Gentlemanly Orthodoxy: Critical race feminism, whiteness theory, and the APA manual

Educational Theory

Volumn 54, Issue 1, 2004, Pages 27-57

  Thompson, Audrey ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF UTAH   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 34247193618     PISSN: 00132004     EISSN: 17415446     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.0013-2004.2004.00002.x     Document Type: Article

References (109)

1. Lani Guinier, "Of Gentlemen and RoleModels," Berkeley Women's Law Journal 6, pt. 1 (1990-1991): 93.
2. Guinier, "Of Gentlemen and Role Models," 106 (emphasis removed). No settled usage has emerged regarding race color terms other than black and white. Brown is commonly used to refer to Latina/os but also is often used for American Indians, as well as other groups. Sometimes brown is used to refer to all people of color. More rarely, red and yellow are employed for groups other than Latina/os and African Americans. In this essay, I use black, brown, and white to break the black/white binary.
3. Guinier, "Of Gentlemen and Role Models," 94.
4. Carter Godwin Woodson, The Mis-Education of the Negro (1933; reprint, Washington, DC: The Associated Publishers, 1972). For Guinier, becoming an advocate for the disempowered required overcoming her mis-education - that is, "unbecoming a gentleman"; see Guinier, "Of Gentlemen and Role Models," 98 (emphasis removed).
5. Robert Madigan, Susan Johnson, and Patricia Linton, "The Language of Psychology: APA Style as Epistemology," American Psychologist 50, no. 6 (1995): 430, 433. This article will be cited as LP in the text for all subsequent references.
6. Earlier, Charles Bazerman had argued that "to use the [APA] rhetoric is to mobilize behaviorist assumptions." See Bazerman, Shaping Written Knowledge: The Genre and Activity of the Experimental Article in Science (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), 259. This book will be cited as SWK in the text for all subsequent references.
7. In the text, I use the common abbreviation, APA Manual (or occasionally simply the Manual). Unless otherwise indicated, all citations from the APA Manual refer to the 2001 edition: American Psychological Association, Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, 5th ed. (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2001). For subsequent references, the current edition of the APA Manual will be cited in the text as APA. (References to the fourth edition appear in footnotes.) This essay focuses on the whiteness of the APA Manual as a writing style guide; it does not consider the normalization of whiteness with regard to tables, graphs, charts, or other aspects of quantitative analysis standardized by the Manual.
8. Work addressed specifically to the epistemology informing the APA Manual includes Bazerman, Shaping Written Knowledge; Madigan, Johnson, and Linton, "The Language of Psychology," 428-436;
9. Douglas Vipond, "The Elements of APA Style," in Writing and Psychology: Understanding Writing and Its Teaching from the Perspective of Composition Studies (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1993), 55-76;
10. Ruthellen Josselson and Amia Lieblich, "Fettering the Mind in the Name of 'Science,"' American Psychologist 51, no. 6 (1996): 651-652;
11. and Nancy Zeller and Frank M. Farmer, "'Catchy, Clever Titles Are Not Acceptable': Style, APA, and Qualitative Reporting," International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 12, no. 1 (1999): 3-19.
12. On related questions, see Margaret J. Marshall and Loren S. Barritt, "Choices Made,Worlds Created: The Rhetoric of AERJ," American Educational Research Journal 27, no. 4 (1990): 589-609;
13. and Edward E. Sampson, "Scientific Paradigms and Social Values: Wanted - A Scientific Revolution," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 36, no. 11 (1978): 1332-1343.
14. Some work has been done on race in connection with APA journals. See, especially, Sandra Graham, "'Most of the Subjects Were White and Middle Class': Trends in Published Research on African Americans in Selected APA Journals, 1970-1989," American Psychologist 47, no. 5 (1992): 629-639.
15. Although such work has implications for race in relation to the APA writing guidelines, its primary concern is with the normalization of whiteness in the choice of APA research topics and participants. For a rare discussion of nonacademic dimensions of institutional racism and the APA, see Jack Sawyer and David J. Sean, "Institutional Racism and the American Psychological Association," The Journal of Social Issues 29, no. 1 (1973): 67-79.
