The Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Mercia and the origins and distribution of common fields

Agricultural History Review

Volumn 55, Issue 2, 2007, Pages 153-180

  Oosthuizen, Susan ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 37149002482     PISSN: 00021490     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
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References (284)

1. J. Thirsk, 'The origin of the common fields', Past and Present 33 (1966), p. 144;
2. H. S. A. Fox, Approaches to the adoption of the Midland system', in T. Rowley (ed.), The origins of open field agriculture (1981), pp. 83-4;
3. Gray, English field systems, frontispiece and p. 403;
4. W. O. Ault, Open field farming in medieval England (1972), p. 16.
5. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, p. 144;
6. H. L. Gray, English field systems (1915), frontispiece and p. 403;
7. O. Rackham, The history of the countryside (1986), p. 178;
8. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, p. 10; Fox, Approaches', p. 66.
9. Strips were the smallest physical sub-divisions of open and common fields. They were units of cropping, and also units of tenure (selions).
10. Fox, Approaches', pp. 64-5;
11. B. K. Roberts, The making of the English village (1989), p. 51;
12. D. Hall, 'Fieldwork and field books: studies in early layouts', in B. K. Roberts and R. E. Glasscock (eds), Villages, fields and frontiers: studies in European rural settlements in the medieval and early modern periods (1983), pp. 117-8.
13. Fox, Approaches', pp. 66, 92;
14. Ault, Open field farming, p. 16.
15. Fox, Approaches' p. 66;
16. Ault, Open field farming, p. 16.
17. D. W. Wilson, Anglo-Saxon rural economy: a survey of the archaeological evidence and a suggestion', AgHR 10 (1962), pp. 78-9.
18. See Fox, Approaches', p. 88. Now-classic examples of such studies include E. A. Pocock, "The first fields in an Oxfordshire parish', AgHR 16 (1968), pp. 85-100;
19. S. Bassett, 'Medieval Lichfield: a topographical review', Trans. Staffs. Archaeological and Historical Soc. 22 (1980-1), pp.93-121;
20. and T. Williamson, 'Early co-axial field systems on the East Anglian boulder clays', Proc. Prehistoric Soc. 53 (1987), pp. 419-31.
21. Gray, English field systems, frontispiece and p. 403.
22. Fox, Approaches', p. 66;
23. Rackham, Countryside, p. 178.
24. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, p. 10.
25. This paper provisionally accepts the boundaries of the Central Province in relation to common fields as mapped by Roberts and Wrathmell in Region and place, p. 124. More work still needs to be done before these boundaries can be traced more accurately. It seems likely, for example, that there were many more vills with two or three field layouts in Cambridgeshire in the high middle ages than the present boundaries of the Central Province acknowledge (cf. M. R. Postgate, 'The open fields of Cambridgeshire' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, 1964), App. 1).
26. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, p. 144.
27. C. C. Taylor, 'Nucleated settlements: a view from the frontier', Landscape Hist. 24 (2002), p. 53;
28. see also Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, pp. 32-9, 64.
29. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, p. 69.
30. T. Williamson, Shaping medieval landscapes (2003), p. 6.
31. F. Seebohm, The English village community (1883), pp. 410-1. More recent research indicates that part of Seebohm's premise was misplaced.
32. While it is true that arable land in north-west Europe was often divided into three fields by the high middle ages, by the eighth century this may only have been happening on the highest status monastic demesnes: A. E. Verhulst, The Carolingian economy (2002), pp. 16-18. Even when the subdivision of arable into three fields had become more common, cropping was not undertaken communally nor was there intermingling of tenure. Open fields sometimes developed in Europe; common fields never.
33. See, for example, J. Renes, 'Some aspects of open fields in the southern part of the province of Limburg (the Netherlands)', Geografiska Annaler 70B (1988), p. 164;
34. Verhulst, Carolingian economy, pp. 16-18.
35. Bassett, 'Lichfield', pp. 93-121;
36. S. Bassett, 'Beyond the edge of excavation: the topographical context of Goltho', in H. Mayr-Harting and R. I. Moore (eds), Studies in medieval history (1981), pp. 21-39;
37. S. Upex, 'Landscape continuity and fossilisation of Roman fields', Archaeological J. 159 (2002), pp. 77-108;
38. S. Oosthuizen, Landscapes decoded (2006), ch. 6.
39. D. Hooke, The landscape of Anglo-Saxon England (1998), p. 116.
40. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, pp. 78-9.
