Another British America: A Canadian model for the early modern British empire

Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History

Volumn 25, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 1-36

  Mancke, Elizabeth ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF AKRON   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0031288065     PISSN: 03086534     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/03086539708582991     Document Type: Article

References (213)

1. 1. Jack P. Greene and J.R. Pole, 'Reconstructing British-American Colonial History: An Introduction', in Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of The Early Modern Era (Baltimore, 1984), 1-17; Jack P. Greene, 'Interpretive Frameworks: The Quest for Intellectual Order in Early American History', William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., 48 (1991), 515-30; and Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan (eds.), Strangers Within the Realm: The Cultural Margins of the First British Empire (Chapel Hill, N.C. and London, 1991).
2. 1. Jack P. Greene and J.R. Pole, 'Reconstructing British-American Colonial History: An Introduction', in Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of The Early Modern Era (Baltimore, 1984), 1-17; Jack P. Greene, 'Interpretive Frameworks: The Quest for Intellectual Order in Early American History', William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., 48 (1991), 515-30; and Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan (eds.), Strangers Within the Realm: The Cultural Margins of the First British Empire (Chapel Hill, N.C. and London, 1991).
3. 1. Jack P. Greene and J.R. Pole, 'Reconstructing British-American Colonial History: An Introduction', in Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of The Early Modern Era (Baltimore, 1984), 1-17; Jack P. Greene, 'Interpretive Frameworks: The Quest for Intellectual Order in Early American History', William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., 48 (1991), 515-30; and Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan (eds.), Strangers Within the Realm: The Cultural Margins of the First British Empire (Chapel Hill, N.C. and London, 1991).
4. 2. J.G.A. Pocock, 'British History: A Plea for a New Subject', Journal of Modern History, 47 (1975), 601-28. For the impact of the American perspective on post-1783 British North America see Phillip Buckner, 'Whatever happened to the British Empire?', Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 4 (1993), 3-32.
5. 2. J.G.A. Pocock, 'British History: A Plea for a New Subject', Journal of Modern History, 47 (1975), 601-28. For the impact of the American perspective on post-1783 British North America see Phillip Buckner, 'Whatever happened to the British Empire?', Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 4 (1993), 3-32.
6. 3. From the 1530s to 1867 the term Canada referred to the area along the St. Lawrence River and the Great Lakes. 'Canada' was also used in various ways as a political label for all or part of that area, for example, Lower Canada, Upper Canada, Canada East, Canada West, and the Canadas. After 1867, 'Canada' was used for the dominion and 'the Canadas' became known as Quebec and Ontario.
7. 4. These characterizations of British America may jar readers conditioned to interpreting British claims in terms of occupied areas. If there were no British traders or settlers within a thousand miles of the Rocky Mountains, can one say British territory stretched that far? From the perspective of settler colonies, no. But from the perspective of the state, yes. Britain's claim to the entire Hudson Bay watershed was acknowledged in international negotiations in the same way that Spanish claims to the western half of North America were acknowledged. Sparse or non-existent European occupation encouraged rival occupation, as happened in Alaska, the Pacific Northwest, and southwest Rupert's Land, and which often provoked state response because the claims were taken seriously.
8. 5. R. Cole Harris, 'The Pattern of Early Canada', The Canadian Geographer/Le géographe canadien, 31, 4 (1987), 290-8; and idem, 'European Beginnings in the Northwest Atlantic: A Comparative View', in David D. Hall and David Grayson Allen (eds.), Seventeenth-Century New England (Boston, 1984), 119-52.
9. 5. R. Cole Harris, 'The Pattern of Early Canada', The Canadian Geographer/Le géographe canadien, 31, 4 (1987), 290-8; and idem, 'European Beginnings in the Northwest Atlantic: A Comparative View', in David D. Hall and David Grayson Allen (eds.), Seventeenth-Century New England (Boston, 1984), 119-52.
10. 6. R. Cole Harris (ed.), 'Preface', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.1, From the Beginning to 1800 (Toronto, 1987), n.p., acknowledges that 'the volume has tended to confirm Harold Innis's general insights, if rarely his more specific contentions'. See in particular, Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (rev. ed. Toronto, 1952), 383-402. A generation of historians elaborated Innis's argument as the 'Laurentian', 'staples', and 'metropolitan' theses. One of its most elegant, though problematic, expressions is Donald Creighton's The Commercial Empire of the St. Lawrence (2nd ed. Toronto, 1956). Many Canadian historians eschewed overarching theories about Canadian history because of the distortions created by Innis's staples thesis and its elaborations; see, Carl Berger, The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing since 1900 (2nd. ed. Toronto, 1986), 96-100, 259-320.
11. 6. R. Cole Harris (ed.), 'Preface', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.1, From the Beginning to 1800 (Toronto, 1987), n.p., acknowledges that 'the volume has tended to confirm Harold Innis's general insights, if rarely his more specific contentions'. See in particular, Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (rev. ed. Toronto, 1952), 383-402. A generation of historians elaborated Innis's argument as the 'Laurentian', 'staples', and 'metropolitan' theses. One of its most elegant, though problematic, expressions is Donald Creighton's The Commercial Empire of the St. Lawrence (2nd ed. Toronto, 1956). Many Canadian historians eschewed overarching theories about Canadian history because of the distortions created by Innis's staples thesis and its elaborations; see, Carl Berger, The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing since 1900 (2nd. ed. Toronto, 1986), 96-100, 259-320.
12. 6. R. Cole Harris (ed.), 'Preface', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.1, From the Beginning to 1800 (Toronto, 1987), n.p., acknowledges that 'the volume has tended to confirm Harold Innis's general insights, if rarely his more specific contentions'. See in particular, Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (rev. ed. Toronto, 1952), 383-402. A generation of historians elaborated Innis's argument as the 'Laurentian', 'staples', and 'metropolitan' theses. One of its most elegant, though problematic, expressions is Donald Creighton's The Commercial Empire of the St. Lawrence (2nd ed. Toronto, 1956). Many Canadian historians eschewed overarching theories about Canadian history because of the distortions created by Innis's staples thesis and its elaborations; see, Carl Berger, The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing since 1900 (2nd. ed. Toronto, 1986), 96-100, 259-320.
13. 6. R. Cole Harris (ed.), 'Preface', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.1, From the Beginning to 1800 (Toronto, 1987), n.p., acknowledges that 'the volume has tended to confirm Harold Innis's general insights, if rarely his more specific contentions'. See in particular, Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (rev. ed. Toronto, 1952), 383-402. A generation of historians elaborated Innis's argument as the 'Laurentian', 'staples', and 'metropolitan' theses. One of its most elegant, though problematic, expressions is Donald Creighton's The Commercial Empire of the St. Lawrence (2nd ed. Toronto, 1956). Many Canadian historians eschewed overarching theories about Canadian history because of the distortions created by Innis's staples thesis and its elaborations; see, Carl Berger, The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing since 1900 (2nd. ed. Toronto, 1986), 96-100, 259-320.
14. 7. J.M. Bumsted, 'The Cultural Landscape of Early Canada', in Strangers Within the Realm, 363-92. John A. Porter, The vertical mosaic: an analysis of social class and power in Canada (Toronto, 1965), and J.M.S. Careless, 'Limited Identities in Canada', Canadian Historical Review, 50 (1969), 1-10, are the classic statements of the hierarchial and spatial divisions.
15. 7. J.M. Bumsted, 'The Cultural Landscape of Early Canada', in Strangers Within the Realm, 363-92. John A. Porter, The vertical mosaic: an analysis of social class and power in Canada (Toronto, 1965), and J.M.S. Careless, 'Limited Identities in Canada', Canadian Historical Review, 50 (1969), 1-10, are the classic statements of the hierarchial and spatial divisions.
16. 7. J.M. Bumsted, 'The Cultural Landscape of Early Canada', in Strangers Within the Realm, 363-92. John A. Porter, The vertical mosaic: an analysis of social class and power in Canada (Toronto, 1965), and J.M.S. Careless, 'Limited Identities in Canada', Canadian Historical Review, 50 (1969), 1-10, are the classic statements of the hierarchial and spatial divisions.
17. 8. France officially recognized British claims to Newfoundland and Rupert's Land in the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht. The French had occupied sections of both territories, which they agreed to evacuate. British claims in the peace negotiations were based on discovery and commercial occupation, not conquest.
18. 9. Greene and Pole, 14-15; and Greene, Pursuits of Happiness: Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture (Chapel Hill, NC, 1988).
19. 9. Greene and Pole, 14-15; and Greene, Pursuits of Happiness: Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture (Chapel Hill, NC, 1988).