16. While this discussion focuses on the APA Manual, similar analyses might well apply to the style requirements found in the Chicago and MLA manuals, the Bluebook, and journals' instructions to authors. In each case, it would be important to consider the particular mechanisms by which white privilege and the normalization of whiteness are secured. Whiteness is systemic but it is also localized. The workings of academic whiteness in the humanities may look quite different from the workings of whiteness in the sciences and social sciences, for example, and presumably also may look different in Australia or Israel or Brazil as compared with the United States or Canada.
17. Carole Pateman, "'The Disorder of Women': Women, Love, and the Sense of Justice," Ethics 91, no. 1 (1980): 20-34.
18. This is not accidental imperialism. See Gary R. VandenBos, "The APA Knowledge Dissemination Program: An Overview of 100 Years," in The American Psychological Association: A Historical Perspective, eds. Rand B. Evans, Virginia Staut Sexton, and Thomas C. Cadwallader (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 1992), 347-390.
19. The fourth edition of the APA Manual notes that "the 1929 guide could gently advise authors on style, because there were then only about 200 authors who published in the 4 existing APA journals." By the 1990s, the volume of manuscripts being considered by APA journals meant that measures had to be taken to promote "clear communication." American Psychological Association, Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, 4th ed. (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 1994), xxiii-xxiv.
20. The 2001 edition observes that, in addition to APA's twenty-seven primary journals, over one thousand other journals require APA style and boasts that "this standardization has greatly facilitated the communication of new ideas" (APA, xxi). As the users of the APA guidelines have become both more heterogeneous and more numerous, the style standards have become more explicit and more rigid. Inclusion comes at the cost of uniformity.
21. White scholars' contributions to whiteness theory are less problematic, largely because such research answers the call for whites to do our own race work - to examine our participation in racism. This is not to say that white work in whiteness theory does not also raise questions of appropriation. Whiteness theory is heavily indebted to generations of work by writers and scholars of color; the current level of white interest in such theorizing raises concerns about our apparent ownership of the field. However, because whiteness theory specifically provides tools enabling whites to take some responsibility for white privilege, it seems desirable for white scholars to work with whiteness theory, while also becoming aware of its limitations.
22. LatCrit is the abbreviation for Latina/o Critical Race Theory, which addresses language, culture, and education, in addition to race; it takes up intersectionalities (for example, between race and sexuality) more than legal-based forms of CRT tend to do. TribalCrit, or Tribal Critical Race Theory, focuses on sovereignty, encompassing questions of land, language, and spirituality. For pushing my thinking on issues surrounding the use of CRT by white scholars, I am indebted to my fellow panelists - Dolores Delgado Bernal, Octavio Villalpando, Bryan Brayboy, and Laurence Parker - in the interactive symposium, "Race-ing Through Messiness: Accountability in Critical Race Theory Scholarship, Policy, and Pedagogy," presented at the American Educational Research Association annual meeting, Chicago, Illinois, April 2003.
23. For a helpful discussion of the politics of whites borrowing the cultural productions of people of color (albeit artistically, rather than academically), see Daiva Stasiulis, "'Authentic Voice': Anti-Racist Politics in Canadian Feminist Publishing and Literary Production," in Feminism and the Politics of Difference, eds. Sneja Gunew and Anna Yeatman (Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood, 1993), 35-60, which sets forth the risks of cultural appropriation and misuse, on the one hand, and of essentialization and the fetishization of otherness and authenticity, on the other.
24. I owe the reframed question to Bobbie Kirby and Thomasania Leydsman.
25. This definition applies to contemporary, mainstream, color-blind relations, in which the power of whiteness is obscured by its unmarked character. In most historical settings in the United States, and in some contemporary settings, whiteness (or a specific ethnic variant) is not regarded as normative but is explicitly treated as superior.
26. Trina Grillo and StephanieM.Wildman, "Obscuring the Importance of Race: The Implication of Making Comparisons Between Racism and Sexism (or Other Isms)," in Privilege Revealed: How Invisible Privilege Undermines America, ed. StephanieM.Wildman,withMargalynneArmstrong,AdrienneD.Davis, andTrina Grillo (New York: New York University Press, 1996), 90.
