Beyond hybrid regimes: More participation, less contestation in Southeast Asia

Democratization

Volumn 14, Issue 5, 2007, Pages 773-794

  Jayasuriya, Kanishka ^a   Rodan, Garry ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

Authoritarian; Civil society; Democratization; Hybrid regime; Political participation; Representation; Southeast Asia

Indexed keywords

AUTHORITARIANISM; CIVIL SOCIETY; DEMOCRACY; DEMOCRATIZATION; GLOBALIZATION; NEOLIBERALISM; POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY; POLITICAL IDEOLOGY; POLITICAL PARTICIPATION; SOCIAL CONFLICT; SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS;

ASIA; EURASIA; EUROPE; SOUTHEAST ASIA; WESTERN EUROPE;

EID: 36549080073     PISSN: 13510347     EISSN: 1743890X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13510340701635647     Document Type: Article

References (84)

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2. See Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman (eds), Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), Ch. 1
3. James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, Rediscovering Institutions (New York: Free Press, 1989)
4. Kent R. Weaver and Bert A. Rockman, 'When and How Institutions Matter?', in Kent R. Weaver and Bert A. Rockman (eds), Do Institutions Matter? Government Capabilities in the US and Abroad (Washington DC: The Brookings Institution, 1993), pp. 445-61.
5. For a survey of different forms of institutionalism see Peter A. Hall and Rosemary C. R. Taylor, 'Political Science and the Three New Institutionalisms', Political Studies, XLIV (1996), pp. 936-57.
6. Richard Robison and Vedi Hadiz provide an excellent critique of the institutionalist underpinning of transition theory in their Reorganising Power in Indonesia: The Politics of Oligarchy in an Age of Markets (London: Routledge/Curzon, 2004).
7. See Larry Diamond, 'The Globalisation of Democracy', in Robert O. Slater, Barry M. Schutz and Steven R. Dorr (eds), Global Transformations and the Third World (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, 1993), pp. 31-69
8. Guillermo O'Donnell, 'Delegative Democracy', Journal of Democracy, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1994), pp. 55-69.
9. Before the concept of hybrid regime was deployed, Larry Diamond had already referred to 'semidemocratic countries' - see his 'Preface', in Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz, and Seymour Martin Lipset (eds), Democracy in Developing Countries: Asian (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, 1989), pp. ix-xxvii.
10. Marina Ottaway, Democracy Challenged: The Rise of Semi-Authoritarianism (Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2003)
11. William F. Case, Politics in Southeast Asia: Democracy or Less (London: Routledge, 2002).
12. See, for example, O'Donnell (note 3); Frederic Volpi, 'Pseudo-Democracy in the Muslim World', Third World Quarterly, Vol. 25, No. 6 (2004), pp. 1061-78
13. Wolfgang Merkel, 'Embedded and Defective Democracies', Democratization, Vol. 11, No. 5 (2004), pp. 33-58
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15. Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. 2003)
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18. Ottaway (note 4).
19. Case, for example, has not only used the term 'halfway' house, but also 'semi-democracy' and 'pseudodemocracy'. See William F. Case, 'Semi-Democracy in Malaysia: Withstanding the Pressures for Regime Change', Pacific Affairs, Vol. 66, No. 2 (1993), pp. 183-205
20. and William F. Case, 'Malaysia's Resilient Pseudodemocracy', Journal of Democracy, Vol. 12, No. 1 (2001), pp. 43-57.
21. Harold Lasswell, Politics: Who Gets What, When, How (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1936).
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23. Harold Crouch, 'Malaysia: Neither Authoritarian nor Democratic', in Kevin Hewison, Richard Robison and Garry Rodan (eds), Southeast Asia in the 1990s: Authoritarianism, Democracy and Capitalism (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993), p. 135.
24. Crouch (note 9), p. 140.
25. Ibid., p. 139.
