Democracy, representation, and women: A comparative analysis

Democratization

Volumn 14, Issue 4, 2007, Pages 533-553

  Tremblay, Manon ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

Democracy; Parliaments; Representation; Women

Indexed keywords

COMPARATIVE STUDY; DECISION MAKING; DEMOCRACY; EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS; GENDER ROLE; WOMENS STATUS;

EID: 34547560180     PISSN: 13510347     EISSN: 1743890X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13510340701398261     Document Type: Article

References (164)

1. See Joan Wallach Scott, Parité! Sexual Equality and the Crisis of French Universalism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005).
2. http://www.ipu.org/wmn-f/classif.htm (accessed 14 November 2006).
3. Robert A. Dahl quoted in Arend Lijphart, Democracies. Patterns of Majoritarian and Consensus Government in Twenty-One Countries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 2.
4. See, among others: Pippa Norris, 'Conclusions: Comparing Passages to Power', in Pippa Norris (ed.), Passages to Power. Legislative Recruitment in Advanced Democracies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 209-31
5. Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart, 'Cultural Obstacles to Equal Representation', Journal of Democracy, Vol. 12, No. 3 (2001), pp. 126-40
6. Dawn Nowacki, 'Women in Russian Regional Assemblies: Losing Ground', in Richard E. Matland and Kathleen A. Montgomery (eds), Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 173-95
7. Pamela Paxton, 'Women in National Legislatures: A Cross-National Analysis', Social Science Research, Vol. 26, No. 4 (1997), pp. 442-64
8. Jacqueline Peschard, 'The Quota System in Latin America: General Overview', in International IDEA, The Implementation of Quotas: Latin American Experiences (Stockholm: International IDEA, 2003), pp. 20-9
9. Andrew Reynolds, 'Women in the Legislatures and Executives of the World: Knocking at the Highest Glass Ceiling', World Politics, Vol. 51, No. 4 (1999), pp. 547-72
10. Wilma Rule, 'Electoral Systems, Contextual Factors and Women's Opportunity for Election to Parliament in Twenty-Three Democracies', Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 40, No. 3 (1987), pp. 477-98.
11. Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris, Rising Tide. Gender Equality and Cultural Change around the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 140-1
12. Mercedes Mateo Diaz, Representing Women? Female Legislators in West European Parliaments (Colchester: ECPR Press, 2005), p. 64
13. Pamela Paxton and Sheri Kunovich, 'Women's Political Representation: The Importance of Ideology', Social Forces, Vol. 82, No. 1 (2003), pp. 87-114.
14. Paxton and Kunovich (note 5).
15. Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski, Political Recruitment. Gender, Race and Class in the British Parliament (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 14-15.
16. R. Darcy, Susan Welch and Janet Clark, Women, Elections, & Representation, 2nd edition (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), pp. 104-5.
17. Richard E. Matland, 'Women's Representation in National Legislatures: Developed and Developing Countries', Legislatives Studies Quarterly Vol. 23, No.1 (1998), pp. 109-125
18. Richard E. Matland, 'Enhancing Women's Political Participation: Legislative Recruitment and Electoral Systems', in Azza Karam (ed.), Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers (Stockholm: International IDEA, 1998), pp. 65-88
19. Gwen Moore and Gene Shackman, 'Gender and Authority: A Cross-National Study', Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 77, No.2 (1996), pp. 275-88
20. Pippa Norris, Politics and Sexual Equality. The Comparative Position of Women in Western Democracies (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1987), p. 122
21. Pippa Norris, Electoral Engineering. Voting Rules and Political Behavior (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 186
22. Ann Oakes and Elizabeth Almquist, 'Women in National Legislatures', Population Research and Policy Review, Vol. 12, No. 1 (1993), pp. 71-81
23. Reynolds (note 4)
24. Rule (note 4)
25. Wilma Rule, 'Why Women Don't Run: The Critical Contextual Factors in Women's Legislative Recruitment', Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 34, No. 1 (1988), pp. 60-77
26. Alan Siaroff, 'Women's Representation in Legislatures and Cabinets in Industrial Democracies', International Political Science Review, Vol. 21, No. 2 (2000), pp. 197-215
27. United Nations Office at Vienna, Centre for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs, Women in Politics and Decision-Making in the Late Twentieth Century (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1992), pp. 30-1.