27. Adrienne Rich distinguishes the conscious belief in white superiority from white solipsism, the "tunnel-vision which simply does not see nonwhite experience or existence as precious or significant, unless in spasmodic, impotent guilt-reflexes, which have little or no long-term, continuing momentum or political usefulness." Rich, "Disloyal to Civilization: Feminism, Racism, Gynephobia," in On Lies, Secrets, and Silence: Selected Prose 1966-1978 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1979), 306.
28. See, for example, Mari Matsuda, "Affirmative Action and Legal Knowledge: Planting Seeds in Plowed-Up Ground," Harvard Women's Law Journal 11 (1988): 1-17;
29. Gloria Ladson-Billings and William F. Tate IV, "Toward a Critical Race Theory of Education," Teachers College Record 97, no. 1 (1995): 47-68;
30. Daniel G. Soló rzano, "Images and Words that Wound: Critical Race Theory, Racial Stereotyping, and Teacher Education," Teacher Education Quarterly 24, no. 3 (1997): 5-19;
31. and the entire issues of International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 11, no. 1 (1998) and Qualitative Inquiry 8, no. 1 (2002).
32. Kimberlé Crenshaw, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas, "Introduction," in Critical Race Theory: The KeyWritings that Formed the Movement, eds.Kimberlé Crenshaw,NeilGotanda, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas (New York: The New Press, 1995), xiii.
33. Amado M. Padilla, "Ethnic Minority Scholars, Research, and Mentoring: Current and Future Issues," Educational Researcher 23, no. 4 (1994): 24.
34. William F. Tate IV, "Critical Race Theory and Education: History, Theory, and Implications," Review of Research in Education, vol. 22, (1997), ed. Michael W. Apple (Washington, DC: American Educational Research Association, 1997), 236 n. 1.
35. Adrien Katherine Wing, "Introduction," in Critical Race Feminism: A Reader, ed. Adrien Katherine Wing (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 2.
36. The popular white belief that white women must be "protected" from black men, for example, positions white, presumptively heterosexual women as desirable sexual possessions, while positioning black men as intent on stealing white men's property; white men are cast as righteous defenders of their own property and of white women's innocence. Implicitly, black women figure as not innocent, not in need of protection, not vulnerable to rape, but themselves aggressively sexual. Being a black man, then, is not like being a white man, only black; being a white woman is not like being a white man, only female; being a black woman is not like being a white woman, only black. Racism and sexism, race and gender are interlocking rather than additive. For discussions of some of the limitations of noninter locking black male and white feminist analyses of issues of rape, see Angela Y. Davis, "Rape, Racism and the Myth of the Black Rapist," in Women, Race and Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1983), 172-201;
37. and Angela P. Harris, "Race and Essentialism in Feminist Legal Theory," in Critical Race Feminism: A Reader, ed. Wing, 15-16. While the interlocking character of racism and sexism is particularly visible in the case of rape, any number of topics might be discussed in interlocking terms (which would also include other dimensions of privilege, marginalization, and oppression).
38. Harris, "Race and Essentialism in Feminist Legal Theory," 11.
39. Zeller and Farmer point out that if authors who are intellectually at odds with APA assumptions "have to sneak their work past" APA editors, "there is, indeed, a 'discourse of power' issue warranting further comment, not to mention informed challenge," "'Catchy, Clever Titles Are Not Acceptable,"' 14. Moreover, if authors are not aware of the ways in which the APA guidelines constrain meaning-making - if, for example, they see the APA guidelines as racially neutral - it is unlikely that they will be successful in escaping their potential for mis-education. Indeed, even when we are vigilant and informed, the discourse often speaks us. This is not to say that we are helpless before the power of discourse to shape our thoughts but that we need to be wary of thinking that discourse is simply a passive instrument to be molded to our intellectual and political will.