20. 10. Jack P. Greene, 'Negotiated Authorities: The Problem of Governance in the Extended Polities of the Early Modern Atlantic World', in Negotiated Authorities: Essays in Colonial Political and Constitutional History (Charlottesville, VA, 1994), 1-24; idem. Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Polities of the British Empire and the United States 1607-1788 (New York, 1986), 7-150.
21. 10. Jack P. Greene, 'Negotiated Authorities: The Problem of Governance in the Extended Polities of the Early Modern Atlantic World', in Negotiated Authorities: Essays in Colonial Political and Constitutional History (Charlottesville, VA, 1994), 1-24; idem. Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Polities of the British Empire and the United States 1607-1788 (New York, 1986), 7-150.
22. 11. P.J. Marshall, 'Empire and Authority in the later Eighteenth Century', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 15 (1987), 106, 114, notes the changing non-British composition of the empire.
23. 12. D.W. Meinig, The Shaping of America: A Geographical Perspective on 500 Years of History, Vol. I : Atlantic America, 1492-1800 (New Haven and London, 1986), 55.
24. 13. 'The Atlantic Realm', HAC, 1:47; Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploring the Atlantic Coast', HAC, 1:Plate 19; John Mannion and Selma Barkham, 'The 16th Century Fishery', HAC, 1:Plate 22; Mannion and C. Grant Head, 'The Migratory Fisheries', HAC, 1: Plate 21; and Harold A. Innis, The Cod Fisheries: The History of An International Economy (rev. ed. Toronto, 1954), 11-51.
25. 13. 'The Atlantic Realm', HAC, 1:47; Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploring the Atlantic Coast', HAC, 1:Plate 19; John Mannion and Selma Barkham, 'The 16th Century Fishery', HAC, 1:Plate 22; Mannion and C. Grant Head, 'The Migratory Fisheries', HAC, 1: Plate 21; and Harold A. Innis, The Cod Fisheries: The History of An International Economy (rev. ed. Toronto, 1954), 11-51.
26. 13. 'The Atlantic Realm', HAC, 1:47; Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploring the Atlantic Coast', HAC, 1:Plate 19; John Mannion and Selma Barkham, 'The 16th Century Fishery', HAC, 1:Plate 22; Mannion and C. Grant Head, 'The Migratory Fisheries', HAC, 1: Plate 21; and Harold A. Innis, The Cod Fisheries: The History of An International Economy (rev. ed. Toronto, 1954), 11-51.
27. 13. 'The Atlantic Realm', HAC, 1:47; Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploring the Atlantic Coast', HAC, 1:Plate 19; John Mannion and Selma Barkham, 'The 16th Century Fishery', HAC, 1:Plate 22; Mannion and C. Grant Head, 'The Migratory Fisheries', HAC, 1: Plate 21; and Harold A. Innis, The Cod Fisheries: The History of An International Economy (rev. ed. Toronto, 1954), 11-51.
28. 13. 'The Atlantic Realm', HAC, 1:47; Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploring the Atlantic Coast', HAC, 1:Plate 19; John Mannion and Selma Barkham, 'The 16th Century Fishery', HAC, 1:Plate 22; Mannion and C. Grant Head, 'The Migratory Fisheries', HAC, 1: Plate 21; and Harold A. Innis, The Cod Fisheries: The History of An International Economy (rev. ed. Toronto, 1954), 11-51.
29. 14. Meinig, 57; Ian Steele, The English Atlantic 1675-1740: An Exploration of Communication and Community (New York and Oxford, 1986), 78-93. On the historiographic marginalization of the fishery see David B. Quinn, 'Newfoundland in the Consciousness of Europe in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries', in Explorers and Colonies: America, 1500-1625 (London and Ronceverte, 1990), 301-20.
30. 14. Meinig, 57; Ian Steele, The English Atlantic 1675-1740: An Exploration of Communication and Community (New York and Oxford, 1986), 78-93. On the historiographic marginalization of the fishery see David B. Quinn, 'Newfoundland in the Consciousness of Europe in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries', in Explorers and Colonies: America, 1500-1625 (London and Ronceverte, 1990), 301-20.
31. 15. Two of the best synthetic interpretations of the sixteenth century are Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's 'Heroic Age' Reconsidered (Kingston and Montreal, 1985), 111-63; and Ralph Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century: Aboriginal Peoples and European Contact', in Phillip A. Buckner and John G. Reid (eds.), The Atlantic Region to Confederation: A History (Toronto, 1994), 22-39. See also, Selma Barkham, 'A note on the Strait of Belle Isle during the period of Basque contact with Indians and Inuit', Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 4, 1-2 (1980), 51-8; idem, 'The Basque Whaling Establishments in Labrador 1536-1632, A Summary', Arctic, 37, 4 (1984), 515-19; idem, 'The identification of Labrador ports in Spanish 16th century documents'. The Canadian Cartographer, 14, 1 (1977), 1-9; James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador: World Whaling Capital, A.D. 1536-1600 (St. John's, 1989); and Tuck and Grenier, 'A 16th Century Basque Whaling Station in Labrador', Scientific American, 245 (Nov. 1981), 180-90.
32. 15. Two of the best synthetic interpretations of the sixteenth century are Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's 'Heroic Age' Reconsidered (Kingston and Montreal, 1985), 111-63; and Ralph Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century: Aboriginal Peoples and European Contact', in Phillip A. Buckner and John G. Reid (eds.), The Atlantic Region to Confederation: A History (Toronto, 1994), 22-39. See also, Selma Barkham, 'A note on the Strait of Belle Isle during the period of Basque contact with Indians and Inuit', Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 4, 1-2 (1980), 51-8; idem, 'The Basque Whaling Establishments in Labrador 1536-1632, A Summary', Arctic, 37, 4 (1984), 515-19; idem, 'The identification of Labrador ports in Spanish 16th century documents'. The Canadian Cartographer, 14, 1 (1977), 1-9; James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador: World Whaling Capital, A.D. 1536-1600 (St. John's, 1989); and Tuck and Grenier, 'A 16th Century Basque Whaling Station in Labrador', Scientific American, 245 (Nov. 1981), 180-90.
33. 15. Two of the best synthetic interpretations of the sixteenth century are Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's 'Heroic Age' Reconsidered (Kingston and Montreal, 1985), 111-63; and Ralph Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century: Aboriginal Peoples and European Contact', in Phillip A. Buckner and John G. Reid (eds.), The Atlantic Region to Confederation: A History (Toronto, 1994), 22-39. See also, Selma Barkham, 'A note on the Strait of Belle Isle during the period of Basque contact with Indians and Inuit', Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 4, 1-2 (1980), 51-8; idem, 'The Basque Whaling Establishments in Labrador 1536-1632, A Summary', Arctic, 37, 4 (1984), 515-19; idem, 'The identification of Labrador ports in Spanish 16th century documents'. The Canadian Cartographer, 14, 1 (1977), 1-9; James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador: World Whaling Capital, A.D. 1536-1600 (St. John's, 1989); and Tuck and Grenier, 'A 16th Century Basque Whaling Station in Labrador', Scientific American, 245 (Nov. 1981), 180-90.
34. 15. Two of the best synthetic interpretations of the sixteenth century are Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's 'Heroic Age' Reconsidered (Kingston and Montreal, 1985), 111-63; and Ralph Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century: Aboriginal Peoples and European Contact', in Phillip A. Buckner and John G. Reid (eds.), The Atlantic Region to Confederation: A History (Toronto, 1994), 22-39. See also, Selma Barkham, 'A note on the Strait of Belle Isle during the period of Basque contact with Indians and Inuit', Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 4, 1-2 (1980), 51-8; idem, 'The Basque Whaling Establishments in Labrador 1536-1632, A Summary', Arctic, 37, 4 (1984), 515-19; idem, 'The identification of Labrador ports in Spanish 16th century documents'. The Canadian Cartographer, 14, 1 (1977), 1-9; James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador: World Whaling Capital, A.D. 1536-1600 (St. John's, 1989); and Tuck and Grenier, 'A 16th Century Basque Whaling Station in Labrador', Scientific American, 245 (Nov. 1981), 180-90.