26. Case (note 4).
27. Levitsky and Way (note 5), p. 54.
28. Kevin Hewison, 'Neo-Liberalism and Domestic Capital: The Political Outcomes of the Economic Crisis in Thailand', Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 41, No. 2 (2005), pp. 310-30.
29. Garry Rodan, 'Theorising Political Opposition in East and Southeast Asia' in Garry Rodan (ed.), Political Oppositions in Industrialising Asia (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 8.
30. Robison and Hadiz (note 2).
31. Ibid., p. 245.
32. Paul D. Hutchcroft, Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking in the Philippines (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
33. Robison and Hadiz (note 2).
34. Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850-2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
35. Kevin Hewison and Garry Rodan, 'The Ebb and Flow of Civil Society and the Decline of the Left in Southeast Asia', in Garry Rodan (ed.), Political Oppositions in Industrialising Asia (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 59.
36. Ibid.
37. Frederic Deyo, 'The Social Construction of Development Labour Systems: South-East Asian Industrial Restructuring', in Garry Rodan, Kevin Hewison, and Richard Robison (eds), The Political Economy of South-East Asia: Conflict, Crises and Change (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 259-82.
38. Kenneth M. Roberts, 'Social Inequalities without Class Cleavages in Latin America's Neoliberal Era', Studies in Comparative International Development, Vol. 36 (2002), p. 3.
39. Ibid., p. 3.
40. Jonas Wolff, 'Ambivalent Consequences of Social Exclusion for Real-Existing Democracy in Latin America: The Example of the Argentine Crisis', Journal of International Relations and Development, Vol. 8, No. 1 (2005), p. 61.
41. Kevin Hewison, Richard Robison and Garry Rodan, 'Introduction: Changing Forms of State Power in Southeast Asia', in Kevin Hewison, Richard Robison and Garry Rodan (eds), Southeast Asia in the 1990s: Authoritarianism, Democracy & Capitalism (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1993), pp. 2-8.
42. Eva Bellin, 'Contingent Democrats: Industrialists, Labor and Democratization in Late Developing Countries', World Politics, Vol. 52, No. 2 (2000), p. 178.
43. Ibid., p. 179.
44. Hewison and Rodan (note 21).
45. Ibid
46. see also Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991 (London: Abacus, 1995).
47. Hewison et al. (note 27)
48. Bellin (note 28).
49. See William Case, 'Democracy's Quality and Breakdown: New Lessons from Thailand', Democratization, Vol. 14, No. 4 (2007), pp. 622-42 in which the author refers to an earlier statement about the relationship between industrialization and political representation in Garry Rodan and Kanishka Jayasuriya, 'Conflict and the New Political Participation in Southeast Asia', Working Paper No. 129, Asia Research Centre, Murdoch University, Perth, Australia, February 2006.
50. Case, for instance, attributes the September 2006 coup in Thailand to the low quality of democratic institutions (see note 33). For an alternative analysis of the coup in Thailand that points to the contradictions and tensions of Thai political institutions as a result of the broader social and political struggles reflected in the 1997 constitution, see Kevin Hewison in this issue of Democratization. 35. Gretchen Helmke and Steven Levitsky, 'Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: A Research Agenda', Perspectives on Politics Vol. 2, No. 4 (2004), pp. 725-40.
51. Ibid., p. 727.
52. Daniel Brinks, 'Informal Institutions and the Rule of Law: The Judicial Response to State Killings in Buenos Aires and São Paulo in the 1990s', Comparative Politics, Vol. 36, No. 1 (2003), pp. 1-19
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56. Dennis Rodgers, 'Subverting the Spaces of Invitation? Local Politics and Participatory Budgeting in Post-Crisis Buenos Aires', Working Paper No. 72, Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, London School of Economics, November 2005, p. 3.