40. The Chicago Manual merely notes that "Black" and "White" are "often capitalized." While it also observes that "Brown," "Red," and "Yellow" are infrequently used terms for ethnic groups, it does not prohibit their use. The Chicago Manual does not discuss the problems posed by the biologistic term, "Caucasian," but it achieves a nicely ironic dismissal of this outdated term in saying that "White" is usually preferred as the designation for people "for some reason long known as Caucasians." Much more problematically, the Chicago Manual associates whiteness with being light skinned, as if race were merely a question of skin color. University of Chicago Press, The Chicago Manual of Style, 14th ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 247.
41. My point is not that, given postcolonial and poststructural analyses, black and white should always be lowercase but rather that no single rule will cover the range of legitimate usage regarding race terms. Recently an American Indian colleague of mine was told by a journal that the APA Manual forbids the capitalization of "Indigenous." While this claim is inconsistent with the Manual's policy of treating all race terms as "proper nouns" (APA, 68), the more important issue is that this scholar capitalized Indigenous to call attention to its identity status. Style manuals that make the decision for authors as to which race terms they may use, and how, decide intellectual and political questions that surely are the prerogative of the writer. Presumably, the APA's race capitalization decree is intended to prevent embarrassment to whites, but it also dictates how scholars of color may characterize their own race or ethnicity.
42. The only reference on race cited in the "Racial and Ethnic Identity" section of the APA Manual (and the only entry on race in the "References Cited in This Edition" list) is a January 4, 1989, Washington Post article by conservative syndicated columnist William Raspberry. The Manual does list some guides to nondiscriminatory language in the "Nondiscriminatory Language" bibliography, but rule books tend to put users in the position of simply obeying the rules rather than learning what is at stake in the debates over particular terms and names. The degree to which the APA guidelines provide once-and-for all rules varies. Whereas the capitalization ruling regarding "black" and "white" forecloses discussion, the guidelines in the previous paragraph advise authors to pay attention to current practices and to consult research participants' preferences: "Authors are encouraged to ask their participants about preferred designations and are expected to avoid terms perceived as negative" (APA, 68). This guideline is both more intellectually and more politically demanding than fixed rules. Exhorting authors to be attentive to the consequences of particular usages puts the onus on researchers to study race rather than rely on others to help them avoid having to think about race.
43. See, for example, footnote 6 in Troy Richardson and Sofia Villenas, "'Other' Encounters: Dances with Whiteness in Multicultural Education," Educational Theory 50, no. 2 (2000), which reads, in part, "An understanding of the historical practice of whiteness as power has for centuries been a part of the everyday lives of native peoples and people of color. It is recorded in both oral and written texts including songs, dances, stories, homilies, poetry, communal conversations, talk, gossip, and...corridos or Mexican ballads," 257.
44. Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990), 202.
45. Increasingly, even journals that use Chicago style specify the author-date format. (Chicago style includes a variety of possible reference formats.) It would be interesting to know whether the switch to an author-date format in Chicago journals has been accompanied, over time, by changes in the rhetoric of citation, such as an increase in generic citations that merely list the Big Names associated with a topic.
46. Raising a different but related critique of APA citation practices, Martin L. Lalumière notes that it is not always easy to tell from a citation whether the article in question offers empirical evidence, a summary of other research, or nothing more than an unsupported assertion. Lalumiè re, "Increasing the Precision of Citations in Scientific Writing," American Psychologist 48, no. 8 (1993): 913.
47. María de la Luz Reyes and John J. Halcón, "Racism in Academia: The Old Wolf Revisited," Harvard Educational Review 58, no. 3 (1988): 305.
48. Wing, "Introduction," 3 (emphasis in original).
49. Lerone Bennett, Jr., "Beyond Either/Or: A Philosophy of Liberation," in The Challenge of Blackness (Chicago: Johnson Publishing, 1972), 309.
50. W.E.B. Du Bois, "The Souls of White Folk" (1920), in W.E.B. Du Bois: A Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York: Henry Holt, 1995), 454, 461.
51. James Baldwin, "The Price of the Ticket," in The Price of the Ticket: Collected Nonfiction 1948-1985 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985), ix-xx.