35. 15. Two of the best synthetic interpretations of the sixteenth century are Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's 'Heroic Age' Reconsidered (Kingston and Montreal, 1985), 111-63; and Ralph Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century: Aboriginal Peoples and European Contact', in Phillip A. Buckner and John G. Reid (eds.), The Atlantic Region to Confederation: A History (Toronto, 1994), 22-39. See also, Selma Barkham, 'A note on the Strait of Belle Isle during the period of Basque contact with Indians and Inuit', Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 4, 1-2 (1980), 51-8; idem, 'The Basque Whaling Establishments in Labrador 1536-1632, A Summary', Arctic, 37, 4 (1984), 515-19; idem, 'The identification of Labrador ports in Spanish 16th century documents'. The Canadian Cartographer, 14, 1 (1977), 1-9; James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador: World Whaling Capital, A.D. 1536-1600 (St. John's, 1989); and Tuck and Grenier, 'A 16th Century Basque Whaling Station in Labrador', Scientific American, 245 (Nov. 1981), 180-90.
36. 15. Two of the best synthetic interpretations of the sixteenth century are Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's 'Heroic Age' Reconsidered (Kingston and Montreal, 1985), 111-63; and Ralph Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century: Aboriginal Peoples and European Contact', in Phillip A. Buckner and John G. Reid (eds.), The Atlantic Region to Confederation: A History (Toronto, 1994), 22-39. See also, Selma Barkham, 'A note on the Strait of Belle Isle during the period of Basque contact with Indians and Inuit', Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 4, 1-2 (1980), 51-8; idem, 'The Basque Whaling Establishments in Labrador 1536-1632, A Summary', Arctic, 37, 4 (1984), 515-19; idem, 'The identification of Labrador ports in Spanish 16th century documents'. The Canadian Cartographer, 14, 1 (1977), 1-9; James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador: World Whaling Capital, A.D. 1536-1600 (St. John's, 1989); and Tuck and Grenier, 'A 16th Century Basque Whaling Station in Labrador', Scientific American, 245 (Nov. 1981), 180-90.
37. 15. Two of the best synthetic interpretations of the sixteenth century are Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's 'Heroic Age' Reconsidered (Kingston and Montreal, 1985), 111-63; and Ralph Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century: Aboriginal Peoples and European Contact', in Phillip A. Buckner and John G. Reid (eds.), The Atlantic Region to Confederation: A History (Toronto, 1994), 22-39. See also, Selma Barkham, 'A note on the Strait of Belle Isle during the period of Basque contact with Indians and Inuit', Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 4, 1-2 (1980), 51-8; idem, 'The Basque Whaling Establishments in Labrador 1536-1632, A Summary', Arctic, 37, 4 (1984), 515-19; idem, 'The identification of Labrador ports in Spanish 16th century documents'. The Canadian Cartographer, 14, 1 (1977), 1-9; James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador: World Whaling Capital, A.D. 1536-1600 (St. John's, 1989); and Tuck and Grenier, 'A 16th Century Basque Whaling Station in Labrador', Scientific American, 245 (Nov. 1981), 180-90.
38. 16. Gillian Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, 1577-1660 (Toronto, 1969), 53-80; idem (ed.), Newfoundland discovered: English attempts at colonization, 1610-1630 (London, 1981). Extant censuses, the most for any area of British America, reflect metropolitan monitoring of Newfoundland; see, Robert V. Wells, The Population of the British Colonies in America before 1776 (Princeton, 1975), 45-60. Peter Pope, 'Residence, Labour, Demand, and Exchange on the Seventeenth-Century English Shore of Newfoundland: The South Avalon Planters, 1630 to 1700' (Ph.D. diss., Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1992), notes that Wells missed some censuses for Newfoundland. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland. 1500-1830 (St. John's, 1988), provides an overview of the pre-government period.
39. 16. Gillian Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, 1577-1660 (Toronto, 1969), 53-80; idem (ed.), Newfoundland discovered: English attempts at colonization, 1610-1630 (London, 1981). Extant censuses, the most for any area of British America, reflect metropolitan monitoring of Newfoundland; see, Robert V. Wells, The Population of the British Colonies in America before 1776 (Princeton, 1975), 45-60. Peter Pope, 'Residence, Labour, Demand, and Exchange on the Seventeenth-Century English Shore of Newfoundland: The South Avalon Planters, 1630 to 1700' (Ph.D. diss., Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1992), notes that Wells missed some censuses for Newfoundland. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland. 1500-1830 (St. John's, 1988), provides an overview of the pre-government period.
40. 16. Gillian Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, 1577-1660 (Toronto, 1969), 53-80; idem (ed.), Newfoundland discovered: English attempts at colonization, 1610-1630 (London, 1981). Extant censuses, the most for any area of British America, reflect metropolitan monitoring of Newfoundland; see, Robert V. Wells, The Population of the British Colonies in America before 1776 (Princeton, 1975), 45-60. Peter Pope, 'Residence, Labour, Demand, and Exchange on the Seventeenth-Century English Shore of Newfoundland: The South Avalon Planters, 1630 to 1700' (Ph.D. diss., Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1992), notes that Wells missed some censuses for Newfoundland. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland. 1500-1830 (St. John's, 1988), provides an overview of the pre-government period.
41. 16. Gillian Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, 1577-1660 (Toronto, 1969), 53-80; idem (ed.), Newfoundland discovered: English attempts at colonization, 1610-1630 (London, 1981). Extant censuses, the most for any area of British America, reflect metropolitan monitoring of Newfoundland; see, Robert V. Wells, The Population of the British Colonies in America before 1776 (Princeton, 1975), 45-60. Peter Pope, 'Residence, Labour, Demand, and Exchange on the Seventeenth-Century English Shore of Newfoundland: The South Avalon Planters, 1630 to 1700' (Ph.D. diss., Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1992), notes that Wells missed some censuses for Newfoundland. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland. 1500-1830 (St. John's, 1988), provides an overview of the pre-government period.
42. 16. Gillian Cell, English Enterprise in Newfoundland, 1577-1660 (Toronto, 1969), 53-80; idem (ed.), Newfoundland discovered: English attempts at colonization, 1610-1630 (London, 1981). Extant censuses, the most for any area of British America, reflect metropolitan monitoring of Newfoundland; see, Robert V. Wells, The Population of the British Colonies in America before 1776 (Princeton, 1975), 45-60. Peter Pope, 'Residence, Labour, Demand, and Exchange on the Seventeenth-Century English Shore of Newfoundland: The South Avalon Planters, 1630 to 1700' (Ph.D. diss., Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1992), notes that Wells missed some censuses for Newfoundland. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland. 1500-1830 (St. John's, 1988), provides an overview of the pre-government period.
43. 17. On seventeenth century settlement on the Avalon peninsula see Pope, 'Residence, Labour, Demand and Exchange'; on the eighteenth century see, C. Grant Head, Eighteenth Century Newfoundland (Toronto, 1976); and W. Gordon Handcock, 'Soe longe as there comes noe women': Origins of English Settlement in Newfoundland (St. John's, 1989). The phrase comes from the 1684 report of Captain Francis Wheler, master of the HMS Tiger.
44. 17. On seventeenth century settlement on the Avalon peninsula see Pope, 'Residence, Labour, Demand and Exchange'; on the eighteenth century see, C. Grant Head, Eighteenth Century Newfoundland (Toronto, 1976); and W. Gordon Handcock, 'Soe longe as there comes noe women': Origins of English Settlement in Newfoundland (St. John's, 1989). The phrase comes from the 1684 report of Captain Francis Wheler, master of the HMS Tiger.
45. 17. On seventeenth century settlement on the Avalon peninsula see Pope, 'Residence, Labour, Demand and Exchange'; on the eighteenth century see, C. Grant Head, Eighteenth Century Newfoundland (Toronto, 1976); and W. Gordon Handcock, 'Soe longe as there comes noe women': Origins of English Settlement in Newfoundland (St. John's, 1989). The phrase comes from the 1684 report of Captain Francis Wheler, master of the HMS Tiger.
46. 18. Greene, Peripheries and Center, 12-17; Richard R. Johnson, 'The Revolution of 1688-9 in the American colonies', in Jonathan I. Israel (ed.), The Anglo-Dutch Moment: Essays on the Glorious Revolution and its world impact (Cambridge, 1991), 214-24.
47. 18. Greene, Peripheries and Center, 12-17; Richard R. Johnson, 'The Revolution of 1688-9 in the American colonies', in Jonathan I. Israel (ed.), The Anglo-Dutch Moment: Essays on the Glorious Revolution and its world impact (Cambridge, 1991), 214-24.
48. 19. W. J. Eccles, Canada Under Louis XIV, 1663-1701 (Toronto, 1964); Peter N. Moogk, 'Reluctant Exiles: Emigrants from France in Canada before 1760', WMQ, 3rd ser., 46 (1989), 463-505; John Mannion and Gordon Handcock, 'The 17th Century Fishery', HAC, 1: Plate 23. For a periodization of seventeenth-century New France that follows changes among Native nations see, Trigger, passim; Conrad E. Heidenreich, 'Settlements and Missionaries, 1615-1650', HAC, 1: Plate 34; idem, 'Re-establishment of the Trade, 1654-1666', HAC, 1: Plate 37; and idem, 'Expansion of French Trade, 1667-1696', HAC, 1: Plate 38.