41. D. Hill, Atlas of Anglo-Saxon England (1981), p. 19.
42. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, p. 127;
43. Williamson, Shaping, p. 47.
44. F. W. Maitland, Domesday Book and beyond (1897), pp. 365-6 and 515-8;
45. W. G. Hoskins, The making of the English landscape (1955,1988 edn), pp. 45-7;
46. F. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (1971), p. 280.
47. R. Hodges, The Anglo-Saxon achievement (1989), p. 154;
48. C. R. Hart, "The Danes', in A. Kirby and S. Oosthuizen (eds), An atlas of Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire history (2000), p. 30;
49. also C. R. Hart, 'The Aldewerke and minster at Shelford, Cambridge-shire', Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 8 (1995), p. 47,
50. and C. R. Hart, 'Strip cultivation and the Danes', unpublished paper dated 1996;
51. D. Banham, 'Race and tillage: Scandinavian influence on Anglo-Saxon agriculture?', in M. Kilpiö (ed.), Proc. International Soc. Anglo-Saxonists Congress, Helsinki, 2001 (forthcoming), my additions.
52. Rackham, Countryside, p. 178, my additions.
53. Taylor, 'Nucleated settlements', pp. 53-5;
54. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, pp. 145-6.
55. cf. J. Thirsk, "lhe common fields', Past and Present 29 (1964), pp. 3-25;
56. Thirsk, 'Origin', pp. 142-7;
57. Ault, Open field farming, p. 18;
58. Fox, Approaches', pp. 83-4;
59. D. Hooke, 'Early forms of open-field agriculture', Geografiska Annaler 70B (1988), pp. 123-31;
60. D. Hooke, Anglo-Saxon landscapes of the west Midlands: the charter evidence (1981), pp. 121 and 206-7;
61. G. Campbell, 'The preliminary archaeobotanical results from Anglo-Saxon West Cotton and Raunds', in J. Rackham (ed.), Environment and economy in Anglo-Saxon England (1994), pp. 67-75, 81;
62. H. Hamerow, Early medieval settlement. The archaeology of rural communities in north-west Europe, 400-900 (2002), pp. 152-5.
63. Seebohm, English village comunity, p. 110.
64. H. P. R. Finberg, The agrarian history of England and Wales, I (ii), 43-1042 (1972), pp. 416-7;
65. Hoskins, English landscape, p. 45;
66. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 280;
67. Fox, Approaches', pp. 87-8.
68. Maitland, Domesday Book, p. 365.
69. For more modern views, see e.g. Thirsk, 'Common fields', pp. 4-5 and
70. Thirsk, 'Origin', pp. 143-4;
71. Hooke, Landscape of Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 114-5;
72. P. J. Fowler, Farming in the first millennium (2000), p. 270.
73. Maitland, Domesday Book, p. 365.
74. Ibid., pp. 365-6, 515-8.
75. P. Addyman, A Dark Age settlement at Maxey, Northants.', Medieval Arch. 8 (1964), p. 24;
76. D. Hall, The open fields of Northamptonshire (1995), pp. 129-30.
77. Ibid., p. 130.
78. M. Harvey, 'Planned field systems in eastern Yorkshire: some thoughts on their origin', AgHR 31 (1983), pp. 91-103,
79. and id., "The development of open fields in the central vale of York: a reconsideration', Geografiska Annaler 67B (1985), pp. 35-44.
80. Hooke, Anglo-Saxon landscapes, p. 115.
81. A. E. Brown and G. Foard, 'The Saxon landscape: a regional perspective', in P. Everson and T. Williamson (eds), The archaeology of landscape (1998), p. 76;
82. Oosthuizen, Landscapes decoded, pp. 145-8;
83. R.Jones and M. Page, Medieval villages in an English landscape: beginnings and ends (2006), pp. 88-92 and 104.
84. C. C. Taylor, Village and farmstead (1983), p. 122, my insertion.
85. S. Oosthuizen, 'Medieval settlement relocation in west Cambridgeshire: three case-studies', Landscape Hist. 19 (1997). pp. 43-55.
