AHR forum. A virtual nation: Greater Britain and the imperial legacy of the American Revolution

American Historical Review

Volumn 104, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 476-489

  Gould, Eliga H ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE   (United States)

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EID: 33750559382     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2650376     Document Type: Review

References (182)

1. Tom Nairn, The Break-up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nationalism (London, 1977).
2. Nairn's conclusions about the weakness of a common British national consciousness find strong support in Benedict Anderson's now classic formulation, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. edn. (New York, 1991), esp. 2.
3. J. G. A. Pocock, "British History: A Plea for a New Subject," Journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 601-28;
4. Pocock, "The Limits and Divisions of British History: In Search of the Unknown Subject," AHR 87 (April 1982): 311-36.
5. See also David Cannadine, "British History: Past, Present - and Future?" Past and Present 141 (1987).
6. For an indication of how the interest in British history has continued to grow, see Margot Finn, "Editor's Introduction," Journal of British Studies 36 (1997): 1-3.
7. No doubt one reason for this interest is the more general interest in transnational history: see John R. Gillis, "The Future of European History," Perspectives 34 (April 1996),
8. as well as J. C. D. Clark's suggestive essay, "The Strange Death of British History? Reflections on Anglo-American Scholarship," Historical Journal 40 (1997): 787-809.
9. Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven, Conn., 1992).
10. Leigh Eric Schmidt, Holy Fairs: Scottish Communions and American Revivals in the Early Modern Period (Princeton, N.J., 1989);
11. Michael J. Crawford, Seasons of Grace: Colonial New England's Revival Tradition in its British Context (Oxford, 1991).
12. See also W. R. Ward, The Protestant Evangelical Revival (Cambridge, 1992);
13. Mark A. Noll, et al., eds., Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies in Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1700-1900 (Oxford, 1994),
14. especially the essays by Susan O'Brien, "Eighteenth-Century Publishing Networks in the First Years of Transatlantic Evangelicalism,"
15. Harry S. Stout, "George Whitefield in Three Countries,"
16. Leigh E. Schmidt, "Time, Celebration, and the Christian Year in Eighteenth-Century Evangelicalism."
17. Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1986);
18. Ian K. Steele, The English Atlantic, 1675-1740: An Exploration of Communication and Community (New York, 1986);
19. David Hancock, Citizens of the World: London Merchants and the Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735-1785 (Cambridge, 1995).
20. For a perceptive account of how this commercial integration affected the movement of information, see also Charles E. Clark, The Public Prints: The Newspaper in Anglo-American Culture, 1665-1740 (Oxford, 1994).
21. J. G. A. Pocock, "1776: The Revolution against Parliament," in Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History: Essays on Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1985), 74-75, 85-88;
22. Ian R. Christie, Stress and Stability in Late Eighteenth-Century Britain: Reflections on the British Avoidance of Revolution (Oxford, 1984);
23. Stephen Conway, The War of American Independence, 1775-1783 (London, 1995), esp. 235-38.
24. The revolution performs a similar service for Colley in Britons (see esp. 144-45); see also T. H. Breen's suggestive essay, "Ideology and Nationalism on the Eve of the American Revolution: Revisions Once More in Need of Revising," Journal of American History 84 (1997): 13-39, in which he reverses this relationship by tying the revolution's origins to the colonists' own disillusionment over being excluded from Britain's increasingly unified sense of nationhood.
25. See esp. Linda Colley, "The Politics of Eighteenth-Century British History," Journal of British Studies 25 (1986): 359.
26. See Eliga H. Gould, "American Independence and Britain's Counter-Revolution," Past and Present 154 (February 1997): 107-41;
27. Gould, The Persistence of Empire: British Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, N.C., forthcoming).
28. For general work on the British Empire before, during, and after the revolution, see also Jack P. Greene, Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Polities of the British Empire and the United States, 1607-1788 (Athens, Ga., 1986), esp. chaps. 1-4 and 9;
29. Greene, "Negotiated Authorities: The Problem of Governance in the Extended Polities of the Early Modern Atlantic World," in Greene, Negotiated Authorities: Essays in Colonial Political and Constitutional History (Charlottesville, Va., 1994), 12-17;
30. C. A. Bayly, Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World, 1780-1830 (London, 1989);
31. P. J. Marshall, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 2: The Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1998);
32. Neil Longley York, Neither Kingdom nor Nation: The Irish Quest for Constitutional Rights, 1698-1800 (Washington, D.C., 1994), esp. chap. 3;
33. Andrew J. O'Shaughnessy, "The Stamp Act Crisis in the British Caribbean," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 51 (1994): 203-26;
34. Elizabeth Mancke, "Another British America: A Canadian Model for the Early Modern British Empire," Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 25 (1997): 1-36.