28. Mateo Diaz (note 5), p. 67
29. Ian McAllister and Donley T. Studlar, 'Electoral Systems and Women's Representation: A Long-Term Perspective',Representation, Vol. 39, No. 1 (2002), pp. 3-14
30. Norris, Electoral Engineering (note 9), p. 186
31. Lane Kenworthy and Melissa Malami, 'Gender Inequality in Political Representation: A Worldwide Comparative Analysis', Social Forces, Vol. 78, No. 1 (1999), pp. 235-68
32. Siaroff (note 9)
33. United Nations Office at Vienna (note 9), p. 99.
34. Richard E. Matland, 'Women's Representation in Post-Communist Europe', in Richard E. Matland and Kathleen A. Montgomery (eds), Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 321-42
35. Oakes and Almquist (note 9).
36. Kristi Andersen and Stuart J. Thorson, 'Congressional Turnover and the Election of Women', Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 1 (1984), pp. 143-156
37. R. Darcy and James R. Choike, 'A Formal Analysis of Legislative Turnover: Women Candidates and Legislative Representation', American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 30, No. 1 (1986), pp. 237-55
38. Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer, 'The Incumbency Disadvantage and Women's Election to Legislative Office', Electoral Studies, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2005), pp. 227-44.
39. Norris and Inglehart (note 4)
40. see also Pippa Norris, 'Electoral Systems and the Parliamentary Recruitment of Women', in Anthony Mughan and Samuel C. Patterson (eds), Political Leadership in Democratic Societies (Chicago, IL: Nelson-Hall, 1992), pp. 136-45.
41. Miki Caul, 'Women's Representation in Parliament. The Role of Political Parties', Party Politics, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1999), pp. 79-98
42. Miki Caul, 'Political Parties and the Adoption of Candidate Gender Quotas: A Cross-National Analysis', Journal of Politics, Vol. 63, No. 4 (2001), pp. 1214-29
43. Mateo Diaz (note 5), p. 76
44. Siaroff (note 9).
45. Mala N. Htun and Mark P. Jones, 'Engendering the Right to Participate in Decision-Making: Electoral Quotas and Women's Leadership in Latin America', in Nikki Craske and Maxine Molyneux (eds), Gender and the Politics of Rights and Democracy in Latin America (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2002), pp. 32-56
46. Mateo Diaz (note 5), pp. 76-80
47. Richard E. Matland, 'Electoral Quotas: Frequency and Effectiveness', in Drude Dahlerup (ed.), Women, Quotas and Politics (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 275-92
