Whither family history? A road map from Latin America

American Historical Review

Volumn 112, Issue 2, 2007, Pages 439-458

  Milanich, Nara ^a  

^a Program on US Russia Relations at Columbia s Harriman Institute   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 34250016833     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/ahr.112.2.439     Document Type: Review

References (159)

1. The phrase is Stephanie Coontz's, from The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap (New York, 1992).
2. Examples of historians' interventions in the popular media include Coontz, "Historically Incorrect Canoodling," New York Times, February 14, 2005, 21,
3. and Coontz, "Our Family Myths," Atlanta Journal- Constitution, March 26, 2006, 1MS;
4. Steven Mintz, "A 'Golden Age' of Childhood?" Christian Science Monitor, April 28, 2005, 9;
5. Joan Ryan, "Ignore the Rules, Spoil the Child," San Francisco Chronicle, February 13, 2000, 1/Z1;
6. Julian Sanchez, "Marriage Has No 'Essence,'" Chicago Sun-Times, July 2, 2006, B3.
7. Holpern v. Canada (A.G.) [2002], O.J. No. 2714 (Ont. Div. Ct.).
8. Same-sex marriage cases in which historical briefs were filed include Goodridge v. Department of Health (Massachusetts, 2003),
9. Hernandez v. Rubles (New York, 2005),
10. Lewis v. Harris (New Jersey),
11. and Anderson v. King County (Washington).
12. The latter two cases are currently on appeal in state supreme courts. Briefs are available at Lambda Legal's Marriage Project, http://www.lambdalegal. org.
13. The Lawrence v. Texas brief is available at http://hnn.us/ articles/1539.html (accessed February 4, 2007).
14. Meanwhile, scholarly debates about family, childhood, and affectivity have at times spilled out of academic journals and into the popular media.
15. See Emily Eakin, "Did Cradles Always Rock? Or Did Mom Once Not Care?" New York Times, June 30, 2001, B7;
16. Stephen Metcalf, "Farewell to Mini-Me: The Fight over When Childhood Began," Slate, March 11, 2002, http://www.slate.com/?id=2062917 (accessed February 4, 2007);
17. Joan Acocella, "Little People: When Did We Start Treating Children like Children?" The New Yorker, August 18, 2003, http://www.newyorker.com/critics/books/articles/030818crbo_books? 030818crbo_books (accessed February 18, 2007).
18. "Growth industry": Daniel Blake Smith, "The Study of the Family in Early America: Trends, Problems, and Prospects," William and Mary Quarterly 39 (January 1982): 3-28, 3;
19. "spectacular expansion": Lawrence Stone, "Family History in the 1980s: Past Achievements and Future Trends," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 12, no. 1 (1981): 51-87, 51.
20. Stone, "Family History in the 1980s," 87.
21. Hugh Cunningham, "Histories of Childhood," AHR 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1195-1208, 1199.
22. Philippe Aries's classic work was Centuries of Childhood (London, 1962),
23. originally published in French in 1960 as L'enfant et la vie familiale sous l'Ancien Régime.
24. Cissie Fairchilds, "Review of Family Life in Early Modern Times, 1500-1789," Journal of Social History 37, no. 2 (Winter 2003): 523-525, 525.
25. David Kertzer and Marzio Barbagli, eds., The History of the European Family [hereafter HEF], 3 vols. (New Haven, Conn., 2001-2003).
26. Elizabeth A. Kuznesof and Robert Oppenheimer, "The Family and Society in Nineteenth-Century Latin America: An Historiographical Introduction," Journal of Family History 10, no. 3 (Fall 1985): 215-235, especially 220.
27. On the enduring significance of family and kinship in Latin America, see Kuznesof, "The House, the Street, Global Society: Latin American Families and Childhood in the Twenty-First Century," Journal of Social History 38, no. 4 (Summer 2005): 859-872.