35. Colley, Britons, 5.
36. Though Colley's formulation is by far the best known, it is certainly not the only one, nor was it the first. See also Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley, Calif., 1975);
37. Angus Calder, Revolutionary Empire: The Rise of the English-Speaking Empires from the Fifteenth Century to the 1780s (London, 1981);
38. Richard S. Tompson, The Atlantic Archipelago: A Political History of the British Isles (Lewiston, N.Y., 1986).
39. Despite the English focus of its title, John Brewer's Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1689-1783 (New York, 1989) also has a good deal to say about the growth of Britain.
40. See, for example, John Brewer, "Commercialization and Politics," in Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England (Indianapolis, 1982), 231-62;
41. John Brewer and Roy Porter, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1993);
42. Christine Gerrard, The Patriot Opposition to Walpole: Politics, Poetry, and National Myth, 1725-1742 (Oxford, 1994);
43. Kathleen Wilson, The Sense of the People: Politics, Culture and Imperialism in England, 1715-1785 (Cambridge, 1995);
44. Ruth Smith, Handel's Oratorios and Eighteenth-Century Thought (Cambridge, 1995);
45. J. R. Oldfield, Popular Politics and British Anti-Slavery: The Mobilisation of Public Opinion against the Slave Trade, 1787-1807 (Manchester, 1995).
46. T. H. Breen, "An Empire of Goods: The Anglicization of Colonial America, 1690-1776," Journal of British Studies 25 (1986): 467-499.
47. See also T. H. Breen, "'Baubles of Britain': The American and Consumer Revolutions of the Eighteenth Century," Past and Present 119 (1988): 73-104.
48. John Clive and Bernard Bailyn, "England's Cultural Provinces: Scotland and America," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 11 (1954): 200-15.
49. See also T. C. Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 1560-1830 (London, 1969), chaps. 10, 12, 15, 19;
50. Smout, "Where Had the Scottish Economy Got to by the Third Quarter of the Eighteenth Century?" in Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff, eds., Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1983), 45-72;
51. Nicholas T. Phillipson, "Culture and Society in the Eighteenth-Century Province: The Case of Edinburgh and the Scottish Enlightenment," in Lawrence Stone, ed., The University in Society, 2 vols. (Princeton, N.J., 1974), 2: 407-48.
52. Ned C. Landsman, Scotland and Its First American Colony, 1683-1765 (Princeton, N.J., 1985);
53. David Armitage, "Making the Empire British: Scotland in the Atlantic World, 1542-1707," Past and Present 155 (May 1997): 34-63.
54. For the continuation of this pattern into the eighteenth century, see Bailyn, Voyagers to the West,
55. as well as Ned Landsmen's contribution to this Forum, "Nation, Migration, and the Province in the First British Empire: Scotland and the Americas, 1600-1800," 463-75.
56. Philip Jenkins, The Making of a Ruling Class: The Glamorgan Gentry, 1640-1790 (Cambridge, 1983);
57. S. J. Connolly, Religion, Law and Power: The Making of Protestant Ireland, 1660-1760 (Oxford, 1992);
58. Connolly, "Varieties of Britishness: Ireland, Scotland and Wales in the Hanoverian State," in Alexander Grant and Keith J. Stringer, eds., Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History (London, 1995), 193-208.
59. For the relationship between Anglicization and elite formation, see also David Cannadine, "The Making of the British Upper Classes," in Cannadine, Aspects of Aristocracy: Grandeur and Decline in Modern Britain (New Haven, Conn., 1994).