86. Jones and Page, Medieval villages, p. 104.
87. For North Elmham, see P. Wade-Martins, 'North Elmham 1', East Anglian Arch., 9 (1980), pp. 122-3;
88. for Flixborough, see K. Ulmschneider, 'Settlement, economy and the "productive" site: middle Anglo-Saxon Lincolnshire, AD 650-780', Medieval Arch. 44 (2000), pp. 53-79;
89. for Whitby, see S. Denison, Anglo-Saxon "planned town" revealed this month', British Arch., 64 (2002), p. 4;
90. for Pennyland and Raunds, see Brown and Foard, 'Saxon landscape', p. 77;
91. for Yarnton and Ely, see J. Blair, The church in Anglo-Saxon society (2005), p. 255;
92. for Brandon, see R. Carr, A. Tester and P. Murphy, "The middle Saxon settlement at Staunch Meadow, Brandon', Antiquity, 62 (1988), pp. 371-7.
93. J. Moreland, 'The significance of production in eighth-century England', in I. L. Hansen and C. Wickham (eds), The 'long' eighth century (2000), pp. 69-104;
94. Hamerow, Early medieval settlements, p. 170;
95. M. McCormick, Origins of the European economy (2001), p. 784.
96. P. Crabtree, 'Production and consumption in an early complex society: animal use in middle Saxon East Anglia', World Arch., 28 (1996), pp. 58-75;
97. Ulmschneider, 'Settlement, economy', pp. 72-9;
98. P. Blinkhorn, 'Of cabbages and kings: production, trade and consumption in middle-Saxon England', in M. Anderton (ed.), Anglo-Saxon trading centres: beyond the emporia (1999), pp. 18-19;
99. J. Newman, 'Wies, trade, and the hinterlands - the Ipswich region', in Anderton (ed.), Anglo-Saxon trading centres, pp. 32-47;
100. T. Pestell, 'The afterlife of "productive" sites in East Anglia', in Ulmschneider and Pestell (eds.), Markets, pp. 133-7;
101. Blair, Church, p. 261.
102. For Suffolk, see P. Warner, Greens, commons and clayland colonization (1987), pp. 30-3; for Northants., see a number of papers by D. Hall, 'Fieldwork and field books', pp. 115-31;
103. Medieval fields (1983), p. 117;
104. 'Fieldwork and documentary evidence for the layout and organization of early medieval estates in the English midlands', in K. Biddick (ed.), Archaeological approaches to medieval Europe (1984), pp. 43-68;
105. 'The late Saxon countryside: villages and their fields', in D. Hooke (ed.), Anglo-Saxon settlements (1988), pp. 114-5;
106. for Cambs., see Oosthuizen, Landscapes decoded, pp. 125-6;
107. S. Oosthuizen, 'Saxon commons in south Cambridgeshire', Proc. Cambridge Antiquarian Soc., 82 (1993), pp. 93-100.
108. S. J. Rippon, R. M. Fife and A. G. Brown, 'Beyond villages and open fields: the origins and development of a historic landscape characterized by dispersed settlement in south-west England', Medieval Arch. 50 (2006), pp. 58-9.
109. For West Cotton, see Campbell, 'Raunds', p. 65;
110. for Cambridge, see S. Oosthuizen, 'New light on the origins of open field farming?', Medieval Arch. 49 (2005), pp. 165-93;
111. for Dorset, see L. Keen, 'The towns of Dorset', in J. Haslam (ed.), Anglo-Saxon towns in southern England (1984), pp. 206, 217, 236-8.
112. Jones and Page, Medieval villages, p. 94.
113. R. Faith, The English peasantry and the growth of lordship (1997), pp. 20, 30.
114. J. Storey, Carolingian connections (2003), p. 169.
115. e.g. D. Whitelock, "The pre-Viking age church in East Anglia', Anglo-Saxon England 1 (1972), pp. 1-22;
116. Blair, Church, pp. 150-1;
117. Storey, Connections, p. 169.
118. This sentence is heavily based on C. Wickham, Framing the early middle ages, (2005), pp. 303-4. The criteria he proposes are: the centralisation of justice and the army; the development of governmental roles in which the office was permanent and more important than the office-holder; the concept of a public power; independent and stable resources for rulers; and 'a class-based system of surplus extraction and stratification' (p. 303).