28. Others include Georges Duby and Philippe Ariès, eds., A History of Private Life, 5 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1987-1991);
29. Georges Duby and Michelle Perrot, A History of Women in the West, 5 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1992-1994);
30. André Burguière et al., A History of the Family, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1996),
31. first published in France as Histoire de la famille (Paris, 1986);
32. Giovanni Levi and Jean-Claude Schmitt, eds., A History of Young People in the West, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1997-1999);
33. and Egle Becchi and Dominique Julia, eds., Histoire de l'enfance en occident, 2 vols. (Paris, 1998).
34. More recently, the European series have inspired parallel efforts in Latin America. To date, multi-volume histories of private life exist for Argentina, Brazil, and, most recently, Chile. Ricardo Cicerchia, Historia de la vida privada en la Argentina, 2 vols. (Buenos Aires, 1998-2001);
35. Fernando A. Novais, ed., História da vida privada no Brasil, 4 vols. (São Paulo, 1997-1998);
36. and Rafael Sagredo and Cristián Gazmuri, eds., Historia de la vida privada en Chile, 2 vols. to date (Santiago, 2005-2006), with a third volume still to come.
37. Marzio Barbagli and David I. Kertzer, "Introduction," HEF 1: ix-xxxii, ix.
38. In contrast, several of the series mentioned above - A History of Private Life and particular volumes of A History of Women in the West, for example - are unabashedly Franco-centric.
39. Meanwhile, A History of the Family boasts global coverage but is organized by geographic or cultural unit - China, Japan, Africa, Scandinavia, the Arab world - a schema that leaves it to the reader to discern cross-cultural comparisons. Finally, the Latin American series are all squarely nation-based.
40. Karl Kaser, "Serfdom in Eastern Europe,"HEF 1:24-62; Ulrich Pfister, "Proto-industrialization," HEF 1: 63-84;
41. Pier Paolo Viazzo, "Mortality, Fertility, and Family," HEF 1: 157-187;
42. Angélique Janssens, "Economic Transformation, Women's Work, and Family Life," HEF 3: 55-110;
43. Jay Winter, "The European Family and the Two World Wars," HEF 3: 152-173;
44. Theo Engelen, "A Transition Prolonged: Demographic Aspects of the European Family," HEF 3: 273-308.
45. Raffaela Sarti, "The Material Conditions of Family Life," HEF 1: 3-23;
46. Martine Segalen, "Material Conditions of Family Life," HEF 2:3-39;
47. Denise Lawrence-Zúñiga, "Material Conditions of Family Life," HEF 3: 3-54.
48. Lloyd Bonfield, "Developments in European Family Law," HEF 1: 87-124;
49. Bonfield, "European Family Law," HEF 2: 109-154;
50. Paola Ronfani, "Family Law in Europe," HEF 3: 113-151;
51. Chiara Saraceno, "Social and Family Policy," HEF 3: 238-269.
52. These contributors tend to emphasize the content of law and policy rather than their social effects. An exception is Rachel Fuchs's essay on charity in the nineteenth century, which explores how families engaged with welfare initiatives; "Charity and Welfare," HEF 2: 155-194.
53. In a particularly insightful essay, Mary Jo Maynes explores bourgeois constructions of domesticity, family, and gender roles, arguing that "the highly charged processes of dissemination across social and spatial boundaries of competing models of family life and household are a central component of nine-teenth-century family history"; "Class Cultures and Images of Proper Family Life," HEF 2:195-226, 196.
54. Georges Augustins, "The Perpetuation of Families and the Molding of Personal Destinies," HEF 2: 322-347;
55. François de Singly and Vincenzo Cicchelli, "Contemporary Families: Social Reproduction and Personal Fulfillment," HEF 3: 311-349;
56. Engelen, "A Transition Prolonged."
57. Jeffrey R. Watt, "The Impact of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation," HEF 1: 125-154;
58. Segalen, "Material Conditions of Family Life," 5;
59. Loftur Guttormsson, "Parent-Child Relations," HEF 2: 251-281;
60. Josef Ehmer, "Marriage," HEF 2: 282-321;
61. Caroline Brettell, "Migration," HEF 2:229-247.
62. This is true of household structure, fertility and mortality patterns, marriage behavior, gender and generational power dynamics, as well as family law, housing, and domestic environments. Marzio Barbagli and David I. Kertzer, "Introduction," HEF 3: xi-xliv, xxxvii-xliv; Ronfani, "Family Law in Europe," especially 113;
63. Lawrence-Zúñiga, "Material Conditions of Family Life," especially 30.
64. Alain Blum, "Socialist Families?" HEF 3: 198-237, 220.
65. Ibid., 198,233; Maynes, "Class Cultures"; Lawrence- Zúñiga, "Material Conditions of Family Life"; Paul Ginsborg, "The Family Politics of the Great Dictators," HEF 3:174-197, 189-190; Watts, "Impact of the Reformation."
