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Volumn 83, Issue 6, 2007, Pages 1021-1038

Thinking about security in Africa

(1)  Williams, Paul D a  

a NONE

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EID: 35548964271     PISSN: 00205850     EISSN: 14682346     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2346.2007.00671.x     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (48)

References (83)
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    • The 20 regimes are those that scored the worst rating of 7 for either political rights or civil liberties. This list does not include Morocco's rule over Western Sahara, which also falls into this category. See Freedom House, 'Freedom in the World 2007', at www.freedomhouse.org, accessed 19 Sept. 2007.
    • The 20 regimes are those that scored the worst rating of 7 for either political rights or civil liberties. This list does not include Morocco's rule over Western Sahara, which also falls into this category. See Freedom House, 'Freedom in the World 2007', at www.freedomhouse.org, accessed 19 Sept. 2007.
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    • For an up-to-date overview see Paul D. Williams, ed, London: Routledge, forthcoming
    • For an up-to-date overview see Paul D. Williams, ed., Security studies: an introduction (London: Routledge, forthcoming).
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    • Ken Booth has been the pioneer of this approach. See his 'Security and emancipation', Review of International Studies 17: 3, 1991, pp. 313-26 and Theory of world security (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
    • Ken Booth has been the pioneer of this approach. See his 'Security and emancipation', Review of International Studies 17: 3, 1991, pp. 313-26 and Theory of world security (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
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    • These questions and much of the inspiration for my approach can be found in Ken Booth and Peter Vale, Critical Security Studies and regional insecurity, the case of southern Africa, in Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams, eds, Critical Security Studies London: UCL Press, 1997, pp. 329-58
    • These questions and much of the inspiration for my approach can be found in Ken Booth and Peter Vale, ' Critical Security Studies and regional insecurity : the case of southern Africa', in Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams, eds, Critical Security Studies (London: UCL Press, 1997), pp. 329-58.
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    • On the limited political breathing space in Africa for civil society, see, Oxford: James Currey
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    • The US government's decision to lift most of its remaining sanctions against Libya in September 2004 prompted renewed activity there by US oil companies such as Chevron and Occidental Petroleum.
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    • See also Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar, Worlds of power: religious thought and political practice in Africa (London: Hurst, 2004).
    • See also Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar, Worlds of power: religious thought and political practice in Africa (London: Hurst, 2004).
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    • Compare, for example, Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler, 'On the incidence of civil war in Africa', Journal of Conflict Resolution 46: 1, 2002, pp. 13-28
    • Compare, for example, Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler, 'On the incidence of civil war in Africa', Journal of Conflict Resolution 46: 1, 2002, pp. 13-28
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    • Robert H. Jackson, 'The security dilemma in Africa', in Brian L. Job, ed., The (In)security dilemma (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992), pp. 81-94. The security dilemma in international politics refers to the tragic way in which uncertainty may lead decision-makers to be fearful of others' intentions and thus engage in behaviour that assumes the malign intent of the other party while simultaneously expecting their own actions to be seen as purely defensive. In extreme cases, the resulting spiral of insecurity may result in two parties engaging in warfare when neither side originally intended to harm the other.
    • Robert H. Jackson, 'The security dilemma in Africa', in Brian L. Job, ed., The (In)security dilemma (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992), pp. 81-94. The security dilemma in international politics refers to the tragic way in which uncertainty may lead decision-makers to be fearful of others' intentions and thus engage in behaviour that assumes the malign intent of the other party while simultaneously expecting their own actions to be seen as purely defensive. In extreme cases, the resulting spiral of insecurity may result in two parties engaging in warfare when neither side originally intended to harm the other.
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    • A point made in Booth and Vale, 'Critical Security Studies', p. 348. See also Eboe Hutchful and Kwesi Aning, 'The political economy of conflict', in Adekeye Adebajo and Ismail Rashid, eds, West Africa's security challenges (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2004), pp. 195-222.
    • A point made in Booth and Vale, 'Critical Security Studies', p. 348. See also Eboe Hutchful and Kwesi Aning, 'The political economy of conflict', in Adekeye Adebajo and Ismail Rashid, eds, West Africa's security challenges (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2004), pp. 195-222.
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    • Under Article 5. 1(i) of the amended 2001 version of the Treaty of the SADC, one of the organization's objectives is to 'combat HIV/AIDS or other deadly and communicable diseases'. The SADC discussed HIV/AIDS as a challenge with major security and defence-related dimensions in its Strategic Indicative Plan fir the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (SADC, 2004), www.sadc.int/english/documents/sipo/sipo_en.pdf.
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