119. For a critique of Wickham's use of archaeological material, see C. Hills, 'History and archaeology: the state of play in early medieval Europe', Antiquity 81 (2007), pp. 191-200.
120. S. Bassett, 'Divide and rule? The military infrastructure of eighth- and ninth-century Mercia', Early Medieval Europe 15 (2007), p. 84.
121. Blair, Church, pp. 85-91.
122. Wickham, Framing, p. 303;
123. see also Blair, Church, p. 85.
124. A. Thacker, 'Kings, saints and monasteries in preViking Mercia', Midland Hist., 10 (1985), p. 5.
125. Blair, Church, p. 144.
126. Storey, Connections, p. 174.
127. Bassett, 'Divide and rule', pp. 57-8.
128. Moreland, 'Significance of production', pp. 69-104;
129. Hamerow, Early medieval settlements, pp. 110-12, 152-5 and 170;
130. McCormick, Origins, p. 604. See also pp. 171-5 below.
131. e.g. Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', p. 11; B. Palmer, 'The hinterlands of three southern English Emporia: some common themes', in Ulmschneider and Pestell (eds), Markets, pp. 51-3;
132. Blair, Church, pp. 251-61;
133. J. Naylor, An archaeology of trade in middle Saxon England (2004), p. 204.
134. J. R. Maddicott, 'London and Droitwich, c.650-750: trade, industry and the rise of Mercia', Anglo-Saxon England 34 (2005), pp. 7-59.
135. See also D. Dumville, 'Essex, Middle Anglia and the expansion of Mercia in the south-east Midlands', in S. Bassett (ed.), The origins of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms (1989), p. 136;
136. B. Yorke, Kings and kingdoms of early Anglo-Saxon England (1990), pp. 105-10.
137. Maddicott, 'London and Droitwich', p. 57.
138. Ibid., pp. 16, 24.
139. Dumville, 'Essex, Middle Anglia', p. 136.
140. Ibid., p. 136.
141. H. Cam, Local government in Francia and England. A comparison of the local administration and jurisdiction of the Carolingian empire with that of the West Saxon kingdom (1912), p. 64.
142. See also J. Nelson, 'Carolingian contacts', in Brown and Farr (eds), Mercia, pp. 126-43;
143. id., 'England and the continent in the ninth century: ends and beginnings', Trans. Royal Historical Soc., sixth ser., 12 (2002), pp. 1-21;
144. J. Storey, 'Charlemagne and the Anglo-Saxons', in J. Storey (ed.), Charlemagne: empire and society (2005), pp. 195-210;