66. Ann Laura Stoler, "Tense and Tender Ties: The Politics of Comparison in North American History and (Post) Colonial Studies," Journal of American History 88, no. 3 (2001): 829-865;
67. Lara Putnam, The Company They Kept: Migrants and the Politics of Gender in Caribbean Costa Rica, 1870-1960 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2002).
68. For example, David Gaunt's exploration of the myriad ways of "reckoning blood ties and family relationships" in the early modern period explores the criteria used to determine who counted as kin and who did not, the language used to express these associations, and the meanings that accrued to them; "Kinship: Thin Red Lines or Thick Blue Blood," HEF 1: 257-287. Meanwhile, Mary Jo Maynes traces the development of the bourgeois public/private dichotomy in "Class Cultures."
69. Indeed, I consider myself one of them.
70. These include the Journal of Family History and History of the Family: An International Quarterly. The closest approximation to a conference on family history might be the "Family/Demography" section of the Social Science History Association.
71. Heidi Tinsman, Partners in Conflict: The Politics of Gender, Sexuality, and Labor in the Chilean Agrarian Reform, 1950-1973 (Durham, N.C., 2002);
72. Eileen J. Suárez Findlay, Imposing Decency: The Politics of Sexuality and Race in Puerto Rico, 1870-1920 (Durham, N.C., 2000);
73. Susan K. Besse, Restructuring Patriarchy: The Modernization of Gender Inequality in Brazil, 1914-1940 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1996);
74. Sarah C. Chambers, From Subjects to Citizens: Honor, Gender, and Politics in Arequipa, Peru, 1780-1854 (University Park, Pa., 1999);
75. Sueann Caulfield, In Defense of Honor: Sexual Morality, Modernity, and Nation in Early-Twentieth-Century Brazil (Durham, N.C., 2000);
76. Thomas Miller Klubock, Contested Communities: Class, Gender, and Politics in Chile's El Teniente Copper Mine, 1904-1951 (Durham, N.C., 1998).
77. Louise A. Tilly, "Women's History and Family History: Fruitful Collaboration or Missed Connection?" Journal of Family History 12, no. 1/3 (1987): 303-315.
78. Ibid., 310.
79. The so-called "swaddling hypothesis" is associated with Geoffrey Gorer and John Rickman, The People of Great Russia: A Psychological Study (London, 1949). Gorer was in fact an anthropologist, and Rickman a psychoanalyst.
80. For early psychological and psychoanalytic approaches, as well as critiques of these approaches, see Lloyd deMause, ed., The History of Childhood (New York, 1974);
81. John Demos, "Developmental Perspectives on the History of Childhood," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2, no. 2 (1971): 315-327;
82. Clifford S. Griffin, "Oedipus Hex," Reviews in American History 4, no. 3 (September 1976): 305-317.
83. One classic statement of this critique is Heidi Hartmann, "The Family as the Locus of Gender, Class, and Political Struggle: The Example of Housework," Signs 6, no. 3 (Spring 1981): 366-394.
84. E.g., Watt, "Impact of the Reformation";
85. Fuchs, "Charity and Welfare";
86. Maynes, "Class Cultures";
87. Janssens, "Economic Transformation";
88. Ronfani, "Family Law";
89. Saraceno, "Social and Family Policy."
90. According to Laslett, since illegitimate birth exists in "all times and places," contrasting rates cross-culturally is an exercise in comparing "like with like." Peter Laslett, Karla Oosterveen, and Richard M. Smith, eds., Bastardy and Its Comparative History: Studies in the History of Illegitimacy and Marital Nonconformism in Britain, France, Germany, Sweden, North America, Jamaica, and Japan (Cambridge, Mass., 1980).