60. The literature dealing with the colonies' multi-cultural character is discussed in greater detail below.
61. For the Anglicization of colonial America generally, see Breen, "Empire of Goods," 467-99;
62. "'Baubles of Britain,'" 73-104;
63. John M. Murrin, "The Legal Transformation: The Bench and Bar of Eighteenth-Century Massachusetts," in Stanley N. Katz, ed., Colonial America: Essays in Politics and Social Development (Boston, 1971), 415-49;
64. Richard L. Bushman, "American High Style and Vernacular Cultures," in Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole, eds., Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era (Baltimore, Md., 1984), 345-83;
65. Greens, Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1988), esp. chap. 8.
66. See esp. Jack P. Greene, "An Uneasy Connection: An Analysis of the Preconditions of the American Revolution," in Stephen G. Kurtz and James H. Hutson, eds., Essays on the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1973);
67. Greene, "The Seven Years' War and the American Revolution: The Causal Relationship Reconsidered," Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 8 (1980): 85-105.
68. For an indication of the extent of this loyalty, note the high rates of colonial participation in Britain's wars with France in Fred Anderson, A People's Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years' War (Chapel Hill, 1984).
69. This is one implication of Richard L. Bushman's Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), esp. pt. 2.
70. See also Hancock, Citizens of the World, 386-88;
71. Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, "Wheels, Looms, and the Gender Division of Labor in Eighteenth-Century New England," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 55 (1998): 3-38.
72. "Anecdotes of the Negotiations," in The Whitefoord Papers: Being the Correspondence and Other Manuscripts of Colonel Charles Whitefoord and Caleb Whitefoord from 1739 to 1810, W. A. S. Hewins, ed. (Oxford, 1898), 187.
73. [Thomas Whately], The Regulations Lately Made concerning the Colonies, and the Taxes Imposed upon Them, considered (London, 1765), 109.
74. See also Gould, Persistence of Empire, esp. chap. 4.
75. John Wilkes to Junius, November 6, 1771, British Library, Add. MSS. 30, 881, 27. The literature on the British "friends of America" is too voluminous to mention in full here, but see esp. Wilson, Sense of the People, 237-83;
76. Colin Bonwick, English Radicals and the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1977);
77. John Sainsbury, Disaffected Patriots: London Supporters of Revolutionary America, 1769-1782 (Kingston, Ontario, 1987);
78. Peter N. Miller, Defining the Common Good: Empire, Religion and Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge, 1994), chap. 4.
79. See J. R. Pole, Political Representation in England and the Origins of the American Republic (New York, 1966);
80. Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1967);
81. Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1969);
82. Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution: Colonial Radicals and the Development of American Opposition to Britain, 1765-1776 (New York, 1972);
83. J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, N.J., 1975);
84. Forrest McDonald, Novus Ordo Seclorum: The Intellectual Origins of the Constitution (Lawrence, Kan., 1985).
85. See esp. Gould, "American Independence and Britain's Counter-Revolution," 107-41;
86. P. J. Marshall, "A Nation Defined by Empire, 1755-1776," in Grant and Stringer, Uniting the Kingdom, 208-22.
87. Sir William Blackstone accorded the Treaty of Union the status of fundamental law, observing that any violation of the articles pertaining to the Scottish Church would "greatly endanger" its duration: Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England (1765-1769), Stanley Katz, et al., eds., 4 vols. (Chicago, 1979), 1: 97-98.
88. See also Brian P. Levack, The Formation of the British State: England, Scotland and the Union, 1603-1707 (Oxford, 1987);
89. John Robertson, "Union, State and Empire: The European Context of British Union in 1707," in Lawrence Stone, ed., An Imperial State at War: Britain from 1689 to 1815 (London, 1994).
90. See Greene, Peripheries and Center, esp. chaps. 2-7;
91. H. G. Koenigsberger, "Composite States, Representative Institutions and the American Revolution," Historical Research 62 (1989).
92. For the relationship between the administration of Bengal and British politics, see esp. H. V. Bowen, Revenue and Reform: The Indian Problem in British Politics, 1757-1773 (Cambridge, 1991).
93. See also Lucy S. Sutherland, The East India Company in Eighteenth-Century Politics (Oxford, 1952);
94. P. J. Marshall, Bengal - The British Bridgehead: Eastern India, 1740-1828 (Cambridge, 1987);
95. Philip Lawson, The East India Company: A History (London, 1993), esp. chap. 6;
96. Nancy F. Koehn, The Power of Commerce: Economy and Governance in the First British Empire (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994), esp. 132-38, 200-17.