48. Peschard (note 4).
49. Matland, 'Enhancing Women's Political Participation: Legislative Recruitment and Electoral Systems' (note 9)
50. McAllister and Studlar (note 10)
51. Norris, Politics and Sexual Equality (note 9), p. 123
52. Pippa Norris, 'Choosing Electoral Systems: Proportional, Majoritarian and Mixed Systems', International Political Science Review, Vol. 18, No. 3 (1997), pp. 297-312
53. Norris, Electoral Engineering (note 9), p. 187
54. Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart, 'Women as Political Leaders Worldwide: Cultural Barriers and Opportunities', in Sue Thomas and Clyde Wilcox (eds), Women and Elective Office: Past, Present, and Future 2nd edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 244-63
55. Paxton (note 4)
56. Andrew Reynolds, Ben Reilly and Andrew Ellis, Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook (Stockholm: International IDEA, 2005), pp. 60-1
57. Rule (note 4)
58. Wilma Rule, 'Parliaments of, by, and for the People: Except for Women?', in Wilma Rule and Joseph F. Zimmerman (eds), Electoral Systems in Comparative Perspective. Their Impact on Women and Minorities (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1994), pp. 15-30
59. Wilma Rule, 'Women's Underrepresentation and Electoral Systems', PS. Political Science & Politics, Vol. 27, No. 4 (1994), pp. 689-92
60. Wilma Rule and Pippa Norris, 'Anglo and Minority Women's Underrepresentation in Congress: Is the Electoral System the Culprit?', in Wilma Rule and Joseph F. Zimmerman (eds), Electoral Systems in Comparative Perspective (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992), pp. 41-54
61. Marian Sawer, 'Mirroring the Nation? Electoral Systems and the Representation of Women', Current Affairs Bulletin, Vol. 73, No.5 (1997), pp. 8-12
62. Marian Sawer, 'Loading the Dice: The Impact of Electoral Systems on Women', in Women Into Politics, Here We Come, Ready or Not! (Sydney: Women Into Politics, 1998), pp. 46-53.
63. Karen Beckwith, 'Comparative Research and Electoral Systems: Lessons from France and Italy', Women & Politics, Vol. 12, No. 3 (1992), pp. 1-33
64. Darcy, Welch, and Clark (note 8), p. 147
65. Sheri Kunovich and Pamela Paxton, 'Pathways to Power: The Role of Political Parties in Women's National Political Representation', American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 111, No. 2 (2005), pp. 505-52
66. Mateo Diaz (note 5), pp. 51, 81
67. Norris (note 13).
68. David M. Farrell, Electoral Systems. A Comparative Introduction (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 157-9, 166
69. Norris (note 13).
70. Arend Lijphart, Electoral Systems and Party Systems. A Study of Twenty-Seven Democracies, 1945-1990 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 139.
71. Matland, 'Enhancing Women's Political Participation: Legislative Recruitment and Electoral Systems' (note 9)
72. Matland (note 11)
73. Mateo Diaz (note 5), pp. 87-93.
74. David M. Farrell, Electoral Systems. A Comparative Introduction (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 157-9, 166
75. Norris (note 13).
76. Arend Lijphart, Electoral Systems and Party Systems. A Study of Twenty-Seven Democracies, 1945-1990 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 139.
77. Matland, 'Enhancing Women's Political Participation: Legislative Recruitment and Electoral Systems' (note 9)
78. Matland (note 11)
79. Mateo Diaz (note 5), pp. 87-93.
80. Richard L. Engstrom, 'District Magnitudes and the Election of Women to the Irish Dail', Electoral Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2 (1987), pp. 123-32
81. Richard E. Matland, 'Institutional Variables Affecting Female Representation in National Legislatures: The Case of Norway', Journal of Politics, Vol. 55, No. 3 (1993), pp. 737-55
82. Richard E. Matland and Deborah Dwight Brown, 'District Magnitude's Effect on Female Representation in US State Legislatures', Legislative Studies Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 4 (1992), pp. 469-92
83. Reynolds et al. (note 16), p. 121
84. Rule (note 4)
85. Donley T. Studlar and Susan Welch, 'Does District Magnitude Matter? Women Candidates in London Local Elections', Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 2 (1991), pp. 457-66.
86. Richard E. Matland and Kathleen A. Montgomery, 'Recruiting Women to National Legislatures: A General Framework with Applications to Post-Communist Democracies', in Richard E. Matland and Kathleen A. Montgomery (eds), Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 31-2.
87. Farrell (note 18), p. 167.
88. See also Michael Gallagher, 'Conclusion', in Michael Gallagher and Paul Mitchell (eds), The Politics of Electoral Systems (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 535-78
89. Pippa Norris, R. J. Carty, Lynda Erickson, Joni Lovenduski, and Marian Simms, 'Party Selectorates in Australia, Britain and Canada: Prolegomena for Research in the 1990s', Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, Vol. 28, No. 2 (1990), pp. 219-45.