91. Antoinette Fauve-Chamoux, "Marriage, Widowhood, and Divorce," HEF 1: 221-256, 242.
92. Tamara K. Hareven, "Modernization and Family History: Perspectives in Social Change," Signs 2, no. 1 (Autumn 1976): 190-206, 203;
93. Stone, "Family History in the 1980s," 83.
94. As Barbagli and Kertzer note, "it is wrong to think that any simple passage from a 'traditional' to a 'modern' family took place in this period [the end of the eighteenth century]"; HEF 1: "Introduction," xx.
95. Marzio Barbagli and David I. Kertzer, "Introduction," HEF 2: ix-xxxviii, xxxviii.
96. E.g., Blum, "Socialist Families?," 274, on "modern" fertility;
97. Guttormsson, "Parent-Child Relations," 251, 252, on the "forces of modernization" and the "persistent weight of tradition";
98. and Fauve-Chamoux, "Marriage, Widowhood, and Divorce," 255, on the relationship of romantic love to secularization, individualism, and social mobility - processes often glossed as modernity.
99. Peter N. Stearns has noted how scholarship on globalization and children may echo older modernization paradigms. Stearns, "Conclusion: Change, Globalization and Childhood," Journal of Social History 38, no. 4 (2005): 1041-1046, especially 1042-1043.
100. The quote is from Eakin, "Did Cradles Always Rock?," B7.
101. Well-known recent reiterations of the sentiment debate include Steven Ozment, Ancestors: The Loving Family in Old Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 2001),
102. and Nicholas Orme, Medieval Children (New Haven, Conn., 2001).
103. See also Robert Woods, "Did Montaigne Love His Children? Demography and the Hypothesis of Parental Indifference," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 33, no. 3 (2003): 421-442;
104. Adriana S. Benzaquen, "Childhood, Identity and Human Science in the Enlightenment," History Workshop Journal 57 (Spring 2004): 5-57;
105. Benjamin Roberts, Through the Keyhole: Dutch Child-Rearing Practices in the 17th and 18th Century - Three Urban Elite Families (Hilversum, Verloren, 1998);
106. Rudolf Dekker, Childhood, Memory and Autobiography in Holland: From the Golden Age to Romanticism (London, 2000);
107. and Louis Haas, The Renaissance Man and His Children: Childbirth and Early Childhood in Florence, 1300-1600 (New York, 1998).
108. As Carol Bresnahan Menning writes in a review of the latter, "some of what Haas seeks to prove" - namely, that parents loved their children - "is, literally, already textbook knowledge." She then goes on to cite a Western civilization textbook that incorporates the same arguments as the monograph. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 31, no. 2 (Autumn 2000): 276-278.
109. My critique parallels that of Rayna Rapp and Ellen Ross on the history of sexuality: "a focus on the psychoanalytic," they write, "holds the social world at bay, awarding it only minimal importance in the shaping of consciousness and sexuality." Rapp and Ross, "Sex and Society: A Research Note from Social History and Anthropology," Comparative Studies in Society and History 23, no. 1 (January 1981): 51-72, 53.
110. I emphasize the caveat "as typically framed" in family historiography since, as anthropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes has shown (see below), a consideration of sentiment does not necessarily imply neglect of the social.
111. Cunningham, "Histories of Childhood," 1206. 43 Examples include Göran Therborn, Between Sex and Power: Family in the World, 1900-2000 (New York, 2004);
112. Ann B. Waltner and Mary Jo Maynes, "Family History as World History," in Bonnie G. Smith, ed., Women's History in Global Perspective, 2 vols. (Urbana, 111., 2004), 1: 48-91, as well as other essays in this work;
113. Paula S. Fass, ed., Encyclopedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society, 3 vols. (New York and London, 2003);
114. Fass, "Children and Globalization," Journal of Social History 36, no. 4 (Summer 2003): 963-977;
115. and Globalization and Childhood,
116. special issue, Journal of Social History 38, no. 4 (Summer 2005).