97. For the relationship between Britain's structure as a composite monarchy and the empire's multi-ethnic character, see the editors' introduction in Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Strangers within the Realm: Cultural Margins of the First British Empire (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1991), 1-31;
98. Edward Countryman, "Indians, the Colonial Order, and the Social Significance of the American Revolution," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 53 (1996): 342-62.
99. Robert J. Allison, ed., The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, Written by Himself (1789; Boston, 1995).
100. For the typicality of Equiano's experience, see Philip D. Morgan, "British Encounters with Africans and African-Americans," in Bailyn and Morgan, Strangers within the Realm, 157-219.
101. For Africans and African-Americans in the English-speaking Atlantic generally, see Mechal Sobel, The World They Made Together: Black and White Values in Eighteenth-Century Virginia (Princeton, N.J., 1987);
102. Sylvia R. Frey, Water from the Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age (Princeton, 1991);
103. Ira Berlin, "From Creole to African: Atlantic Creoles and the Origins of African-American Society in Mainland North America," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 53 (1996): 251-88;
104. W. Jeffrey Bolster, Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the Age of Sail (Cambridge, Mass., 1997).
105. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650- 1815 (Cambridge, 1991);
106. Eric Hinderaker, "The 'Four Indian Kings' and the Imaginative Construction of the First British Empire," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 53 (1996): 487-526;
107. Colin G. Calloway, Crown and Calumet: British-Indian Relations, 1783-1815 (Norman, Okla., 1987).
108. It is worth noting that this diminishing tolerance for difference also held for native peoples living in areas of European settlement. See James H. Merrell, "'The Customes of Our Countrey': Indians and Colonists in Early America," in Bailyn and Morgan, Strangers within the Realm, 117-56.
109. The primacy of Britain's religious divisions is the subject of J. C. D. Clark, The Language of Liberty, 1660-1832: Political Discourse and Social Dynamics in the Anglo-American World (Cambridge, 1994).
110. As Jon Butler points out, evangelicals were often less opposed to the perpetuation of clerical and denominational authority than historians have sometimes supposed: see Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith: Christianizing the American People (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 164-93.
111. But for the awakenings' tendencies toward comprehension, see Susan O'Brien, "A Transatlantic Community of Saints: The Great Awakening and the First Evangelical Network, 1735-1755," AHR 91 (October 1986): 811-32;
112. Ward, Protestant Evangelical Revival;
113. Timothy D. Hall, Contested Boundaries: Itinerancy and the Reshaping of the Colonial American Religious World (Durham, N.C., 1994).
114. Clive and Bailyn, "England's Cultural Provinces," 210-13.
115. The Anglicization of Scottish historiography is the subject of Colin Kidd's Subverting Scotland's Past: Scottish Whig Historians and the Creation of an Anglo-British Identity 1689-c.1830 (Cambridge, 1993).
116. For the Ossian myth as a response to these homogenizing tendencies, see Richard B. Sher, Church and University in the Scottish Enlightenment: The Moderate Literati of Edinburgh (Princeton, N.J., 1985), chap. 6;
117. John Robertson, The Scottish Enlightenment and the Militia Issue (Edinburgh, 1985), 104, 238.
118. Similar romantic revivals occurred elsewhere in Britain during the later eighteenth century: see P. Morgan, "From a Death to a View: The Hunt for the Welsh Past in the Romantic Period," in E. J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983);
119. N. Vance, "Celts, Carthaginians and Constitutions: Anglo-Irish Literary Relations, 1780-1820," Irish Historical Studies 22 (1981).
120. Greene, Peripheries and Center, chaps. 6-7.
121. See also J. G. A. Pocock, "States, Republics and Empires: The American Founding in Early Modern Perspective," in Terence Ball and Pocock, eds., Conceptual Change and the Constitution (Lawrence, Kan., 1988), 55-77;
122. Pocock, "Empire, State and Confederation: The War of American Independence as a Crisis in Multiple Monarchy," in John Robertson, ed., A Union for Empire: Political Thought and the British Union of 1707 (Cambridge, 1995), 333-45.