145. S. Oosthuizen, 'Open and common fields in their European context' (submitted for publication).
146. J. Nelson, The Frankish world (1996), p. 90;
147. Wickham, Framing, p. 328.
148. Nelson, Frankish world, p. 95;
149. Nelson, 'Carolingian contacts', p. 128.
150. Hodges, Anglo-Saxon achievement, p. 121;
151. Nelson, 'Carolingian contacts', p. 134;
152. Hill, Atlas, pp. 121-3;
153. Yorke, Kings and kingdoms, p. 95.
154. Blair, Church, p. 282.
155. Nelson, 'Carolingian contacts', p. 132;
156. S. Coupland, 'Charlemagne's coinage: ideology and economy', in Storey (ed.), Charlemagne, pp. 211-2.
157. Hill, Atlas, p. 121;
158. Storey, 'Charlemagne and the Anglo-Saxons', pp. 206-7;
159. Naylor, Trade, p. 130.
160. M. Carver, 'Environment and commodity in Anglo-Saxon England', in Rackham (ed.), Environment and economy, p. 2;
161. for Brixworth, see T. Eaton, 'Old ruins new world', British Arch. 60 (2001), p. 19;
162. D. Parsons, 'The Mercian church: archaeology and topography', in Brown and Farr (eds), Mercia, p. 66;
163. for Wing, Cirencester, and Deerhurst, see Parsons, 'Mercian church', pp. 66-9;
164. for Leicester, see J. Blair, 'Leicester', in M. Lapidge, J. Blair, S. Keynes and D. Scragg (eds), Blackwell encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England (1999), p. 281;
165. for Repton, see D. M. Deliyannis, 'Church burial in Anglo-Saxon England: the prerogative of kings', Frühmittelalterliche Studien 29 (1995), pp. 114-5;
166. H. M. Taylor, 'St Wystan's church, Repton, Derbyshire. A reconstructive essay', Archaeological J. 144 (1987), p. 220;
167. M. Biddle and B. Kjolbye-Biddle, 'The Repton stone', Anglo-Saxon England 14 (1985), p. 235.
168. J. Blair, 'Northampton', in Lapidge et al. (eds), Blackwell encyclopaedia, p.333;
169. see also J.Williams, 'From "palace" to "town": Northampton and urban origins', Anglo-Saxon England 13 (1984), pp. 124-5, 135-6;
170. C. P. Loveluck, 'Rural settlement hierarchy in the age of Charlemagne', in Storey (ed.), Charlemagne, p. 247.
171. For an alternative interpretation, see J. Blair, 'Palaces or minsters? Northampton and Cheddar reconsidered', Anglo-Saxon England 25 (1996), p. 104.
172. For cement mixers at Northampton and Wearmoth, see Loveluck, 'Settlement hierarchy', p. 247; for a cement mixer at Duxford, see Anon., 'Rare Iron Age temple excavated near Cambridge', British Arch. 66 (2002), p. 7;
173. for Northampton, see Blair, 'Northampton', pp. 332-3; for Carolingian palaces, see Loveluck, 'Settlement hierarchy', pp. 237-9;
174. for Offa's Dyke, see M. Gelling, The West Midlands in the early middle ages (1992), pp. 102-3.
175. R. Jewell, 'Classicism of Southumbrian sculpture', in Brown and Farr (eds), Mercia, pp. 250, 262;
176. J. Hawkes, 'Constructing iconographies: questions of identity in Mercian sculpture', in Brown and Farr (eds), Mercia, p. 245;
177. for the Lichfield Angel, see Anon., "'Find of several lifetimes" - cathedral archaeologist', British Arch. 88 (2006), p. 7;
178. for the Repton stone, see Biddle and Kjølbye-Biddle, 'Repton stone', pp. 233-92.
179. M. Metcalf, 'Variations in the composition of the currency at different places in England', in Ulmschneider and Pestell (eds), Markets, p. 47.
180. Palmer, 'Hinterlands', pp.49, 57;
181. Blair, Church, pp.87, 296, 260-1;
182. Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', pp. 18-19;
183. Crabtree, 'Production and consumption', p. 64;
184. Hodges, Achievement, pp. 139-42.
185. Moreland, 'Significance of production', p. 102, his emphasis. Wickham (Framing, p. 349) suggests that this did not occur for at least another century, but see the critique by Hills ('History and archaeology') of his use of archaeological evidence.
186. Moreland, 'Significance of production', pp. 65-104;
187. Pestell, Afterlife of "productive" sites', in Ulmschneider and Pestell (eds), Markets, p. 137;
188. Blair, Church, p. 253.
189. Verhulst, Carolingian economy, pp. 68-9;
190. Pestell, Afterlife of "productive" sites', pp. 131-2. For the peregrine falcon, see Crabtree, 'Production and consumption', p. 72.
191. Blair, Church, p. 258, my addition. This view is supported by Palmer, 'Hinterlands', pp. 55-7,
192. Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', pp. 11-16;
193. Moreland, 'Significance of production', pp. 68-104;
194. Naylor, Trade, p. 129.
195. See also McCormick, Origins, p. 794.
196. P. Murphy, "The Anglo-Saxon landscape and rural economy: some results from sites in East Anglia and Essex', in Rackham (ed.), Environment and economy, p. 35.