117. Dated but still useful overviews of this scholarship for Latin America include Kuznesof and Oppenheimer, "The Family and Society in Nineteenth-Century Latin America," and Silvia M. Arrom, "Historia de la mujer y de la familia," Historia Mexicana 42, no. 2 (1992): 379-418.
118. Cunningham, "Histories of Childhood," 1206-1207. One can imagine a parallel "globalization" of the sentiment controversy in which attitudes toward infant mortality in impoverished communities of the contemporary world are marshaled as evidence of one or another position in the debate. See Nicholas Tucker, "Boon or Burden? Baby Love in History," History Today 43, no. 9 (September 1993): 28.
119. Maria Luiza Marcílio, História social da criança abandonada (São Paulo, 1998), 136.
120. This theme runs throughout much of the literature on family, gender, and sexuality in Latin Amer ica. Sueann Caulfield provides a succinct overview of the relevant historiographic debates in "The History of Gender in the Historiography of Latin America," Hispanic American Historical Review 81, no. 3-4 (2001): 449-490, 478-480.
121. By "non-marrying" behavior, I refer to low rates of formal marriage (whether civil or religious) and widespread consensual unions. As Göran Therborn has colorfully put it, "Iberian colonial America and the West Indies were the stage of the largest-scale assault on marriage in history. Its heritage was carried into the twentieth century, and it has not (yet) been overtaken by the recent Western European turn to informal coupling, even in Scandinavia"; Between Sex and Power, 157. By contrast, following a sharp increase in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, illegitimacy rates in Europe around 1870 ranged from a low of between 4 and 7 percent (Switzerland, England, Spain, and Italy) to a high of 11 percent (Denmark) and 13.5 percent (Austria).
122. David I. Kertzer, Sacrificed for Honor: Italian Infant Abandonment and the Politics of Reproductive Control (Boston, 1993), 21-22.
123. On illegitimacy in Latin America historically, see Nara Milanich, "Historical Perspectives on Illegitimacy and Illegitimates in Latin America," in Tobias Hecht, ed., Minor Omissions: Children in Latin American History and Society (Madison, Wis., 2002), 72-101.
124. On female headship, see Kuznesof and Oppenheimer, "The Family and Society in Nineteenth-Century Latin America," 224;
125. and Elizabeth Dore, "The Holy Family: Imagined Households in Latin American History," in Dore, ed., Gender Politics in Latin America: Debates in Theory and Practice (New York, 1997).
126. On matrifocality, see María Emma Mannarelli, Pecados públicos: La ilegitimidad en Lima, siglo XVII (Lima, 1993);
127. Maria Odila Silva Dias, Power and Everyday Life: The Lives of Working Women in Nineteenth-Century Brazil (New Brunswick, N.J., 1995).
128. Steve J. Stern, The Secret History of Gender: Women, Men, and Power in Late Colonial Mexico (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1995), 19.
129. Claudia Fonseca, "Pais e filhos na família popular (Início do século XX)," in Maria Angela d'Incao, ed., Amor e família no Brasil (São Paulo, 1989), 124-125.
130. The phrase is from Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Daniel Hoffman, "Brazilian Apartheid: Street Kids and the Struggle for Urban Space," in Scheper-Hughes and Carolyn Sargent, eds., Small Wars: The Cultural Politics of Childhood (Berkeley, Calif., 1998), 360.
131. Nancy Scheper-Hughes, Death without Weeping: The Violence of Everyday Life in Brazil (Berkeley, Calif., 1992).
132. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves: The Development of Brazilian Civilization, 2nd English ed. (New York, 1956).
133. The book was originally published in Portuguese as Casa grande e senzala (Rio de Janeiro, 1933).
134. The first English edition appeared in 1946. For a compelling intellectual biography of Freyre, see Jeffrey D. Needell, "Identity, Race, Gender, and Modernity in the Origins of Gilberto Freyre's Oeuvre," AHR 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 51-77.
135. Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves, 136, 344-345.
136. Needell, "Identity, Race, Gender, and Modernity."
137. Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves, xliii.