90. John M. Carey and Matthew Soberg Shugart, 'Incentives to Cultivate a Personal Vote: A Rank Ordering of Electoral Formulas', Electoral Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4 (1995), pp. 417-39
91. Michael Gallagher and Michael Marsh, Candidate Selection in Comparative Perspective: The Secret Garden of Politics (London: Sage, 1988).
92. See the case studies in Pippa Norris, Passages to Power. Legislative recruitment in advanced democracies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
93. Regarding closed lists, see Beate Hoecker, 'The German Electoral System: A Barrier to Women?', in Wilma Rule and Joseph F. Zimmerman (eds), Electoral Systems in Comparative Perspective. Their Impact on Women and Minorities (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1994), pp. 65-77
94. Htun and Jones (note 15)
95. Matland and Montgomery (note 22)
96. for open lists, see Ingunn Norderval Means, 'Women in Local Politics: The Norwegian Experience', Canadian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 5, No. 3 (1972), pp. 365-88
97. Rule, 'Parliaments of, by, and for the People: Except for Women?' (note 16)
98. Gregory D. Schmidt, 'The Implementation of Gender Quotas in Peru: Legal Reform, Discourses and Impacts', in International IDEA, The Implementation of Quotas: Latin American Experiences. Workshop Report (Stockholm: International IDEA, 2003), pp. 42-50
99. Renata Siemieńska, 'Women in the Polish Sejm: Political Culture and Party Politics versus Electoral Rules', in Richard E. Matland and Kathleen A. Montgomery (eds), Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 217-44.
100. See also the discussion developed in Matland (note 15).
101. 'Ticket voting' in Australia is an exception to this general rule; see David M. Farrell and Ian McAllister, The Australian Electoral System. Origins, Variations and Consequences (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2006), pp. 65-6, 133-8.
102. Yvonne Galligan, 'Ireland', in Yvonne Galligan and Manon Tremblay (eds), Sharing Power: Women, Parliament, Democracy (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), pp. 63-77
103. Wolfgang Hirczy, 'STV and the Representation of Women', PS: Political Science and Politics, Vol. 28, No. 4 (1995), pp. 711-13
104. Wolfgang P. Hirczy and John C. Lane, 'STV in Malta: Some Surprises', Representation, Vol. 34, No. 1 (1996), pp. 21-8
105. John C. Lane, 'The Election of Women Under Proportional Representation: The Case of Malta', Democratisation, Vol. 2, No. 2 (1995), pp. 140-57
106. Wilma Rule, 'Response to Wolfgang Hirczy [STV and the Representation of Women]', PS: Political Science and Politics, Vol. 29, No. 2 (1996), pp. 143.
107. Caul, 'Women's Representation in Parliament' (note 14);
108. Richard E. Matland and Donley T. Studlar, 'The Contagion of Women Candidates in Single-Member District and Proportional Representation Electoral Systems: Canada and Norway', Journal of Politics, Vol. 58, No. 3 (1996), pp. 707-33
109. Norris (note 13)
110. Sonia Pitre, 'Political Parties and Female Candidates: Is There Resistance in New Brunswick?', in Manon Tremblay and Linda Trimble (eds), Women and Electoral Politics in Canada (Don Mills: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 109-24
111. Vicky Randall, Women and Politics (London: Macmillan, 1982), pp. 141-2.
112. Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski, 'Pathways to Parliament', Talking Politics, Vol. 1, No. 3 (1989), p. 94.
113. See Drude Dahlerup, Women, Quotas and Politics (London: Routledge 2006)
114. Mona Lena Krook, 'Gender Quotas as a Global Phenomenon: Actors and Strategies in Quota Adoption', European Political Science, Vol. 3, No. 3 (2004), pp. 59-65
115. Donley T. Studlar and Ian McAllister, 'Candidate Gender and Voting in the 1997 British General Election: Did Labour Quotas Matter?', Journal of Legislative Studies, Vol. 4, No. 3 (1998), pp. 72-91.