123. J. C. Beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland, 1603-1923 (London, 1966), 215-26;
124. York, Neither Kingdom nor Nation, chaps. 3-4;
125. Thomas Bartlett, "'A People Made Rather for Copies Than Originals': The Anglo-Irish, 1760-1800," International History Review 12 (1990): 11-25;
126. James Kelly, Prelude to Union: Anglo-Irish Politics in the 1780s (Cork, 1992).
127. P. J. Marshall, "The Whites of British India, 1780-1830: A Failed Colonial Society?" International History Review 12 (1990): 30-31.
128. For the domestic crises of 1780-1784 generally, see Herbert Butterfield, George III, Lord North and the People, 1779-80 (London, 1949);
129. Ian Christie, Wilkes, Wyvill and Reform: The Parliamentary Reform Movement, 1760-1785 (London, 1962);
130. Philip Harling, The Waning of "Old Corruption": The Politics of Economical Reform in Britain, 1779-1846 (Oxford, 1996).
131. Despite the merits of each of these works, there is a pressing need for a study that takes into account the British and imperial dimensions of these events. For an indication of the possibilities of such an approach, see Wilson, Sense of the People;
132. Gould, Persistence of Empire, chap. 5;
133. David Armitage, "A Patriot for Whom? The Afterlives of Bolingbroke's Patriot King," Journal of British Studies 36 (1997): 397-418.
134. Josiah Tucker, A Treatise Concerning Civil Government, in Three Parts (London, 1781), 250.
135. Tucker's early endorsement of American independence made him somewhat unusual, but a growing number of British thinkers were inclined to agree. For the reassessment of imperialism during the final quarter of the eighteenth century, see Miller, Defining the Common Good, chap. 6 and conclusion;
136. Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France, c. 1500-c. 1800 (New Haven, Conn., 1995);
137. Bernard Semmel, The Liberal Ideal and the Demons of Empire: Theories of Imperialism from Adam Smith to Lenin (Baltimore, Md., 1993), chaps. 2-4.
138. Bayly, Imperial Meridian, 116-121.
139. See also P. J. Marshall, "Empire and Authority in the Later Eighteenth Century," Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 15 (1987): 105-22;
140. David Milobar, "Conservative Ideology, Metropolitan Government and the Reform of Quebec, 1782-1791," International History Review 12 (1990): 45-64;
141. P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism, Vol. 1: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London, 1993), 96-98.
142. P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, "The Political Economy of British Expansion Overseas, 1750-1914," Economic History Review, 2d ser., 33 (1980);
143. Michael Greenberg, British Trade and the Opening of China, 1800-1842 (Cambridge, 1951);
144. D. C. M. Platt, Latin America and British Trade, 1806-1914 (London, 1972).
145. For a perceptive account of Seeley's work and general influence, see the introduction to Bailyn and Morgan, Strangers within the Realm, 1-2.
146. As the editors note, the lectures remained continuously in print until 1956, the year of the Suez Crisis. See also Peter Burroughs, "John Robert Seeley and British Imperial History," Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 1 (1973): 191-211;
147. Deborah Wormell, Sir John Seeley and the Uses of History (Cambridge, 1980); and David Armitage's contribution to this Forum.
148. J. R. Seeley, The Expansion of England: Two Courses of Lectures (1883; rpt. edn., Boston, 1900), 11-17, 54-60. Significantly, Seeley was convinced that India would eventually achieve independence.
149. Seeley, Expansion of England, 17.
150. Because of the theoretical breadth of its powers, Parliament could not actually "destroy" its sovereignty on this score; still, the British tended to act as though it had. For the significance of the Declaratory Act of 1778, see Gould, Persistence of Empire, chap. 6;
151. Frederick Madden with David Fieldhouse, eds., Select Documents on the Constitutional History of the British Empire and Commonwealth, 4 vols. (Westport, Conn., 1985-), 2: 592, 611.
152. The Constitutional History of England: A Course of Lectures Delivered by F. W. Maitland, H. A. L. Fisher, ed. (1908; rpt. edn., London, 1963), 339-41. Among the laws that Maitland specifically mentioned were revenue measures like the ones that had caused the American Revolution.
153. For the divergent responses to abolitionism in Britain and the United States, see esp. David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770-1823 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1975).