49. 19. W. J. Eccles, Canada Under Louis XIV, 1663-1701 (Toronto, 1964); Peter N. Moogk, 'Reluctant Exiles: Emigrants from France in Canada before 1760', WMQ, 3rd ser., 46 (1989), 463-505; John Mannion and Gordon Handcock, 'The 17th Century Fishery', HAC, 1: Plate 23. For a periodization of seventeenth-century New France that follows changes among Native nations see, Trigger, passim; Conrad E. Heidenreich, 'Settlements and Missionaries, 1615-1650', HAC, 1: Plate 34; idem, 'Re-establishment of the Trade, 1654-1666', HAC, 1: Plate 37; and idem, 'Expansion of French Trade, 1667-1696', HAC, 1: Plate 38.
50. 19. W. J. Eccles, Canada Under Louis XIV, 1663-1701 (Toronto, 1964); Peter N. Moogk, 'Reluctant Exiles: Emigrants from France in Canada before 1760', WMQ, 3rd ser., 46 (1989), 463-505; John Mannion and Gordon Handcock, 'The 17th Century Fishery', HAC, 1: Plate 23. For a periodization of seventeenth-century New France that follows changes among Native nations see, Trigger, passim; Conrad E. Heidenreich, 'Settlements and Missionaries, 1615-1650', HAC, 1: Plate 34; idem, 'Re-establishment of the Trade, 1654-1666', HAC, 1: Plate 37; and idem, 'Expansion of French Trade, 1667-1696', HAC, 1: Plate 38.
51. 19. W. J. Eccles, Canada Under Louis XIV, 1663-1701 (Toronto, 1964); Peter N. Moogk, 'Reluctant Exiles: Emigrants from France in Canada before 1760', WMQ, 3rd ser., 46 (1989), 463-505; John Mannion and Gordon Handcock, 'The 17th Century Fishery', HAC, 1: Plate 23. For a periodization of seventeenth-century New France that follows changes among Native nations see, Trigger, passim; Conrad E. Heidenreich, 'Settlements and Missionaries, 1615-1650', HAC, 1: Plate 34; idem, 'Re-establishment of the Trade, 1654-1666', HAC, 1: Plate 37; and idem, 'Expansion of French Trade, 1667-1696', HAC, 1: Plate 38.
52. 19. W. J. Eccles, Canada Under Louis XIV, 1663-1701 (Toronto, 1964); Peter N. Moogk, 'Reluctant Exiles: Emigrants from France in Canada before 1760', WMQ, 3rd ser., 46 (1989), 463-505; John Mannion and Gordon Handcock, 'The 17th Century Fishery', HAC, 1: Plate 23. For a periodization of seventeenth-century New France that follows changes among Native nations see, Trigger, passim; Conrad E. Heidenreich, 'Settlements and Missionaries, 1615-1650', HAC, 1: Plate 34; idem, 'Re-establishment of the Trade, 1654-1666', HAC, 1: Plate 37; and idem, 'Expansion of French Trade, 1667-1696', HAC, 1: Plate 38.
53. 19. W. J. Eccles, Canada Under Louis XIV, 1663-1701 (Toronto, 1964); Peter N. Moogk, 'Reluctant Exiles: Emigrants from France in Canada before 1760', WMQ, 3rd ser., 46 (1989), 463-505; John Mannion and Gordon Handcock, 'The 17th Century Fishery', HAC, 1: Plate 23. For a periodization of seventeenth-century New France that follows changes among Native nations see, Trigger, passim; Conrad E. Heidenreich, 'Settlements and Missionaries, 1615-1650', HAC, 1: Plate 34; idem, 'Re-establishment of the Trade, 1654-1666', HAC, 1: Plate 37; and idem, 'Expansion of French Trade, 1667-1696', HAC, 1: Plate 38.
54. 20. J.F. Bosher, 'The Imperial Environment of French Trade with Canada, 1660-1685', English Historical Review, 108 (1993), 50-81; idem, 'Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century', WMQ, 3rd ser., 52 (1995), 77-102; John G. Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 80-81; Johnson, 215-40; K. G. Davies, 'The Revolutions in America', in Robert Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford, 1991), 246-70.
55. 20. J.F. Bosher, 'The Imperial Environment of French Trade with Canada, 1660-1685', English Historical Review, 108 (1993), 50-81; idem, 'Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century', WMQ, 3rd ser., 52 (1995), 77-102; John G. Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 80-81; Johnson, 215-40; K. G. Davies, 'The Revolutions in America', in Robert Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford, 1991), 246-70.
56. 20. J.F. Bosher, 'The Imperial Environment of French Trade with Canada, 1660-1685', English Historical Review, 108 (1993), 50-81; idem, 'Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century', WMQ, 3rd ser., 52 (1995), 77-102; John G. Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 80-81; Johnson, 215-40; K. G. Davies, 'The Revolutions in America', in Robert Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford, 1991), 246-70.
57. 20. J.F. Bosher, 'The Imperial Environment of French Trade with Canada, 1660-1685', English Historical Review, 108 (1993), 50-81; idem, 'Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century', WMQ, 3rd ser., 52 (1995), 77-102; John G. Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 80-81; Johnson, 215-40; K. G. Davies, 'The Revolutions in America', in Robert Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford, 1991), 246-70.
58. 20. J.F. Bosher, 'The Imperial Environment of French Trade with Canada, 1660-1685', English Historical Review, 108 (1993), 50-81; idem, 'Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century', WMQ, 3rd ser., 52 (1995), 77-102; John G. Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 80-81; Johnson, 215-40; K. G. Davies, 'The Revolutions in America', in Robert Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford, 1991), 246-70.
59. 21. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State, 1688-1783 (New York, 1989); P.G.M. Dickson, The Financial Revolution in England: a study in the development of public credit, 1688-1756 (London and New York, 1967); P.J. Cain and A.G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), 53-104.
60. 21. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State, 1688-1783 (New York, 1989); P.G.M. Dickson, The Financial Revolution in England: a study in the development of public credit, 1688-1756 (London and New York, 1967); P.J. Cain and A.G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), 53-104.
61. 21. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State, 1688-1783 (New York, 1989); P.G.M. Dickson, The Financial Revolution in England: a study in the development of public credit, 1688-1756 (London and New York, 1967); P.J. Cain and A.G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), 53-104.
62. 22. Brewer, The Sinews of Power, and Lawrence Stone (ed.), An Imperial State at War: Britain from 1689 to 1815 (London and New York, 1994).
63. 22. Brewer, The Sinews of Power, and Lawrence Stone (ed.), An Imperial State at War: Britain from 1689 to 1815 (London and New York, 1994).
64. 23. Cf. Richard I. Ruggles and Conrad E. Heidenreich, 'French Exploration', HAC, 1: Plate 36; and Ruggles, 'Exploration from Hudson Bay', HAC, 1: Plate 58, for the differences in French and British exploration.
65. 23. Cf. Richard I. Ruggles and Conrad E. Heidenreich, 'French Exploration', HAC, 1: Plate 36; and Ruggles, 'Exploration from Hudson Bay', HAC, 1: Plate 58, for the differences in French and British exploration.
66. 24. J.K. Hiller, 'The Newfoundland Fisheries Issue in Anglo-French Treaties, 1713-1904', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), 1-23; Frederic F. Thompson, The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland: An Imperial Study (Toronto, 1961), 7-8, passim; Peter Neary, 'The French and American Shore Questions as Factors in Newfoundland History', in Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: essays in interpretation (Toronto, 1980), 95-122; John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock, and Alan G. Macpherson, 'The Newfoundland Fishery, 18th Century', HAC, 1: Plate 25. On Louisbourg and the fishery see B. A. Balcom, The cod fishery of Isle Royale, 1713-1758 (Ottawa, 1984); Christopher Moore, 'Cape Breton and the North Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century', in Kenneth Donovan (ed.), The Island: New perspectives on Cape Breton history, 1713-1990 (Fredericton, NB, 1990); idem, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in Ile Royale, 1713-1758', Histoire sociale/Social History, 12 (1979), 79-96; A.J.B. Johnston, 'The fishermen of eighteenth-century Cape Breton: numbers and origins', Nova Scotia Historical Review. 9 (1981), 62-72.
