent events supported the Tribune columnist's argument that political authority had remained within the Lee family. A decade after Lee Kuan Yew's putative handover of power, one observer remarked, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong still is seen by some to be functioning virtually on probation. Raj Vasil, Governing Singapore: Democracy and National Development (Singapore: Allen & Unwin, 2000), 137.
    • Subsequent events supported the Tribune columnist's argument that political authority had remained within the Lee family. A decade after Lee Kuan Yew's putative handover of power, one observer remarked, "Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong still is seen by some to be functioning virtually on probation." Raj Vasil, Governing Singapore: Democracy and National Development (Singapore: Allen & Unwin, 2000), 137.
  • 48
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    • Under these strict definitions I omit the post hoc succession of Joseph Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo following President Laurent Kabila's assassination in 2001
    • Under these strict definitions I omit the post hoc succession of Joseph Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo following President Laurent Kabila's assassination in 2001.
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    • Were Raúl Castro to succeed Fidel Castro, it would mark the only case in the data set where a long-ruling leader overlooked multiple eligible sons and inaugurated a brother-brother transfer of power. Juan O. Tamayo, Castro's Secret Life: Even the CIA is Left to Wonder about the 'Maximum Leader' and His Family, Seattle Times, October 25, 2000, http://global.factiva.com (accessed December 22, 2006).
    • Were Raúl Castro to succeed Fidel Castro, it would mark the only case in the data set where a long-ruling leader overlooked multiple eligible sons and inaugurated a brother-brother transfer of power. Juan O. Tamayo, "Castro's Secret Life: Even the CIA is Left to Wonder about the 'Maximum Leader' and His Family," Seattle Times, October 25, 2000, http://global.factiva.com (accessed December 22, 2006).
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    • Arab Sons of Privilege Inherit Power and Instill Doubts,
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    • see also Charles M. Sennott, "Arab Sons of Privilege Inherit Power and Instill Doubts," Boston Globe, June 14, 2000;
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    • H. E. Chehabi and Juan J. Linz, A Theory of Sultanism 1: A Type of Nondemocratic Rule, in H. E. Chehabi and Juan J. Linz, eds., Sultanistic Regimes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 15-17;
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    • Brooker fn. 8, 144-47;
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    • and Tharwat (fn. 4), 117.
    • and Tharwat (fn. 4), 117.
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    • In their comparative study of developmental and patrimonial states, Peter Evans and James Rauch code the Dominican Republic and Haiti among the most personalized regimes of their data set (with scores of 2.0 and 4.0, out of a maximum of 13.50) while placing Singapore (13.50) and Taiwan (12.0) at the top of their rankings. Peter Evans and James E. Rauch, Bureaucracy and Growth: A Cross-National Analysis of the Effects of 'Weberian' State Structures on Economic Growth, American Sociological Review 64 October 1999, 763
    • In their comparative study of developmental and patrimonial states, Peter Evans and James Rauch code the Dominican Republic and Haiti among the most personalized regimes of their data set (with scores of 2.0 and 4.0, out of a maximum of 13.50) while placing Singapore (13.50) and Taiwan (12.0) at the top of their rankings. Peter Evans and James E. Rauch, "Bureaucracy and Growth: A Cross-National Analysis of the Effects of 'Weberian' State Structures on Economic Growth," American Sociological Review 64 (October 1999), 763,
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    • For two influential examples see Bienen and van de Walle (fn. 15);
    • For two influential examples see Bienen and van de Walle (fn. 15);
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    • Herz fn. 14, 30
    • Herz (fn. 14), 30.
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    • Tullock fn. 10, 151, 153
    • Tullock (fn. 10), 151, 153.
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    • Herz fn. 14, 37
    • Herz (fn. 14), 37.
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    • Tullock (fn. 10), 163.
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    • See Bueno de Mesquita et al. (fn. 15), 17, for historical illustrations of this problem.
    • See Bueno de Mesquita et al. (fn. 15), 17, for historical illustrations of this problem.
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    • The threat from nonfilial relatives shows in at least three cases where familial coevals attempted or successfully executed coups. In the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo's brother Petán plotted to seize power during the mid-1930s and was repeatedly posted abroad as a result. In Equatorial Guinea in 1979, current president Teodoro Obiang Nguema took power by ousting his uncle, Francisco Macías Nguema (eighteen years his senior, In Syria in 1983, Hafez al-Assad survived a coup attempt by his brother Rifaat, who was subsequently exiled. Robert D. Crassweller, Trujillo: The Life and Times of a Caribbean Dictator New York: Macmillan, 1966, 140-41;
    • The threat from nonfilial relatives shows in at least three cases where familial coevals attempted or successfully executed coups. In the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo's brother Petán plotted to seize power during the mid-1930s and was repeatedly posted abroad as a result. In Equatorial Guinea in 1979, current president Teodoro Obiang Nguema took power by ousting his uncle, Francisco Macías Nguema (eighteen years his senior). In Syria in 1983, Hafez al-Assad survived a coup attempt by his brother Rifaat, who was subsequently exiled. Robert D. Crassweller, Trujillo: The Life and Times of a Caribbean Dictator (New York: Macmillan, 1966), 140-41;
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    • Tullock (fn. 10), 151-57.
