Hollow hegemony: Theorising the shift from interest-based to value-based international policy-making

Millennium: Journal of International Studies

Volumn 35, Issue 3, 2007, Pages 703-723

  Chandler, David ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WESTMINSTER   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 36248988147     PISSN: 03058298     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/03058298070350030301     Document Type: Article

References (98)

1. Tony Blair, 'Future Foreign Policy', speech to the Los Angeles World Affairs Council, 1 August 2006.Available at:http://www.lawac.org/speech/ 2005-2006/Blair,%20Tony%202006.pdf.
2. Ibid., 3.
3. Ibid., 2;
4. see also Blair, 'A Battle for Global Values', Foreign Affairs 86, no-1 (2007): 79-90.
5. See, for example, George Packer, The Assassins' Gate: America in Iraq (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 2005)
6. and Larry J. Diamond, Squandered Victory: The American Occupation and the Bungled Effort to Bring Democracy to Iraq (New York: Times Books, 2005).
7. The website of the Henry Jackson Society can be found at: http:// www.henryjacksonsociety.org.uk/ and that of the Euston Manifesto at: http://eustonmanifesto.org/joomla/.
8. Oliver Kamm, Anti-Totalitarianism: The Left-Wing Case for a Neoconservative Foreign Policy (London: Social Affairs Unit, 2005).
9. Tony Blair, 'A New Generation Draws the Line, Newsweek, 19 April 1999.
10. See, for example, the regular UN reports, such as: A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility, Report of the Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change (New York: United Nations, 2004), available at: http://www.un.org/secureworld/;
11. In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All, Report of the Secretary-General (New York: United Nations, 2005), available at: http://www.un.org/largerfreedom/add2.htm.
12. Robert Cooper, The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the Twenty-First Century (London: Atlantic Books, 2003), 50-3.
13. A Human Security Doctrine for Europe: The Barcelona Report of the Study Group on Europe's Security Capabilities, presented at Barcelona, 15 September 2004. Available at: http://www.Ise.ac.uk/Depts/ global/Publications/HumanSecurityDoctrine.pdf.
14. For a summary, see Ian Manners, 'European Union, Normative Power and Ethical Foreign Policy', in Rethinking Ethical Foreign Policy: Pitfalls, Possibilities and Paradoxes, ed. David Chandler and Volker Heins (London: Routledge, 2007), 116-36.
15. Steve Smith, 'Reflectivist and Constructivist Approaches to International Relations', in The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, ed. John Baylis and Steve Smith (2nd edn) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 227.
16. I use the term 'Post-Realist' to group together a variety of critical approaches that seek to assert the importance of power relations for understanding the discursive forms in which international policy-making is expressed. These approaches tend to see values as serving the interests of power, whereas traditional Realist theorists have a much more ambiguous approach, tending to see an emphasis on values or ethics as problematic and potentially undermining national self-interest.
17. See further, Heins and Chandler, 'Ethics and Foreign Policy: New Perspectives on an Old Problem', in Rethinking Ethical Foreign Policy, ed. Chandler and Heins, 3-21.
18. I use the term 'Post-Liberal' to describe approaches, such as Constructivism, which no longer view state action within the rationalist framework of liberal institutionalism and regime theory. For Wendt, the importance of Constructivism was that it freed the study of state interaction from the structuralist, neoliberal, focus on fixed identities in the form of national interests (Alexander Wendt, 'Anarchy is What States Make of It', International Organization 46, no.2 (1992):394-419; 393; 417;
19. see also the Introductions to the various editions of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, Power and Interdependence (3rd edn) (New York: Longman, 2001).
20. Justin Rosenberg, The Empire of Civil Society: A Critique of the Realist Theory of International Relations (London: Verso, 1994).
21. See further, Martin Wight, Power Politics, ed. Hedley Bull and Carsten Holbraad (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979).
22. Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1979), 99;
23. see also Waltz, Man the State and War: A Theoretical Analysis, 2nd rev. edn (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001).
24. Edward H. Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001), 74.
25. Hans J. Morgenthau, Scientific Man vs. Power Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946), 58;
26. see also Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, ed. rev. K. W. Thompson (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1993), 224-49.
27. Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics, 2nd edn (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1995), 266.
28. Christian Reus-Smit, 'Constructivism', in Theories of International Relations, ed. Scott Burchill et al., 2nd edn (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001), 216.
29. Jack Donnelly, Realism in International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 31.
30. As Alexander Wendt stated, inversing the rationalist framework: 'Identities are the basis of interests', in Wendt, 'Anarchy is What States Make of It', 398.
31. Ibid.;
32. see also Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
33. See, for example, Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996).
34. Thomas Risse and Kathryn Sikkink, 'The Socialization of International Human Rights Norms into Domestic Practices: Introduction', in The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change, ed. Thomas Risse, Stephen C. Ropp and Kathryn Sikkink (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 8-9.
35. Ibid., 6.
36. Ibid., 6-7.
37. International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, Responsibility to Protect: Research, Bibliography, Background (Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001), 129.
38. See also, Wendt, 'On Constitution and Causation in International Relations', in The Eighty Years' Crisis 1919-1999, ed. Tim Dunne, Michael Cox and Ken Booth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998);
39. Theo Farrell, 'Constructivist Security Studies: Portrait of a Research Program', International Studies Review 4, no.1 (2002): 49-72.
40. William Korey, 'Human Rights NGOs: The Power of Persuasion', Ethics and International Affairs 13 (1999): 151-74;
41. see also Susan D. Burgerman, 'Mobilizing Principles: The Role of Transnational Activists in Promoting Human Rights Principles', Human Rights Quarterly 20 (1998): 905-23.
42. He states that: 'Indeed, it managed to combine two absolutes: meaning, symbolized by the ideological combat between two universal and competing value-systems; and power, carried by the absolute weapon, the nuclear bomb.' Zaki Laïdi, A World without Meaning: The Crisis of Meaning in International Relations, trans. June Burnham and Jenny Coulon (London: Routledge, 1998), 15.
43. This uncertainty was well expressed by Condoleezza Rice's statement that: 'The United States has found it exceedingly difficult to define its "national interest" in the absence of Soviet power.' See, Rice, 'Campaign 2000: Promoting the National Interest', Foreign Affairs, Jan/Feb 2000. Available at: http://www.foreignaffairs.org/ 20000101faessay5/condoleezza-rice/ campaign-2000-promoting-the-national-interest.html
44. See, for example, Peter Katzenstein (ed.), The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996);
45. Christian Reus-Smit, American Power and World Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004);
46. Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001);
47. Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998);
48. Risse, Ropp and Sikkink (eds), The Power of Human Rights.
49. Tim Dunne, '"Fighting for Values": Atlanticism, Internationalism and the Blair Doctrine', paper presented to the ISA Convention, Hawaii, 1-5 March, 2005, 5. Available at: http://www.huss. ex.ac.uk/politics/research/readingroom/dunneValues.doc.
50. Ibid., 6.
51. See, for example, Thomas Diez, 'Constructing the Self and Changing Others: Reconsidering "Normative Power Europe"', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 33, no.3 (2005): 613-36.
52. Nicholas J. Wheeler and Alex J. Bellamy, 'Humanitarian Intervention and World Politics', in The Globalization of World Politics, ed. Baylis and Smith, 90.
53. Christopher J. Bickerton, unpublished paper, 'Ideological Power Europe? The Social Origins of Europe's Normative Power'.
54. Ronen Palan, 'A World of their Making: An Evaluation of the Constructivist Critique in International Relations', Review of International Studies 26, no.4 (2000): 575-98; 592-3;
55. see also Chandler, Constructing Global Civil Society: Morality and Power in International Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2004).
56. For example, Tariq Ali, 'Re-colonizing Iraq', New Left Review no.21 (May-June 2003): 5-19.
57. See, for example, Robert Cox, 'Gramsci, Hegemony and International Relations: An Essay in Method', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 12, no.2 (1983): 162-75;
58. Cox, Production, Power and World Order: Social Forces in the Making of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987);
59. Stephen Gill, 'Globalisation, Market Civilisation and Disciplinary Neoliberalism', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 24, no.3 (1995): 399-423;
60. Gill, Power and Resistance in the New World Order (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003).