67. 24. J.K. Hiller, 'The Newfoundland Fisheries Issue in Anglo-French Treaties, 1713-1904', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), 1-23; Frederic F. Thompson, The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland: An Imperial Study (Toronto, 1961), 7-8, passim; Peter Neary, 'The French and American Shore Questions as Factors in Newfoundland History', in Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: essays in interpretation (Toronto, 1980), 95-122; John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock, and Alan G. Macpherson, 'The Newfoundland Fishery, 18th Century', HAC, 1: Plate 25. On Louisbourg and the fishery see B. A. Balcom, The cod fishery of Isle Royale, 1713-1758 (Ottawa, 1984); Christopher Moore, 'Cape Breton and the North Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century', in Kenneth Donovan (ed.), The Island: New perspectives on Cape Breton history, 1713-1990 (Fredericton, NB, 1990); idem, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in Ile Royale, 1713-1758', Histoire sociale/Social History, 12 (1979), 79-96; A.J.B. Johnston, 'The fishermen of eighteenth-century Cape Breton: numbers and origins', Nova Scotia Historical Review. 9 (1981), 62-72.
68. 24. J.K. Hiller, 'The Newfoundland Fisheries Issue in Anglo-French Treaties, 1713-1904', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), 1-23; Frederic F. Thompson, The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland: An Imperial Study (Toronto, 1961), 7-8, passim; Peter Neary, 'The French and American Shore Questions as Factors in Newfoundland History', in Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: essays in interpretation (Toronto, 1980), 95-122; John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock, and Alan G. Macpherson, 'The Newfoundland Fishery, 18th Century', HAC, 1: Plate 25. On Louisbourg and the fishery see B. A. Balcom, The cod fishery of Isle Royale, 1713-1758 (Ottawa, 1984); Christopher Moore, 'Cape Breton and the North Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century', in Kenneth Donovan (ed.), The Island: New perspectives on Cape Breton history, 1713-1990 (Fredericton, NB, 1990); idem, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in Ile Royale, 1713-1758', Histoire sociale/Social History, 12 (1979), 79-96; A.J.B. Johnston, 'The fishermen of eighteenth-century Cape Breton: numbers and origins', Nova Scotia Historical Review. 9 (1981), 62-72.
69. 24. J.K. Hiller, 'The Newfoundland Fisheries Issue in Anglo-French Treaties, 1713-1904', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), 1-23; Frederic F. Thompson, The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland: An Imperial Study (Toronto, 1961), 7-8, passim; Peter Neary, 'The French and American Shore Questions as Factors in Newfoundland History', in Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: essays in interpretation (Toronto, 1980), 95-122; John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock, and Alan G. Macpherson, 'The Newfoundland Fishery, 18th Century', HAC, 1: Plate 25. On Louisbourg and the fishery see B. A. Balcom, The cod fishery of Isle Royale, 1713-1758 (Ottawa, 1984); Christopher Moore, 'Cape Breton and the North Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century', in Kenneth Donovan (ed.), The Island: New perspectives on Cape Breton history, 1713-1990 (Fredericton, NB, 1990); idem, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in Ile Royale, 1713-1758', Histoire sociale/Social History, 12 (1979), 79-96; A.J.B. Johnston, 'The fishermen of eighteenth-century Cape Breton: numbers and origins', Nova Scotia Historical Review. 9 (1981), 62-72.
70. 24. J.K. Hiller, 'The Newfoundland Fisheries Issue in Anglo-French Treaties, 1713-1904', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), 1-23; Frederic F. Thompson, The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland: An Imperial Study (Toronto, 1961), 7-8, passim; Peter Neary, 'The French and American Shore Questions as Factors in Newfoundland History', in Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: essays in interpretation (Toronto, 1980), 95-122; John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock, and Alan G. Macpherson, 'The Newfoundland Fishery, 18th Century', HAC, 1: Plate 25. On Louisbourg and the fishery see B. A. Balcom, The cod fishery of Isle Royale, 1713-1758 (Ottawa, 1984); Christopher Moore, 'Cape Breton and the North Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century', in Kenneth Donovan (ed.), The Island: New perspectives on Cape Breton history, 1713-1990 (Fredericton, NB, 1990); idem, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in Ile Royale, 1713-1758', Histoire sociale/Social History, 12 (1979), 79-96; A.J.B. Johnston, 'The fishermen of eighteenth-century Cape Breton: numbers and origins', Nova Scotia Historical Review. 9 (1981), 62-72.
71. 24. J.K. Hiller, 'The Newfoundland Fisheries Issue in Anglo-French Treaties, 1713-1904', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), 1-23; Frederic F. Thompson, The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland: An Imperial Study (Toronto, 1961), 7-8, passim; Peter Neary, 'The French and American Shore Questions as Factors in Newfoundland History', in Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: essays in interpretation (Toronto, 1980), 95-122; John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock, and Alan G. Macpherson, 'The Newfoundland Fishery, 18th Century', HAC, 1: Plate 25. On Louisbourg and the fishery see B. A. Balcom, The cod fishery of Isle Royale, 1713-1758 (Ottawa, 1984); Christopher Moore, 'Cape Breton and the North Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century', in Kenneth Donovan (ed.), The Island: New perspectives on Cape Breton history, 1713-1990 (Fredericton, NB, 1990); idem, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in Ile Royale, 1713-1758', Histoire sociale/Social History, 12 (1979), 79-96; A.J.B. Johnston, 'The fishermen of eighteenth-century Cape Breton: numbers and origins', Nova Scotia Historical Review. 9 (1981), 62-72.
72. 24. J.K. Hiller, 'The Newfoundland Fisheries Issue in Anglo-French Treaties, 1713-1904', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), 1-23; Frederic F. Thompson, The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland: An Imperial Study (Toronto, 1961), 7-8, passim; Peter Neary, 'The French and American Shore Questions as Factors in Newfoundland History', in Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: essays in interpretation (Toronto, 1980), 95-122; John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock, and Alan G. Macpherson, 'The Newfoundland Fishery, 18th Century', HAC, 1: Plate 25. On Louisbourg and the fishery see B. A. Balcom, The cod fishery of Isle Royale, 1713-1758 (Ottawa, 1984); Christopher Moore, 'Cape Breton and the North Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century', in Kenneth Donovan (ed.), The Island: New perspectives on Cape Breton history, 1713-1990 (Fredericton, NB, 1990); idem, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in Ile Royale, 1713-1758', Histoire sociale/Social History, 12 (1979), 79-96; A.J.B. Johnston, 'The fishermen of eighteenth-century Cape Breton: numbers and origins', Nova Scotia Historical Review. 9 (1981), 62-72.
73. 24. J.K. Hiller, 'The Newfoundland Fisheries Issue in Anglo-French Treaties, 1713-1904', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), 1-23; Frederic F. Thompson, The French Shore Problem in Newfoundland: An Imperial Study (Toronto, 1961), 7-8, passim; Peter Neary, 'The French and American Shore Questions as Factors in Newfoundland History', in Newfoundland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: essays in interpretation (Toronto, 1980), 95-122; John Mannion, W. Gordon Handcock, and Alan G. Macpherson, 'The Newfoundland Fishery, 18th Century', HAC, 1: Plate 25. On Louisbourg and the fishery see B. A. Balcom, The cod fishery of Isle Royale, 1713-1758 (Ottawa, 1984); Christopher Moore, 'Cape Breton and the North Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century', in Kenneth Donovan (ed.), The Island: New perspectives on Cape Breton history, 1713-1990 (Fredericton, NB, 1990); idem, 'The Other Louisbourg: Trade and Merchant Enterprise in Ile Royale, 1713-1758', Histoire sociale/Social History, 12 (1979), 79-96; A.J.B. Johnston, 'The fishermen of eighteenth-century Cape Breton: numbers and origins', Nova Scotia Historical Review. 9 (1981), 62-72.
74. 25. Alan F. Williams, Father Baudoin's War: D'Iberville's Campaign in Acadia and Newfoundland, 1696, 1697 (St. John's, 1987); Head, passim: John Mannion, 'The Waterford Merchants and the Irish-Newfoundland Provisions Trade, 1770-1820', in Donald H. Akenson (ed.), Canadian Papers in Rural History, Vol.3 (Gananoque, Ont., 1982), 178-203; idem, 'Migration and upward mobility: the Meagher family in Ireland and Newfoundland, 1780-1830', Irish Economic and Social History, 15 (1988), 54-70; idem, 'Patrick Morris and Newfoundland Irish Immigration', in Cyril J. Byrne and Margaret Harry (eds.), Talamh An Eisc: Canadian and Irish Essays (Halifax, 1986), 180-202.