52. A study of research published in APA journals between 1970 and 1989 found articles on African Americans to be rare. Of the few published, roughly a third were confined to the "Brief Reports" sections of the journals. Brief Reports are "typically one or two journal pages" (Graham, "'Most of the Subjects Were White and Middle Class,"' 636).
53. In its "Manuscript Submission Guidelines," the Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology explains that the "Brief Reports" section is "intended to permit the publication of soundly designed studies of specialized interest or limited importance that cannot now be accepted as regular articles because of lack of space." 〈http://www.apa.org/journals/ccp/submission.html〉. Last accessed 7 September 2001.
54. Significantly, as Graham points out, the APA Manual requires that authors of Brief Reports not publish an extended version of the paper elsewhere: "The Brief Report is the archival record" (APA, 352). Once relegated to the status of a Brief Report, then, articles about marginalized groups are prohibited from publication in any extended form, including a book chapter or conference proceedings.
55. Bentham, quoted in Cheryl I. Harris, "Whiteness as Property," Harvard Law Review 106, no. 8 (1993): 1729. This article will be cited as WAP within the text for all subsequent references.
56. Since September 11, 2001, white-skin privilege in the United States has been even more heatedly defended. In "Airline Security Inspires No Confidence" (Salt Lake Tribune, 10 February 2002: AA1), for example, columnist Kathleen Parker expresses her outrage that she - "a smallish,middle-aged, Anglo-Saxon, 14th-generation American mother/wife/ journalist" - was subjected to intrusive antiterrorist airline security measures. Although her flight plans and recent ticket purchase indicated that she might fit a possible statistical profile for terrorism, her racial profile ought to have placed her above suspicion, Parker insists.
57. For example, a white applicant to the University of Texas Law School "complained that she was rejected even though she had a higher Texas Index Score" than some students of color who were admitted. The fact that more than one hundred white applicants with lower scores than hers were also admitted was considered irrelevant in the court case, because it "did not raise the constitutional question of race-blindness." By focusing "on race alone," the case "successfully camouflaged the underlying economic disparities involved," framing the issue in terms of unfairness to whites. Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres, The Miner's Canary: Enlisting Race, Resisting Power, Transforming Democracy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), 67, 71.
58. Ronald Takaki, "The Tempest in the Wilderness: The Racialization of Savagery," Journal of American History 79, no. 3 (1992): 907.
59. Reyes and Halcón, "Racism in Academia," 307.
60. Occasionally, writing collectives - particularly feminist collectives - will publish or edit their work under the name of the group as a whole. In other cases, a writing collective may be listed as collaborating with an individual author. Perhaps the most famous example of the former is the political statement by the Combahee River Collective, "A Black Feminist Statement," in All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women's Studies, eds. Gloria T. Hull, Patricia Bell Scott, and Barbara Smith (New York: Feminist Press at CUNY, 1982), 13-22.
61. An example of the latter is Becky Thompson and White Women Challenging Racism, "Home/Work: Antiracism Activism and the Meaning of Whiteness," in Off White: Readings on Race, Power, and Society, eds. Michelle Fine, Lois Weis, Linda C. Powell, and L. Mun Wong (New York: Routledge, 1997), 354-366.
62. In distinguishing between arguments and analyses as properties of the text, as opposed to the property of authors, I am invoking a nonownership notion of property. Insofar as we think of texts as "owned" by authors, we not only assume that authors are directly responsible for them (in contrast to how we think of folklore, family stories, or conversations that we recognize as shaped by situations and relationships), but that they are privy to all the texts' meanings. Insofar as we focus on properties of texts as opposed to texts as properties of authors, we dispossess authorial intentions, for example, and highlight the internal workings of the text and its various engagements of readers. 48. Greg Myers, "The Pragmatics of Politeness in Scientific Articles," Applied Linguistics 10, no. 1 (1989): 4.
63. A topic that I do not address here is the role of peer review in troubling or maintaining academic "gentlemanly" privilege.
64. American Educational Research Journal 40, no. 1 (2003).
65. According to APA guidelines, the first textual reference to a work having fewer than six authors must include the last names of all the authors; for any work having more than two authors, subsequent citations are to be shortened to "First author et al.," (see APA, 208).