116. Caul, 'Women's Representation in Parliament' (note 14)
117. Caul, 'Political Parties and the Adoption of Candidate Gender Quotas' (note 14)
118. Matland (note 11).
119. See also the case studies in Joni Lovenduski et al., State Feminism and Political Representation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
120. Rule, 'Electoral Systems, Contextual Factors and Women's Opportunity for Election to Parliament in Twenty-Three Democracies' (note 4), p. 495.
121. Krook (note 30).
122. Jerome H. Black and Lynda Erickson, 'Women Candidates and Voter Bias: Do Women Politicians Need to Be Better?', Electoral Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1 (2003), pp. 81-100
123. Darcy, Welch and Clark (note 8), p. 65
124. Pippa Norris, Elizabeth Vallance and Joni Lovenduski, 'Do Candidates Make a Difference? Race, Gender, Ideology and Incumbency', Parliamentary Affairs, Vol. 45, No. 4 (1992), pp. 496-517
125. Jorgen Rasmussen, 'The Electoral Costs of Being a Woman in the 1979 British General Election', Comparative Politics, Vol. 15, No. 4 (1983), pp. 461-75
126. Donley T. Studlar and Ian McAllister, 'Political Recruitment to the Australian Legislature: Toward an Explanation of Women's Electoral Disadvantages', Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 2 (1991), pp. 467-85
127. Manon Tremblay, 'Les femmes, des candidates moins performantes que les hommes? Une analyse des votes obtenus par les candidates et candidats du Québec à une élection fédérale canadienne, 1945-1993', International Journal of Canadian Studies, Vol. 11, Spring (1995), pp. 59-81.
128. Réjean Pelletier and Manon Tremblay, 'Les femmes sont-elles candidates dans des circonscriptions perdues d'avance? De l'examen d'une croyance', Revue canadienne de science politique, Vol. 25, No. 2 (1992), pp. 249-67
129. Donley T. Studlar and Richard E. Matland, 'The Dynamics of Women's Representation in the Canadian Provinces: 1975-1994', Canadian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 29, No. 2 (1996), pp. 269-93
130. Manon Tremblay, 'L'élection fédérale de 2000: Qu'est-il donc arrivé aux candidates?', Politique et Sociétés, Vol. 21, No. 1 (2002), pp. 89-102.
131. Barbara C. Burrell, 'Money and Women's Candidacies for Public Office', in Susan J. Carroll (ed.), Women and American Politics. New Questions, New Directions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 72-86
132. Lisa Young, 'Women's Representation in the Canadian House of Commons', in Marian Sawer, Manon Tremblay and Linda Trimble (eds), Representing Women in Parliament: A Comparative Study (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 47-66.
133. Free societies as defined by the Freedom House ratings and democratic governance are not synonymous, but the two are strongly correlated in the Gastil index. Moreover it is worth mentioning that 'respect for the rights of women' is a component of the method used by Freedom House when describing democratic political systems: 'Freedom is possible only in democratic political systems in which the governments are accountable to their own people; the rule of law prevails; and freedoms of expression, association, belief and respect for the rights of minorities and women are guaranteed'. http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=2 (accessed 14 November 2006).
134. Four countries (Argentina, Dominican Republic, India, and San Marino) have been free at least half of the time from 1972 to 2003 but not continuously since 1990, while five countries (Chile, Hungary, Namibia, Poland, and Samoa) have not been free at least 50 per cent of the time between 1972 and 2003 but have been since 1990.