75. 25. Alan F. Williams, Father Baudoin's War: D'Iberville's Campaign in Acadia and Newfoundland, 1696, 1697 (St. John's, 1987); Head, passim: John Mannion, 'The Waterford Merchants and the Irish-Newfoundland Provisions Trade, 1770-1820', in Donald H. Akenson (ed.), Canadian Papers in Rural History, Vol.3 (Gananoque, Ont., 1982), 178-203; idem, 'Migration and upward mobility: the Meagher family in Ireland and Newfoundland, 1780-1830', Irish Economic and Social History, 15 (1988), 54-70; idem, 'Patrick Morris and Newfoundland Irish Immigration', in Cyril J. Byrne and Margaret Harry (eds.), Talamh An Eisc: Canadian and Irish Essays (Halifax, 1986), 180-202.
76. 25. Alan F. Williams, Father Baudoin's War: D'Iberville's Campaign in Acadia and Newfoundland, 1696, 1697 (St. John's, 1987); Head, passim: John Mannion, 'The Waterford Merchants and the Irish-Newfoundland Provisions Trade, 1770-1820', in Donald H. Akenson (ed.), Canadian Papers in Rural History, Vol.3 (Gananoque, Ont., 1982), 178-203; idem, 'Migration and upward mobility: the Meagher family in Ireland and Newfoundland, 1780-1830', Irish Economic and Social History, 15 (1988), 54-70; idem, 'Patrick Morris and Newfoundland Irish Immigration', in Cyril J. Byrne and Margaret Harry (eds.), Talamh An Eisc: Canadian and Irish Essays (Halifax, 1986), 180-202.
77. 25. Alan F. Williams, Father Baudoin's War: D'Iberville's Campaign in Acadia and Newfoundland, 1696, 1697 (St. John's, 1987); Head, passim: John Mannion, 'The Waterford Merchants and the Irish-Newfoundland Provisions Trade, 1770-1820', in Donald H. Akenson (ed.), Canadian Papers in Rural History, Vol.3 (Gananoque, Ont., 1982), 178-203; idem, 'Migration and upward mobility: the Meagher family in Ireland and Newfoundland, 1780-1830', Irish Economic and Social History, 15 (1988), 54-70; idem, 'Patrick Morris and Newfoundland Irish Immigration', in Cyril J. Byrne and Margaret Harry (eds.), Talamh An Eisc: Canadian and Irish Essays (Halifax, 1986), 180-202.
78. 26. Mannion and Handcock, HAC, 1:Plate 23; and Handcock, Soe longe as there comes noe women, 21, 30-31, 46-52, 88, 93. The outflow of fishery labour, both West Country and Irish, was apparently in the thousands. Ralph Lounsbury, The British fishery in Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (1934 rpt. Hambden, CT, 1969), 259, notes that late seventeenth-century contemporaries estimated that 1200 to 1400 men left annually for other parts of British America. This considerable source of labour is at best mentioned in passing; see, Daniel Vickers, 'Work and Life on the Fishing Periphery of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1675', in Seventeenth-Century New England, 101-103; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1850 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 109, 130, 131, 156; and Christine Leigh Heyrman, Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690-1750 (New York, 1984), 214-15. Richard S. Dunn in 'Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor', in Colonial British America, 157-94, does not even mention Newfoundland's labour needs or its outflow to other colonies. The servant conduit had enough currency in the British world that some military deserters claimed to be labourers from Newfoundland working their way south; see, Charles Bruce Ferguson (ed.). The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 1797-1803 (Toronto, 1961), 311
79. 26. Mannion and Handcock, HAC, 1:Plate 23; and Handcock, Soe longe as there comes noe women, 21, 30-31, 46-52, 88, 93. The outflow of fishery labour, both West Country and Irish, was apparently in the thousands. Ralph Lounsbury, The British fishery in Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (1934 rpt. Hambden, CT, 1969), 259, notes that late seventeenth-century contemporaries estimated that 1200 to 1400 men left annually for other parts of British America. This considerable source of labour is at best mentioned in passing; see, Daniel Vickers, 'Work and Life on the Fishing Periphery of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1675', in Seventeenth-Century New England, 101-103; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1850 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 109, 130, 131, 156; and Christine Leigh Heyrman, Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690-1750 (New York, 1984), 214-15. Richard S. Dunn in 'Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor', in Colonial British America, 157-94, does not even mention Newfoundland's labour needs or its outflow to other colonies. The servant conduit had enough currency in the British world that some military deserters claimed to be labourers from Newfoundland working their way south; see, Charles Bruce Ferguson (ed.). The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 1797-1803 (Toronto, 1961), 311
80. 26. Mannion and Handcock, HAC, 1:Plate 23; and Handcock, Soe longe as there comes noe women, 21, 30-31, 46-52, 88, 93. The outflow of fishery labour, both West Country and Irish, was apparently in the thousands. Ralph Lounsbury, The British fishery in Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (1934 rpt. Hambden, CT, 1969), 259, notes that late seventeenth-century contemporaries estimated that 1200 to 1400 men left annually for other parts of British America. This considerable source of labour is at best mentioned in passing; see, Daniel Vickers, 'Work and Life on the Fishing Periphery of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1675', in Seventeenth-Century New England, 101-103; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1850 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 109, 130, 131, 156; and Christine Leigh Heyrman, Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690-1750 (New York, 1984), 214-15. Richard S. Dunn in 'Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor', in Colonial British America, 157-94, does not even mention Newfoundland's labour needs or its outflow to other colonies. The servant conduit had enough currency in the British world that some military deserters claimed to be labourers from Newfoundland working their way south; see, Charles Bruce Ferguson (ed.). The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 1797-1803 (Toronto, 1961), 311
81. 26. Mannion and Handcock, HAC, 1:Plate 23; and Handcock, Soe longe as there comes noe women, 21, 30-31, 46-52, 88, 93. The outflow of fishery labour, both West Country and Irish, was apparently in the thousands. Ralph Lounsbury, The British fishery in Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (1934 rpt. Hambden, CT, 1969), 259, notes that late seventeenth-century contemporaries estimated that 1200 to 1400 men left annually for other parts of British America. This considerable source of labour is at best mentioned in passing; see, Daniel Vickers, 'Work and Life on the Fishing Periphery of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1675', in Seventeenth-Century New England, 101-103; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1850 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 109, 130, 131, 156; and Christine Leigh Heyrman, Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690-1750 (New York, 1984), 214-15. Richard S. Dunn in 'Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor', in Colonial British America, 157-94, does not even mention Newfoundland's labour needs or its outflow to other colonies. The servant conduit had enough currency in the British world that some military deserters claimed to be labourers from Newfoundland working their way south; see, Charles Bruce Ferguson (ed.). The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 1797-1803 (Toronto, 1961), 311
82. 26. Mannion and Handcock, HAC, 1:Plate 23; and Handcock, Soe longe as there comes noe women, 21, 30-31, 46-52, 88, 93. The outflow of fishery labour, both West Country and Irish, was apparently in the thousands. Ralph Lounsbury, The British fishery in Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (1934 rpt. Hambden, CT, 1969), 259, notes that late seventeenth-century contemporaries estimated that 1200 to 1400 men left annually for other parts of British America. This considerable source of labour is at best mentioned in passing; see, Daniel Vickers, 'Work and Life on the Fishing Periphery of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1675', in Seventeenth-Century New England, 101-103; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1850 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 109, 130, 131, 156; and Christine Leigh Heyrman, Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690-1750 (New York, 1984), 214-15. Richard S. Dunn in 'Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor', in Colonial British America, 157-94, does not even mention Newfoundland's labour needs or its outflow to other colonies. The servant conduit had enough currency in the British world that some military deserters claimed to be labourers from Newfoundland working their way south; see, Charles Bruce Ferguson (ed.). The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 1797-1803 (Toronto, 1961), 311