154. For British antislavery, see also Colley, Britons, 350-60;
155. Oldfield, Popular Politics and British Anti-Slavery.
156. British reform in India was often as high-minded as imperial repression: see Eric T. Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India (Oxford, 1959);
157. Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture, 1865-1915 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1994).
158. For similarities in the tendencies of British reform in Africa, see Susan Pedersen, "National Bodies, Unspeakable Acts: The Sexual Politics of Colonial Policy-Making," Journal of Modern History 63 (1991).
159. The classic formulation is J. Gallagher and R. E. Robinson, "The Imperialism of Free Trade," Economic History Review, 2d ser., 6 (1953).
160. For Hopkins and Cain's partial revision and revival, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, "Gentlemanly Capitalism and British Expansion Overseas, I: The Old Colonial System, 1688-1850," Economic History Review, 2d ser., 39 (1986);
161. Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, 1: 7-17.
162. P. J. Marshall, "Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century: I, Reshaping the Empire," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 8 (1998): 16.
163. See also A. J. Stockwell, "Power, Authority, and Freedom," in P. J. Marshall, ed., The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire (Cambridge, 1996), 161-63;
164. Tapan Raychaudhuri, "British Rule in India: An Assessment," in Marshall, Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, 361.
165. Seeley, for one, believed that Britain's best chance for preserving its empire was "to do what the United States does so easily, that is hold together in a federal union countries very remote from each other" (Expansion of England, 18-19).
166. For Canada's role in the creation of this "imperial federalist" paradigm, see esp. John Kendle, Federal Britain: A History (London, 1997), chap. 2.
167. See also Chester Martin, Empire and Commonwealth: Studies in Governance and Self-Government in Canada (Oxford, 1929);
168. W. H. Nelson, "The Last Hopes of the American Loyalists," Canadian Historical Review 32 (1951): 22-42.
169. The literature on Ireland under the Union is enormous, but see Tom Corfe, The Phoenix Park Murders: Conflict, Compromise and Tragedy in Ireland, 1879-1882 (London, 1968);
170. M. J. Winstanley, Ireland and the Land Question, 1800-1922 (London, 1984);
171. V. G. Kiernan, "The Emergence of a Nation," in C. H. E. Philpin, ed., Nationalism and Popular Protest in Ireland (Cambridge, 1987), 16-49.
172. The literature on subaltern and postcolonial theory is far too extensive to do more than mention in brief here, but for the unintended, often self-subverting effects of British cultural imperialism, see Terence Ranger, "The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa," in Hobsbawm and Ranger, Invention of Tradition, 211-62;
173. Homi K. Bhabha, "Signs Taken for Wonders: Questions of Ambivalence and Authority under a Tree outside Delhi, May 1817," Critical Inquiry 12 (1985): 144-65;
174. Paul S. Landau, The Realm of the Word: Language, Gender and Christianity in a Southern African Kingdom (Portsmouth, N.H., 1995).
175. Samuel Hynes, The Edwardian Turn of Mind (Princeton, N.J., 1968), esp. chap. 2;
176. John Turner, "Letting Go: The Conservative Party and the End of the Union with Ireland," in Grant and Stringer, Uniting the Kingdom, 255-74.
177. See also Angela Woollacott, "'All This Is the Empire, I Told Myself': Australian Women's Voyages 'Home' and the Articulation of Colonial Whiteness," AHR 102 (October 1997): 1003-29.
178. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 2.
179. See, for example, John Morrill's suggestive remarks about the continuing "ambiguity" and "incompleteness" of British history in his introduction to the volume that he co-edited with Brendan Bradshaw, The British Problem, c. 1534-1707: State Formation in the Atlantic Archipelago (London, 1996), 38.
180. See also J. H. Burns, "Ex Uno Plura? The British Experience," in J. C. Boogman and G. N. van der Plaat, eds., Federalism: History and Current Significance of a Form of Government (The Hague, 1980), 189-216;
181. Alexander Grant and Keith Stringer, "Introduction: The Enigma of British History," in Grant and Stringer, Uniting the Kingdom, 3-11.
182. The interpretive possibilities of broadening the study of Anglo-American history to include the Civil War are evident in Kevin Phillips, The Cousins' Wars: Religion, Politics, and the Triumph of Anglo-America (New York, 1999).