135. Norris, Electoral Engineering (note 9), pp. 179-208.
136. In contrast with most of the studies, this analysis does not consider religion because only two out of the 89 democratic countries (Senegal and Mali) have Islam as the dominant religion. As mentioned in the Review of the Literature, research confirms a strong negative correlation between Islam as dominant religion and the proportion of women in parliament. Instead, a 'genvalue' index was developed, based on one used by Inglehart and Norris' Rising Tide (using the 2001 data only). Questions were: 1) d059: 'On the whole, men make better political leaders than women do'. Agree coded low (menpol); 2) c001: 'When jobs are scarce, men should have more right to a job than women'. Agree coded low (menjobs); 3) d060: 'A university education is more important for a boy than for a girl'. Agree coded low (boyeduc); 4) d019: 'Do you think that a woman has to have children in order to be fulfilled or is this not necessary?'Necessary coded low (needkid); and, 5) d023: 'If a woman wants to have a child as a single parent but she doesn't want to have a stable relationship with a man, do you approve or disapprove?' Disapprove coded low (snglmum). Each variable was recoded into a variable with 'value 1' associated with the more egalitarian answer(s). These recoded variables were combined into an index variable out of five. The mean score for each country was calculated. Only 22 countries had valid results for this index variable. In order to expand the number of countries with values for the 'genvalue' variable, modified index variables using three or four of the index items were created. All possible combinations were examined, and only one of these modified indices yielded expanded results. This index was composed of three of the five index items: Menjobs, needkid, and snglmum. This new three point index allowed a gender egalitarian index value to be calculated for 25 additional countries. The mean score for each country was calculated. (The 22 countries included in the five-point index were excluded from the three-point index.) For all 47 countries, a value out of 100 was calculated so that countries from both indices could be directly compared. I would like to thank Stephanie Enns (Carleton University, Canada) for her highly professional and much-appreciated work on this 'genvalue' indicator.
137. The definition of the Gini Index (Distribution of family income) is available at https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/docs/ notesanddefs.html (accessed 14 November 2006).
138. Some variables and particular countries required information from extra sources.
139. Matland, 'Women's Representation in National Legislatures' (note 9).
140. Under some proportional representation list systems, apparentement offers two parties (or sometimes more) the option of linking their lists of candidates to allocate legislative seats. Apparentement is a response to the problem of 'wasted votes' that small parties encounter and is intended to improve these parties' chances of having their candidates elected.
141. Inglehart and Norris (note 5), p. 140
142. Kenworthy and Malami (note 10)
143. Paxton (note 4)
144. Norris and Inglehart (note 4).
145. See, among others, Lijphart (note 3), pp. 106-27.
146. Among others: Inglehart and Norris (note 5), pp. 140-1
147. Kenworthy and Malami (note 10)
148. Mateo Diaz (note 5), p. 64
149. Norris and Inglehart (note 4)
150. Paxton (note 4)
151. Paxton and Kunovich (note 5).
152. Norris and Inglehart (note 4)
153. Norris (note 13).
154. This indicator is derived from the number of years between these three points in the women's access to political citizenship. It is suggested that a short period of time between these three moments favours the political citizenship of women - and thus a higher proportion of women in parliament.
155. Mateo Diaz (note 5), p. 67
156. McAllister and Studlar (note 10)
157. Norris, Electoral Engineering (note 9), p. 186
158. Kenworthy and Malami (note 10)
159. Siaroff (note 9)
160. United Nations Office at Vienna (note 9), p. 99.
161. This indicator is a cumulative index from zero to three according to which each type of quota is given one point. For example, the score of Argentina is three because this country has constitutional, legislative, and party quotas, while the score of Belgium is two for legislative and party quotas.
162. Mariette Sineau and Manon Tremblay, 'Représentation parlementaire des femmes et système uninominal. Une comparaison France/Québec', in Manon Tremblay et al. (eds), Genre, citoyenneté et représentation (Sainte-Foy: Les Presses de l'Université Laval, 2007), pp. 151-69.
163. According to international standards, Québec is a highly culturally and socio-economically modern society; for a statistical portrait, see http://www.stat.gouv.qc.ca/default.htm (accessed 10 September 2006).
164. Rule, 'Electoral Systems, Contextual Factors and Women's Opportunity for Election to Parliament in Twenty-Three Democracies' (note 4).