83. 26. Mannion and Handcock, HAC, 1:Plate 23; and Handcock, Soe longe as there comes noe women, 21, 30-31, 46-52, 88, 93. The outflow of fishery labour, both West Country and Irish, was apparently in the thousands. Ralph Lounsbury, The British fishery in Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (1934 rpt. Hambden, CT, 1969), 259, notes that late seventeenth-century contemporaries estimated that 1200 to 1400 men left annually for other parts of British America. This considerable source of labour is at best mentioned in passing; see, Daniel Vickers, 'Work and Life on the Fishing Periphery of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1675', in Seventeenth-Century New England, 101-103; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1850 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 109, 130, 131, 156; and Christine Leigh Heyrman, Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690-1750 (New York, 1984), 214-15. Richard S. Dunn in 'Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor', in Colonial British America, 157-94, does not even mention Newfoundland's labour needs or its outflow to other colonies. The servant conduit had enough currency in the British world that some military deserters claimed to be labourers from Newfoundland working their way south; see, Charles Bruce Ferguson (ed.). The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 1797-1803 (Toronto, 1961), 311
84. 26. Mannion and Handcock, HAC, 1:Plate 23; and Handcock, Soe longe as there comes noe women, 21, 30-31, 46-52, 88, 93. The outflow of fishery labour, both West Country and Irish, was apparently in the thousands. Ralph Lounsbury, The British fishery in Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (1934 rpt. Hambden, CT, 1969), 259, notes that late seventeenth-century contemporaries estimated that 1200 to 1400 men left annually for other parts of British America. This considerable source of labour is at best mentioned in passing; see, Daniel Vickers, 'Work and Life on the Fishing Periphery of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1675', in Seventeenth-Century New England, 101-103; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1850 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 109, 130, 131, 156; and Christine Leigh Heyrman, Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690-1750 (New York, 1984), 214-15. Richard S. Dunn in 'Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor', in Colonial British America, 157-94, does not even mention Newfoundland's labour needs or its outflow to other colonies. The servant conduit had enough currency in the British world that some military deserters claimed to be labourers from Newfoundland working their way south; see, Charles Bruce Ferguson (ed.). The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 1797-1803 (Toronto, 1961), 311
85. 26. Mannion and Handcock, HAC, 1:Plate 23; and Handcock, Soe longe as there comes noe women, 21, 30-31, 46-52, 88, 93. The outflow of fishery labour, both West Country and Irish, was apparently in the thousands. Ralph Lounsbury, The British fishery in Newfoundland, 1634-1763 (1934 rpt. Hambden, CT, 1969), 259, notes that late seventeenth-century contemporaries estimated that 1200 to 1400 men left annually for other parts of British America. This considerable source of labour is at best mentioned in passing; see, Daniel Vickers, 'Work and Life on the Fishing Periphery of Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1675', in Seventeenth-Century New England, 101-103; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630-1850 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 109, 130, 131, 156; and Christine Leigh Heyrman, Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690-1750 (New York, 1984), 214-15. Richard S. Dunn in 'Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor', in Colonial British America, 157-94, does not even mention Newfoundland's labour needs or its outflow to other colonies. The servant conduit had enough currency in the British world that some military deserters claimed to be labourers from Newfoundland working their way south; see, Charles Bruce Ferguson (ed.). The Diary of Simeon Perkins, 1797-1803 (Toronto, 1961), 311
86. 27. John E. Crowley, 'Empire versus Truck: The Official Interpretation of Debt and Labour in the Eighteenth-Century Fishery', CHR, 70 (1989), 312-36, Jeff A. Webb, 'Leaving the State of Nature: A Locke-Inspired Political Community in St. John's Newfoundland, 1723', Acadiensis, 20 (1991), 156-65; and Christopher English, 'The Development of the Newfoundland Legal System to 1815', Acadiensis, 19 (1990), 89-119. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland, remains the best overview of early governance on the island. Many people think the size of the population deterred the establishment of government, but at 12,000 people in 1766 Newfoundland had more residents than many colonies with governments. For populations of other colonies see Wells, 259-96.
87. 27. John E. Crowley, 'Empire versus Truck: The Official Interpretation of Debt and Labour in the Eighteenth-Century Fishery', CHR, 70 (1989), 312-36, Jeff A. Webb, 'Leaving the State of Nature: A Locke-Inspired Political Community in St. John's Newfoundland, 1723', Acadiensis, 20 (1991), 156-65; and Christopher English, 'The Development of the Newfoundland Legal System to 1815', Acadiensis, 19 (1990), 89-119. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland, remains the best overview of early governance on the island. Many people think the size of the population deterred the establishment of government, but at 12,000 people in 1766 Newfoundland had more residents than many colonies with governments. For populations of other colonies see Wells, 259-96.
88. 27. John E. Crowley, 'Empire versus Truck: The Official Interpretation of Debt and Labour in the Eighteenth-Century Fishery', CHR, 70 (1989), 312-36, Jeff A. Webb, 'Leaving the State of Nature: A Locke-Inspired Political Community in St. John's Newfoundland, 1723', Acadiensis, 20 (1991), 156-65; and Christopher English, 'The Development of the Newfoundland Legal System to 1815', Acadiensis, 19 (1990), 89-119. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland, remains the best overview of early governance on the island. Many people think the size of the population deterred the establishment of government, but at 12,000 people in 1766 Newfoundland had more residents than many colonies with governments. For populations of other colonies see Wells, 259-96.
89. 27. John E. Crowley, 'Empire versus Truck: The Official Interpretation of Debt and Labour in the Eighteenth-Century Fishery', CHR, 70 (1989), 312-36, Jeff A. Webb, 'Leaving the State of Nature: A Locke-Inspired Political Community in St. John's Newfoundland, 1723', Acadiensis, 20 (1991), 156-65; and Christopher English, 'The Development of the Newfoundland Legal System to 1815', Acadiensis, 19 (1990), 89-119. Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland, remains the best overview of early governance on the island. Many people think the size of the population deterred the establishment of government, but at 12,000 people in 1766 Newfoundland had more residents than many colonies with governments. For populations of other colonies see Wells, 259-96.
90. 28. Shannon Ryan, 'Fishery to Colony: A Newfoundland Watershed, 1793-1815', Acadiensis 12 (1983), 34-52. For a recent historical perspective see, Rosemary Ommer, 'One Hundred Years of Fishery Crises in Newfoundland', Acadiensis, 23 (1994), 5-20.
91. 28. Shannon Ryan, 'Fishery to Colony: A Newfoundland Watershed, 1793-1815', Acadiensis 12 (1983), 34-52. For a recent historical perspective see, Rosemary Ommer, 'One Hundred Years of Fishery Crises in Newfoundland', Acadiensis, 23 (1994), 5-20.
92. 29. The fur trade is interpreted as an outgrowth of the sixteenth century fishery in which Indians traded with fishermen for iron goods; see Trigger, 111-63; and Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century', 22-39. In Newfoundland, the Beothuks, the Natives on the island, tended to secret themselves from Europeans, and in 1829 the last one died. See L.F.S. Upton, 'The Extermination of the Beothuks of Newfoundland', CHR, 58 (1977), 133-53; Pastore, 'The Collapse of the Beothuk World', Acadiensis. 18 (1989), 52-71; idem, 'Fishermen, Furriers, and Beothuks: The Economy of Extinction', Man in the Northeast, 33 (1987), 47-62; Philip E. L. Smith, 'Beothuks and Methodists', Acadiensis, 16 (1986), 118-35.
93. 29. The fur trade is interpreted as an outgrowth of the sixteenth century fishery in which Indians traded with fishermen for iron goods; see Trigger, 111-63; and Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century', 22-39. In Newfoundland, the Beothuks, the Natives on the island, tended to secret themselves from Europeans, and in 1829 the last one died. See L.F.S. Upton, 'The Extermination of the Beothuks of Newfoundland', CHR, 58 (1977), 133-53; Pastore, 'The Collapse of the Beothuk World', Acadiensis. 18 (1989), 52-71; idem, 'Fishermen, Furriers, and Beothuks: The Economy of Extinction', Man in the Northeast, 33 (1987), 47-62; Philip E. L. Smith, 'Beothuks and Methodists', Acadiensis, 16 (1986), 118-35.
94. 29. The fur trade is interpreted as an outgrowth of the sixteenth century fishery in which Indians traded with fishermen for iron goods; see Trigger, 111-63; and Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century', 22-39. In Newfoundland, the Beothuks, the Natives on the island, tended to secret themselves from Europeans, and in 1829 the last one died. See L.F.S. Upton, 'The Extermination of the Beothuks of Newfoundland', CHR, 58 (1977), 133-53; Pastore, 'The Collapse of the Beothuk World', Acadiensis. 18 (1989), 52-71; idem, 'Fishermen, Furriers, and Beothuks: The Economy of Extinction', Man in the Northeast, 33 (1987), 47-62; Philip E. L. Smith, 'Beothuks and Methodists', Acadiensis, 16 (1986), 118-35.