138. Kuznesof and Oppenheimer suggest that Freyre was "the first major academic influence in Latin American family history," yet this influence was arguably truncated;
139. "The Family and Society in Nineteenth-Century Latin America," 221.
140. His model of a patriarchal extended family proved initially influential, particularly as it seemed to establish "the" elite family. But as scholars uncovered the existence of other household forms - nuclear households, female-headed households - Freyre's rendering of the plantation household was revealed as something of a caricature. At any rate, I am interested less in engaging with his empirical conclusions about the nature and diffusion of the elite patriarchal extended household than in using Freyre as a model for how to discuss the nexus of kinship, household, race, and hierarchy. As Jeffrey Needell has noted, Freyre apparently did contemplate writing what he variously termed "a history of the Brazilian child" or a "Social History of the Brazilian Family," an idea he discussed in journals and correspondence dating from the 1920s, Needell, "Identity, Race, Gender, and Modernity," especially 56, 58, 65.
141. Verena Martínez-Alier [Stolke], Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba: A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values in a Slave Society (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1974), 122.
142. Another important work dealing with similar themes in a Spanish colonial context is Ramón A. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford, Calif., 1991).
143. Kathryn Burns, "Gender and the Politics of Mestizaje: The Convent of Santa Clara in Cuzco, Peru," Hispanic American Historical Review 78, no. 1 (February 1998): 5-44, 15.
144. Nara Milanich, The Children of Fate: Families, Social Hierarchies, and the State in Chile, 1850-1930 (Durham, N.C., forthcoming), chap. 2.
145. Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley, Calif., 2002), 112; italics in original.
146. Bianca Premo, Children of the Father King: Youth, Authority, and Legal Minority in Colonial Lima (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2005).
147. Linda Gordon, The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction (Cambridge, Mass., 1999);
148. David I. Kertzer, The Kidnapping of Edgardo Mortara (New York, 1997).
149. See Judith Areschoug et al.'s vigorous critique of the Society for the History of Childhood and Youth's 2003 conference, "Childhood and the State - The State of Childhood." The reviewers contend, "The conference theme marks a willingness to relate research on the history of childhood to a broad spectrum of historical change. However, these lofty ambitions were not fully realized," in part because of a tendency to focus narrowly on specific institutions ("a Pennsylvania child care institution") and "local historical experience" without linking the analysis to the larger framework.
150. Tobias Hecht, At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil (Cambridge, 1998). These empirical observations are seconded on theoretical grounds by Miguel Angel Centeno's suggestion that the most salient disciplinary institutions in Latin American society are not schools, the military, or the penitentiary, as in Europe or North America, but rather the family and the household.
151. Centeno, "The Disciplinary Society in Latin America," in Centeno and Fernando López-Alvez, eds., The Other Mirror: Grand Theory through the Lens of Latin America (Princeton, N.J., 2001), 304.
152. Indeed, this may be true outside of Latin America as well. Carole Shammas has compellingly argued that the household was the crucial political institution throughout much of U.S. history. Shammas, A History of Household Government in America (Charlottesville, Va., 2002).
153. The history of marriage as an alternative framework is additionally problematic for the Latin American context given that, as noted above, nuptiality has not historically been "the" basis of family life in the region. In many societies, formal marriage was largely restricted to elites. It follows that a focus on the institution will unwittingly narrow our range of social vision - and obfuscate the alternative domestic forms commonly practiced by other classes.
154. David Herlihy, "Family," AHR 96, no. 1 (February 1991): 1-16, 2.
155. See, for example, James F. Brooks, Captives and Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2002);
156. and more generally, Elizabeth A. Kuznesof, "A History of Domestic Service in Spanish America, 1492-1980," in Elsa M. Chaney and Mary Garcia Castro, eds., Muchachas No More: Household Workers in Latin America and the Caribbean (Philadelphia, 1989).
157. E. R. Leach, "Characterization of Caste and Class Systems," cited in Martínez-Alier, Marriage, Class and Colour, 9.
158. Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass., 1982).
159. Cunningham, "Histories of Childhood," 1208.