66. If one is the seventh contributor, authorship becomes altogether invisible in citations. According to the APA Manual, if a text has up to six authors, all are to be named in the reference list, but "any remaining authors" must be shortened to "et al.," (APA, 209).
67. Carol D. Lee, "Why We Need to Re-Think Race and Ethnicity in Educational Research," Educational Researcher 32, no. 5 (2003): 3.
68. In an interesting departure from this pattern, Nobel-prize-winning scientists "often abide by the standard of noblesse oblige" and "give co-workers an enlarged share of the credit" by placing others' names ahead of their own. Because of their prominence, however, Nobel laureates are nevertheless likely to be credited with primary authorship by readers: ignoring the published author order, other scientists may refer to "'X and his collaborators' when [laureate] X is listed third or fourth in a long list of names." Harriet A. Zuckerman, "Patterns of Name Ordering Among Authors of Scientific Papers: A Study of Social Symbolism and Its Ambiguity," American Journal of Sociology 74, no. 3 (1968): 284, 278.
69. Don Spiegel and Patricia Keith-Spiegel, "Assignment of Publication Credits: Ethics and Practices of Psychologists," American Psychologist 25, no. 8 (1970): 741.
70. Ibid., 747.
71. A Chicana anthropologist studying Chicanas, for example, may find herself complicit in colonizing practices despite her liberatory intentions. Sofia Villenas, "The Colonizer/Colonized Chicana Ethnographer: Identity, Marginalization, and Co-optation in the Field," Harvard Educational Review 66, no. 4 (1996): 711-731.
72. The journal accepted her argument. Nevertheless, it is significant that she had to defend her decision. When I checked with my friend to ask about using this story and including her name, she said to use the story but not her name. The institutional upshot is that I myself, as recounter of the story, am now positioned as "owner" of the narrative. Indeed, even if I had given her name, she would be cited as (say) "(López in Thompson, 2003)." Unless my friend later tells her story in print herself, the institutional conventions of citation position me as co-owner if not owner of her narrative.
73. "Because they do not provide recoverable data, personal communications" - which include what the APA Manual calls "casual" as opposed to "scholarly" forums, such as conversations, letters, "e-mail or messages from nonarchived discussion groups," and memos - are noted in the text but "are not included in the reference list" (APA, 214).
74. Douglas Vipond, "Problems with a Monolithic APA Style," American Psychologist 51, no. 6 (1996): 653.
75. The term "incremental encyclopedism" is from Bazerman, Shaping Written Knowledge, 261, 273-275.
76. Charcot, quoted in Robert Merton, "The Ambivalence of Scientists," in Sociological Ambivalence and Other Essays (New York: Free Press, 1976), 37.
77. Jones, quoted in Merton, "The Ambivalence of Scientists," 37;
78. and Barber and Merton, reported in Merton, "The Ambivalence of Scientists," 38.
79. For overviews of citation studies, see Jonathan R. Cole, "A Short History of the Use of Citations as a Measure of the Impact of Scientific and Scholarly Work," in The Web of Knowledge: A Festschrift in Honor of Eugene Garfield, eds. Blaise Cronin and Helen Barsky Atkins (Melford, New Jersey: Information Today, 2000), 281-300;
80. and John Swales, "Citation Analysis and Discourse Analysis," Applied Linguistics 7, no. 1 (1986): 39-56.
81. Studies of gender bias in citations have come from outside the field. See, for example, Marianne A. Ferber, "Citations: Are They an Objective Measure of Scholarly Merit?" Signs 11, no. 2 (1986): 381-389;
82. and Catherine Lutz, "The Erasure of Women's Writing in Sociocultural Anthropology," American Ethnologist 17, no. 4 (1990): 611-627. I am not aware of any formal studies of race bias in citation practices, although many scholars have pointed to its existence.
83. Octavio Villalpando and Dolores Delgado Bernal, "A Critical Race Theory Analysis of Barriers that Impede the Success of Faculty of Color," in The Racial Crisis in American Higher Education: Continuing Challenges for the Twenty-First Century, rev. ed., eds. William A. Smith, Philip G. Altbach, and Kofi Lomotey (Albany: SUNY Press, 2002), 258. Also see Matsuda, "Affirmative Action and Legal Knowledge."