57. Kanishka Jayasuriya and Kevin Hewison, 'The Antipolitics of Good Governance: From Global Social Policy to a Global Populism?', Critical Asian Studies, Vol. 36, No. 4 (2004), pp. 571-90.
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61. Asef Bayat, 'Squatters and the State: Back Street Politics in the Islamic Republic', Middle East Report, No. 191 (1994), p. 11.
62. James Holston, 'Spaces of Insurgent Citizenship', in Leonie Sandercock (ed.), Making the Invisible Visible: A Multicultural Planning History (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998)
63. Partha Chatterjee, The Politics of the Governed (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004)
64. Bayat (note 44).
65. Wolff (note 26).
66. Robison and Hadiz (note 2), p. 121.
67. Vicente L. Rafael, 'The Cell Phone and the Crowd: Messianic Politics in the Contemporary Philippines', Public Culture, Vol. 15, No. 3 (2003), p. 422.
68. Chatterjee (note 45), Holston (note 45).
69. Richard Mulgan, '"Accountability: An Ever-Expanding Concept?', Public Administration, Vol. 78, No. 3 (2000), p. 555.
70. Melanie Beresford, 'Vietnam: The Transition from Central Planning', in Garry Rodan, Kevin Hewison and Richard Robison (eds), The Political Economy of South-East Asia: Markets, Power and Contestation (3rd edition) (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 210.
71. The means for gathering feedback include: So-called Dialogue Sessions open to the general public but organized around designated policy issues; Tea Sessions that target specific social groups, including students, youths, elderly, women, professionals, ethnic communities and small and medium enterprises, which have a more open policy feedback agenda; Public Forums which are used by the government to explain existing policies and field questions about them; Straw Polls canvassing public views on topics designated by the government; and Feedback Groups that make some policy recommendations at their annual conferences.
72. Feedback Unit, Annual Report 2004/5, Singapore: Singapore Government, Ministry of Community Development, Feedback Unit.
73. Harry Blair, 'Participation and Accountability at the Periphery', World Development, Vol. 28, No. 1 (2000), p. 22.
74. Vedi R. Hadiz, 'Corruption and Neo-Liberal Reform: Markets and Predatory Power in Indonesia and Southeast Asia', in Richard Robison (ed.), The Neo-Liberal Revolution (London: Palgrave/Macmillan, 2006), p. 90.
75. See 'Age-Old Recipe Roils New Chinese Disney', International Herald Tribune, 20 June 2005, available at http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/ 06/19/news/shark.php (accessed 10 August 2006).
76. Chua Beng-Huat, Consumption in Asia: Lifestyles and Identities (London: Routledge, 2000).
77. Khoo Boo Teik, 'Islamic Opposition in Malaysia: Political Idiom, Moral Economy and Religious Governance' in Vedi R. Hadiz (ed.), Empire and Neoliberalism in Asia (London: Routledge, 2006), p. 148.
78. Ibid., p. 152.
79. Garry Rodan, Transparency and Authoritarian Rule in Southeast Asia (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004).
80. Garry Rodan, 'Embracing Electronic Media but Suppressing Civil Society: Authoritarian Consolidation in Singapore', The Pacific Review, Vol. 16, No. 4 (2003), pp. 503-24.
81. Lynn Lee, 'Net Was Abuzz with Politics During Poll Period', The Straits Times, 9 May 2006
82. 'From Light To Lighter, To No Touch?' The Straits Times, 17 June 2006.
83. The organization of conflict, as Schattschneider's pioneering work revealed, is a form of politics in that it helps to channel political conflicts along lines favouring certain interests. See Elmer E. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist's View of Democracy in America (Hinsdale, IL: The Dryden Press, 1960).
84. Mair articulates this point well when he notes that conflict organization 'reveals a conception of politics in which the structure of politics itself, and the structure of political competition or political conflict, helps to determine the terms of reference for the development and processing of political ideas and political demands'. See Peter Mair, 'E. E. Schattschneider's The Semisovereign People', Political Studies, Vol. 45, No. 5 (1997), p. 949.