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    • Ibid., 161, 166, 215.
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    • see Huntington (fn. 3), 168.
    • see Huntington (fn. 3), 168.
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    • David Waldner has differentiated between low-intensity elite conflict, in which elite status is not threatened, and high-intensity elite conflict, in which elites face permanent loss of elite status. For treatment of leadership succession, I treat conflict intensity as a product of elite strategies, rather than as an independent variable, David Waldner, State Building and Late Development (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1999), 29.
    • David Waldner has differentiated between low-intensity elite conflict, in which elite status is not threatened, and high-intensity elite conflict, in which elites face permanent loss of elite status. For treatment of leadership succession, I treat conflict intensity as a product of elite strategies, rather than as an independent variable, David Waldner, State Building and Late Development (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1999), 29.
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    • On Bashar's heir apparency in the late 1990s and succession during June-July 2000, see Joshua A. Stacher, Adapting Authoritarianism: Institutions and Co-optation in Egypt and Syria ( Ph.D. diss., University of St. Andrew's, 2007), 122-28.
    • On Bashar's heir apparency in the late 1990s and succession during June-July 2000, see Joshua A. Stacher, "Adapting Authoritarianism: Institutions and Co-optation in Egypt and Syria" ( Ph.D. diss., University of St. Andrew's, 2007), 122-28.
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    • Two empirical cases in which succession was screened from observation are the December 1989 ouster of Nicolae Ceauşescu in Romania and the March 2003 deposition of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. In Romania, Nicu Ceauşescu had been the clear frontrunner to succeed his father. In Iraq, Hussein's heir apparent was his son Qusay. But hereditary succession plans in these cases were not a proximate cause of the ruler's removal. These cases are therefore not considered as confirming or disconfirming the present theory. On dynastic socialism in Romania and the overthrow of Ceauşescu see René de Flers, Socialism in One Family, Survey: A Journal of East & West Studies 28 (Winter 1984);
    • Two empirical cases in which succession was screened from observation are the December 1989 ouster of Nicolae Ceauşescu in Romania and the March 2003 deposition of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. In Romania, Nicu Ceauşescu had been the clear frontrunner to succeed his father. In Iraq, Hussein's heir apparent was his son Qusay. But hereditary succession plans in these cases were not a proximate cause of the ruler's removal. These cases are therefore not considered as confirming or disconfirming the present theory. On dynastic socialism in Romania and the overthrow of Ceauşescu see René de Flers, "Socialism in One Family," Survey: A Journal of East & West Studies 28 (Winter 1984);
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    • I treat biological opportunity as exogenous. For example, I do not seek to explain why António Salazar never married or why Francisco Franco sired no sons. Rather, I note those facts as they affect the question of why the Portuguese and Spanish regimes did not have hereditary successions while others, such as the Syrian regime, did
    • I treat biological opportunity as exogenous. For example, I do not seek to explain why António Salazar never married or why Francisco Franco sired no sons. Rather, I note those facts as they affect the question of why the Portuguese and Spanish regimes did not have hereditary successions while others, such as the Syrian regime, did.
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    • In the data set there are six rulers who took office through coups while between the ages of twenty-five and thirty: Valentine Strasser (Sierra-Leone, Michel Micombero (Burundi, Muammar Qadhafi (Libya, Samuel Doe (Liberia, Gnassingbé Eyadéma (Togo, and Marien Ngouabi Congo-Brazaville, Youth appears to be less a barrier to seizing power than it is for being granted power by an incumbent
    • In the data set there are six rulers who took office through coups while between the ages of twenty-five and thirty: Valentine Strasser (Sierra-Leone), Michel Micombero (Burundi), Muammar Qadhafi (Libya), Samuel Doe (Liberia), Gnassingbé Eyadéma (Togo), and Marien Ngouabi (Congo-Brazaville). Youth appears to be less a barrier to seizing power than it is for being granted power by an incumbent.
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    • Following this operationalization, I exclude the Haitian case from subsequent inferences. Although the Duvaliers are an iconic example of hereditary succession, François Duvalier's grooming of his son appears to be exceptional. Inclusion of Haiti in the analysis would strengthen the postulated relationship between institutional antecedents and succession practices. See David Nicholls, The Duvalier Regime in Haiti, in Chehabi and Linz (fn. 23).
    • Following this operationalization, I exclude the Haitian case from subsequent inferences. Although the Duvaliers are an iconic example of hereditary succession, François Duvalier's grooming of his son appears to be exceptional. Inclusion of Haiti in the analysis would strengthen the postulated relationship between institutional antecedents and succession practices. See David Nicholls, "The Duvalier Regime in Haiti," in Chehabi and Linz (fn. 23).
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.