61. David Campbell, National Deconstruction: Violence, Identity, and Justice in Bosnia (Minneapolis, Minn.: University of Minnesota Press, 1998).
62. Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars (London: Zed Books, 2001);
63. Duffield, 'Social Reconstruction and the Radicalization of Development: Aid as a Relation of Global Liberal Governance', in State Failure, Collapse and Reconstruction, ed. Jennifer Milliken (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003);
64. Rita Abrahamsen, 'The Power of Partnership in Global Governance', Third World Quarterly 25, no.8 (2004): 1453-67.
65. David Craig and Doug Porter, 'Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers: A New Convergence', World Development 31, no.1 (2003): 53-69.
66. Draft available at: http://www1.worldbank.org/wbiep/decentralization/ afrlib/craig.pdf;
67. Alastair Fraser, 'Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers: Now Who Calls the Shots?', Review of African Political Economy no.104/5 (2005): 317-40.
68. Foucault himself often demonstrated a more problematising approach to the workings of power, distancing his position from his followers' attempts to read his work as a 'monotonous assertion of power' and distinguishing disciplinary techniques from liberal governmentality. See the forthcoming publication, Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the College de France, 1977-78 (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2007), particularly lecture 3.
69. Karl Marx, The German Ideology, ed. C. J. Arthur (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1982), 97.
70. Cited from the Rheinische Zeitung, 19 May 1842, in Shlomo Avineri, The Social and Political Thought of Karl Marx (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 137.
71. Marx, The German Ideology, 99.
72. Ibid., p.100.
73. Ibid.
74. Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1995), 15.
75. Ibid.
76. See, for example, Marx's Introduction to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, in Marx: Early Writings, ed. Lucio Colletti (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984).
77. Marx, The German Ideology, 47.
78. Marx, Introduction to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, 245.
79. Ibid., 254.
80. 'The idea of the state' is a concept developed by Barry Buzan in People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era (Harlow: Pearson, 1991), 69-82.
81. Alain Badiou, Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding of Evil, trans. Peter Hallward (London: Verso, 2002), 30; 33.
82. Ibid., 31.
83. As Badiou argues: 'Parliamentary politics as practised today does not in any way consist of setting objectives inspired by principles and of inventing the means to attain them.' (Ethics, 31.)
84. Laïdi's A World without Meaning was first published in French in 1994.
85. Ibid., 11.
86. Ibid., 13.
87. Paul Williams, 'How Can We Improve the Formulation and Implementation of UK Foreign Policy?', paper for IPPR and LSE event on 'Progressive Foreign Policy for the UK', London School of Economics, 15 July 2006.
88. Buzan, People, States and Fear, 70.
89. See, for example, James Heartfield, 'European Union: A Process without a Subject', in Politics without Sovereignty: A Critique of Contemporary International Relations, ed. Christopher J. Bickerton, Philip Cunliffe and Alexander Gourevitch (London: UCL Press, 2007),131-49.
90. See, for example, Michael Ignatieff, Virtual War: Kosovo and Beyond (London: Chatto & Windus, 2000).
91. See Chandler, Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building (London: Pluto, 2006).
92. Laïdi, A World without Meaning, 95.
93. Highlighted by the ongoing crisis over the role of government foreign offices' in policy-making. See, for example, Charles Grant and Mark Leonard's interview with Michael Jay, Prospect no.126 (September 2006): 26-8.
94. See also, Chandler, 'Building Global Civil Society "from Below"?', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 33, no.2 (2004): 313-39.
95. This approach is termed 'anti-foreign policy' in Heins and Chandler, 'Ethics and Foreign Policy', 13.
96. See further Max Weber's useful distinction between the 'ethics of responsibility' and the 'ethics of conviction', 'Politics as a Vocation', in Weber, The Vocation Lectures, ed. David Owen (Indianapolis, Ind.: Hackett, 2004), 83.
97. Donald Rumsfeld, 'Rumsfeld's War-on-Terror Memo', 16 October 2003. Available at: http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/executive/ rumsfeld-memo.htm.
98. For example, an International Peace Academy panel discussion on the incoherence of the 'security-development nexus' concluded that 'a model or rationale that would justify the ever-expanding mandates of security and development institutions was still needed', International Peace Academy, 'Strengthening the Security-Development Nexus: Assessing International Policy and Practice Since the 1990s' (New York: IPA, April 2004).