84. Some breathtaking insights into the everyday workings of whiteness are captured in black anthropologist John Langston Gwaltney's Drylongso: A Self-Portrait of Black America (New York: Vintage, 1980).
85. Bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1990), 11.
86. Elizabeth Ellsworth, Teaching Positions: Difference, Pedagogy, and the Power of Address (New York: Teachers College Press, 1997), 22, 28-29.
87. Ariel Dorfman, The Empire's Old Clothes: What the Lone Ranger, Babar, and Other Innocent Heroes Do to Our Minds (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983), 140.
88. Vipond, "Elements of APA Style," 60.
89. APA, Publication Manual, 4th ed., xxiii. It is worth noting that this custom is actually recently minted. Earlier in the twentieth century, psychologists commonly produced polemics, narratives, philosophical inquiries, and other nonstandardized forms of scholarship (SWK, 268-270). Perhaps in recognition of its role in explaining and defending as well as policing usage, the claim that the APA Manual does not impose style requirements but merely reflects existing practice has been removed from the fifth edition.
90. Dorothy Smith, The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1987), 19.
91. Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990), 17.
92. Not all counterstories highlight oppression or lack of privilege; some highlight alternative values and assumptions. See, for example, Octavio Villalpando, "Self-Segregation or Self-Preservation? A Critical Race Theory and Latina/o Critical Theory Analysis of a Study of Chicana/o College Students," International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 16, no. 5 (2003): 619-645.
93. Patricia J. Williams, "The Death of the Profane," in The Alchemy of Race and Rights (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 44-51. Melissa Moreno made this point in a class presentation during the spring of 2001.
94. Kelley Blewster, "Tribal Visions," Biblio 4, no. 3 (1999): 28.
95. APA, Publication Manual, 4th ed., 69.
96. Lourdes Torres, "The Construction of the Self in U.S. Latina Autobiographies," in Women, Knowledge, and Reality: Explorations in Feminist Philosophy, 2d ed., eds. Ann Garry and Marilyn Pearsall (New York: Routledge, 1996), 133.
97. Ibid., 130.
98. Stephanie M. Wildman, "Reflections on Whiteness and Latina/o Critical Theory," Harvard Latino Law Review 2, no. 1 (1997): 311.
99. Paulette M. Caldwell, "A Hair Piece: Perspectives on the Intersection of Race and Gender," in Critical Race Feminism: A Reader, ed. Wing, 298.
100. Judith Martin, Miss Manners' Guide to Excruciatingly Correct Behavior (New York: Atheneum, 1982), 55. Institutional etiquette tends to be used against those who trouble the status quo. Cris Mayo offers an insightful discussion of these dynamics in "The Binds That Tie: Civility and Social Difference," Educational Theory 52, no. 2 (2002), 169-186.
101. APA, Publication Manual, 4th ed., xxvi. Although this statement does not appear in the fifth edition, the latter edition subscribes to the same principles as the fourth edition.
102. Laura Z. Hobson, Gentleman's Agreement: A Novel (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1947), 186.
103. Madigan, Johnson, and Linton further note that, whereas literary critics might describe a rival as "'truculently persist[ing] in crediting the discredited,"' the APA Manual discourages such personalization of differences (LP, 431).
104. Dreama Moon, "White Enculturation and Bourgeois Ideology: The Discursive Production of 'Good (White) Girls,"' in Whiteness: The Communication of Social Identity, eds. Thomas K. Nakayama and Judith N. Martin (Thousand Oaks, California: Sage, 1999), 183.
105. Hobson, Gentleman's Agreement, 262.
106. Harris, "Race and Essentialism in Feminist Legal Theory," 13. The MacKinnon article to which Harris refers was published in Chicago footnote format.
107. Ibid., 14.
108. Carl Gutiérrez-Jones, Critical Race Narratives: A Study of Race, Rhetoric, and Injury (New York: New York University Press, 2001), 74.
109. Ibid., 75.