197. Crabtree, 'Production and consumption', pp. 58-75;
198. J. Bourdillon, 'The animal provisioning of Saxon Southampton', in Rackham (ed.), Environment and economy, p. 123;
199. T. O'Connor, 'Eighth-eleventh-century economy and environment in York', in Rackham (ed.), Environment and economy, p. 139.
200. Palmer, 'Hinterlands', pp. 53-6;
201. Blair, Church, p. 261. 'Productive' sites are those which are characterised by an unusual volume of Anglo-Saxon coins and metal-work.
202. Bassett, 'Divide and rule', p. 83.
203. Bassett suggests that they included Nottingham, Derby, Leicester, Lincoln, Stamford, Leicester, Lincoln, Northampton, Bedford, Cambridge and Huntingdon (Bassett, 'Divide and rule', pp. 65, 78-81).
204. Blair, Church, p. 261.
205. Bassett, 'Divide and rule', p. 82;
206. Blair, Church, pp. 256-7.
207. See also N. Brooks, Communities and warfare, 700-1400 (2000), pp. 11-13, 20-2.
208. Fowler, Farming, pp. 213-4,
209. See also M. Bell, 'Environmental archaeology as an index of continuity and change in the medieval landscape', in M. Aston, D. Austin and C. Dyer (eds), The rural settlements of medieval England (1989), pp. 269-86;
210. for Raunds and West Cotton, see Campbell, 'Raunds', p. 67;
211. for Yarnton and West Heslerton, see Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', p. 16,
212. and Hamerow, Early medieval settlements, p. 154;
213. Rippon et al, 'Beyond villages', pp. 31-70.
214. Bourdillon, Animal provisioning', p. 123.
215. For Pennylands, Riby Crossroads and Walpole St Andrew, see Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', pp. 11-16;
216. for Flixborough, Cottam, York and South Newbald, and Terrington St Clement, see Moreland, 'Significance of production', pp. 87-96;
217. for Wicken Bonhunt, see Crabtree, 'Production and consumption', p. 69;
218. for Wicken Bonhunt and St Albans, see P. Crabtree, Animal exploitation in East Anglian villages', in Rackham (ed.), Environment and economy, pp. 43, 50.
219. M. Jones quoted in Fowler, Farming, pp. 213-4.
220. McCormick, Origins, p. 10.
221. The earliest known watermill is that at Wareham (Dorset), dated to between 664 and 709 (Blair, Church, p. 256);
222. dendrochronology suggests that the mill at Barking was constructed in 705 (K. MacGowan, 'Barking Abbey', Current Arch. 149 (1996), p. 175).
223. Fowler, Farming, p. 176.
224. Naylor, Trade, p. 130.
225. For Wareham, Nailsworth and Northfleet, see Blair, Church, p. 256;
226. for Old Windsor and Tamworth, see P. Rhatz and R. Meeson, An Anglo-Saxon watermill at Tamworth (1992), p. 15;
227. for Ebbsfleet, see Anon., 'Saxon Watermill', British Arch. 66 (2002), p. 6;
228. for Barking, see MacGowan, 'Barking Abbey', p. 175;
229. for Corbridge, see Anon., Anglo-Saxon watermill found on Tyne', British Arch. 11 (1995), p. 5;
230. for Wellington, see R. Jackson, Anglo-Saxon Mill, Wellington', Herefordshire County Council Historic Environment Record, (www.smr. herefordshire.gov.uk/saxon_viking/mill_wellington.htm, 2000, accessed July 2006).
231. Hooke, Anglo-Saxon landscapes, pp. 267-8;
232. Hill, Atlas, p. 114.
233. For Cottam, see J. Richards, 'The Anglian and Anglo-Scandinavian sites at Cottam, East Yorkshire' in Ulmschneider and Pestell (eds), Markets, p. 165;
234. for Flixborough, see Naylor, Trade, p. 118;
235. for Castor and Brandon, see Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', p. 17;
236. for Barking, see MacGowan, 'Barking', p. 174;
237. for Cotswolds, see Metcalf, 'Variations', pp. 43-4.
238. For Maxey, see Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', p. 19;
239. for Romsey, see F. Green, 'Cereals and plant foods: a reassessment of the Saxon economic evidence from Wessex', in Rackham (ed.), Environment and economy, p. 85;
240. for Gillingham, see Moreland, 'Significance of production', pp. 98-9; for Ramsbury, see J. Haslam, A middle Saxon iron smelting site at Ramsbury, Wiltshire', Medieval Arch. 24 (1980), pp. 1-68;
241. for Droitwich, see Maddicott, 'London and Droitwich', pp. 24-33;
242. for salt-making on the silt fens, see Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', p. 11;
243. for Cottam, see Ulmschneider, 'Settlement, economy', p. 65;
244. for Flixborough, see Loveluck, 'Settlement hierarchy', pp. 243, 252-3.
245. For example, M. Costen, "The Late Saxon landscape', in M. Aston (ed.), Aspects of the medieval landscape of Somerset (1988), pp. 33-48.
246. For Aston Magna, see Faith, English peasantry, pp. 171-2;
247. for Somerset, see Rippon et al, 'Beyond villages', p. 63;
248. for Suffolk, see Warner, Clayland colonization, p. 31;
249. for Dorset, see Keen, 'Dorset', pp. 206, 217;
250. for Cambs., see Oosthuizen, 'New Light', p. 174;
251. for Northants., see Hall's papers cited in n. 43 above.
252. Hall, 'Fieldwork', p. 117;
253. Hamerow, Early medieval settlements, p. 154;
254. Verhulst, Carolingian economy, pp. 16-18;
255. Rippon et al, 'Beyond villages', pp. 31-70;
256. Fox, Approaches', pp. 87-8;
257. Hooke, Anglo-Saxon landscapes, pp. 207, 348-352;
258. Hall, 'Fieldwork', p. 50;
259. Warner, Clayland colonization, pp, 30-3.
260. The most authoritative current works on lordship and social relations in England are Faith, English peasantry, Wickham, Framing and S. Reynolds, Fiefs and Vassals (1994).
261. See also P. Sarris, "The origins of the manorial economy: new insights from late antiquity', English Historical Rev., 119 (2004), pp. 279-311.
262. For economic relations, see Hansen and Wickham (eds), 'Long' eighth century, and Wickham, Framing.
263. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, p. 136.
264. See, for example, Fox, Approaches', pp. 64-5 for an outline of the phases through which common fields may have developed from open fields.
265. Banham, 'Race and tillage'.
266. Hooke, Landscape of Anglo-Saxon England, p. 116. Although 'open' is used here, the context suggests that common fields may be under discussion.
267. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, p. 28.
268. Ibid., pp. 27-30. It cannot always be certain, of course, where woodland recorded within a vill may actually have stood. In some cases it may have been at some distance. Nor does the distribution make a distinction between managed stands of woodland, which may have been quite small, and tracts of unmanaged wood or wood pasture.
269. Hooke, Landscape of Anglo-Saxon England, p. 116.
270. Roberts and Wrathmell, Region and place, pp. 78-9.
271. Although estate structures in some parts of Carolingian Europe may have been derived from late Roman antecedents, evidence of similar continuity in England is more equivocal: Sarris, 'Origins of the manorial economy', pp. 309-10;
272. McCormick, Origins, p. 7.
273. Metcalf, 'Variation', pp. 42-7;
274. M. Blackburn, '"Productive" sites and the pattern of coin loss in England, 600-1180', in Ulmschneider and Pestell, Markets, p. 22.
275. See also Madicott, 'London and Droitwich', p. 13;
276. D. Griffiths, 'Markets and "productive" sites: a view from western Britain', in Ulmschneider and Pestell, Markets, pp. 62-72.
277. Blair, Church, pp.193, 257-8;
278. Palmer, 'Hinterlands', p. 52;
279. Naylor, Archaeology, pp. 123, 127.
280. Blinkhorn, 'Cabbages', pp. 5-8.
281. Roberts, English village, p. 51;
282. Upex, 'Landscape continuity', pp. 77-108;
283. S. Oosthuizen, 'Prehistoric fields into medieval furlongs: Evidence from Caxton, south Cambridgeshire', Proc. Cambridgeshire Antiquarian Soc. 86 (1998), pp-145-52;
284. Hall, Northamptonshire, pp. 125-39; Oosthuizen, 'New light'.