95. 29. The fur trade is interpreted as an outgrowth of the sixteenth century fishery in which Indians traded with fishermen for iron goods; see Trigger, 111-63; and Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century', 22-39. In Newfoundland, the Beothuks, the Natives on the island, tended to secret themselves from Europeans, and in 1829 the last one died. See L.F.S. Upton, 'The Extermination of the Beothuks of Newfoundland', CHR, 58 (1977), 133-53; Pastore, 'The Collapse of the Beothuk World', Acadiensis. 18 (1989), 52-71; idem, 'Fishermen, Furriers, and Beothuks: The Economy of Extinction', Man in the Northeast, 33 (1987), 47-62; Philip E. L. Smith, 'Beothuks and Methodists', Acadiensis, 16 (1986), 118-35.
96. 29. The fur trade is interpreted as an outgrowth of the sixteenth century fishery in which Indians traded with fishermen for iron goods; see Trigger, 111-63; and Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century', 22-39. In Newfoundland, the Beothuks, the Natives on the island, tended to secret themselves from Europeans, and in 1829 the last one died. See L.F.S. Upton, 'The Extermination of the Beothuks of Newfoundland', CHR, 58 (1977), 133-53; Pastore, 'The Collapse of the Beothuk World', Acadiensis. 18 (1989), 52-71; idem, 'Fishermen, Furriers, and Beothuks: The Economy of Extinction', Man in the Northeast, 33 (1987), 47-62; Philip E. L. Smith, 'Beothuks and Methodists', Acadiensis, 16 (1986), 118-35.
97. 29. The fur trade is interpreted as an outgrowth of the sixteenth century fishery in which Indians traded with fishermen for iron goods; see Trigger, 111-63; and Pastore, 'The Sixteenth Century', 22-39. In Newfoundland, the Beothuks, the Natives on the island, tended to secret themselves from Europeans, and in 1829 the last one died. See L.F.S. Upton, 'The Extermination of the Beothuks of Newfoundland', CHR, 58 (1977), 133-53; Pastore, 'The Collapse of the Beothuk World', Acadiensis. 18 (1989), 52-71; idem, 'Fishermen, Furriers, and Beothuks: The Economy of Extinction', Man in the Northeast, 33 (1987), 47-62; Philip E. L. Smith, 'Beothuks and Methodists', Acadiensis, 16 (1986), 118-35.
98. 30. On the English and French struggle over fur trade territories, see E.E. Rich, 'Book Two: From Charter to Utrecht, 1670-1713', Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, Vol.1: 1670-1763 (London, 1958), 61-416; and idem, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto, 1967), 24-68. Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville commanded the French naval forces that attacked English settlements on Newfoundland and Hudson Bay; see Williams, passim; Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', 81-2. On price instability and stabilization see , W.J. Eccles, 'A Belated Review of Harold Adams Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada', CHR, 60 (1979), 419-41; idem, 'The Fur Trade and Eighteenth-Century Imperialism', WMQ, 3rd Ser., 40 (1983), 341-62; and Elizabeth Mancke, A Company of Businessmen: The Hudson's Bay Company and Long-Distance Trade, 1670-1730 (Winnipeg, 1988).
99. 30. On the English and French struggle over fur trade territories, see E.E. Rich, 'Book Two: From Charter to Utrecht, 1670-1713', Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, Vol.1: 1670-1763 (London, 1958), 61-416; and idem, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto, 1967), 24-68. Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville commanded the French naval forces that attacked English settlements on Newfoundland and Hudson Bay; see Williams, passim; Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', 81-2. On price instability and stabilization see , W.J. Eccles, 'A Belated Review of Harold Adams Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada', CHR, 60 (1979), 419-41; idem, 'The Fur Trade and Eighteenth-Century Imperialism', WMQ, 3rd Ser., 40 (1983), 341-62; and Elizabeth Mancke, A Company of Businessmen: The Hudson's Bay Company and Long-Distance Trade, 1670-1730 (Winnipeg, 1988).
100. 30. On the English and French struggle over fur trade territories, see E.E. Rich, 'Book Two: From Charter to Utrecht, 1670-1713', Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, Vol.1: 1670-1763 (London, 1958), 61-416; and idem, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto, 1967), 24-68. Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville commanded the French naval forces that attacked English settlements on Newfoundland and Hudson Bay; see Williams, passim; Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', 81-2. On price instability and stabilization see , W.J. Eccles, 'A Belated Review of Harold Adams Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada', CHR, 60 (1979), 419-41; idem, 'The Fur Trade and Eighteenth-Century Imperialism', WMQ, 3rd Ser., 40 (1983), 341-62; and Elizabeth Mancke, A Company of Businessmen: The Hudson's Bay Company and Long-Distance Trade, 1670-1730 (Winnipeg, 1988).
101. 30. On the English and French struggle over fur trade territories, see E.E. Rich, 'Book Two: From Charter to Utrecht, 1670-1713', Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, Vol.1: 1670-1763 (London, 1958), 61-416; and idem, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto, 1967), 24-68. Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville commanded the French naval forces that attacked English settlements on Newfoundland and Hudson Bay; see Williams, passim; Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', 81-2. On price instability and stabilization see , W.J. Eccles, 'A Belated Review of Harold Adams Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada', CHR, 60 (1979), 419-41; idem, 'The Fur Trade and Eighteenth-Century Imperialism', WMQ, 3rd Ser., 40 (1983), 341-62; and Elizabeth Mancke, A Company of Businessmen: The Hudson's Bay Company and Long-Distance Trade, 1670-1730 (Winnipeg, 1988).
102. 30. On the English and French struggle over fur trade territories, see E.E. Rich, 'Book Two: From Charter to Utrecht, 1670-1713', Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, Vol.1: 1670-1763 (London, 1958), 61-416; and idem, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto, 1967), 24-68. Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville commanded the French naval forces that attacked English settlements on Newfoundland and Hudson Bay; see Williams, passim; Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', 81-2. On price instability and stabilization see , W.J. Eccles, 'A Belated Review of Harold Adams Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada', CHR, 60 (1979), 419-41; idem, 'The Fur Trade and Eighteenth-Century Imperialism', WMQ, 3rd Ser., 40 (1983), 341-62; and Elizabeth Mancke, A Company of Businessmen: The Hudson's Bay Company and Long-Distance Trade, 1670-1730 (Winnipeg, 1988).
103. 30. On the English and French struggle over fur trade territories, see E.E. Rich, 'Book Two: From Charter to Utrecht, 1670-1713', Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, Vol.1: 1670-1763 (London, 1958), 61-416; and idem, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto, 1967), 24-68. Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville commanded the French naval forces that attacked English settlements on Newfoundland and Hudson Bay; see Williams, passim; Reid, '1686-1720: Imperial Intrusions', 81-2. On price instability and stabilization see , W.J. Eccles, 'A Belated Review of Harold Adams Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada', CHR, 60 (1979), 419-41; idem, 'The Fur Trade and Eighteenth-Century Imperialism', WMQ, 3rd Ser., 40 (1983), 341-62; and Elizabeth Mancke, A Company of Businessmen: The Hudson's Bay Company and Long-Distance Trade, 1670-1730 (Winnipeg, 1988).
104. 31. Glyndwr Williams, 'The Hudson's Bay Company and its Critics in the Eighteenth Century', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 20 (1970), 149-71; idem, The British Search for the Northwest Passage in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1962); Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, I, 556-86. For the continued French interest in finding a Northwest Passage see Ruggles and Heidenreich, HAC, 1: Plate 36.
105. 31. Glyndwr Williams, 'The Hudson's Bay Company and its Critics in the Eighteenth Century', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 20 (1970), 149-71; idem, The British Search for the Northwest Passage in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1962); Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, I, 556-86. For the continued French interest in finding a Northwest Passage see Ruggles and Heidenreich, HAC, 1: Plate 36.
106. 31. Glyndwr Williams, 'The Hudson's Bay Company and its Critics in the Eighteenth Century', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 20 (1970), 149-71; idem, The British Search for the Northwest Passage in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1962); Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, I, 556-86. For the continued French interest in finding a Northwest Passage see Ruggles and Heidenreich, HAC, 1: Plate 36.
107. 31. Glyndwr Williams, 'The Hudson's Bay Company and its Critics in the Eighteenth Century', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 20 (1970), 149-71; idem, The British Search for the Northwest Passage in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1962); Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, I, 556-86. For the continued French interest in finding a Northwest Passage see Ruggles and Heidenreich, HAC, 1: Plate 36.
108. 32. H.V. Bowen, Revenue and reform: the Indian problem in British politics, 1757-1773 (Cambridge, 1991).
109. 33. Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, 427-662.
110. 34. 'Inland Expansion', HAC, 1:83-9; 'The Northwest', HAC, 1:143-7; Conrad E Heidenreich and Francoise Noel, 'Trade and Empire, 1697-1739', HAC, 1: Plate 39; Heidenreich and Noel, 'France Secures the Interior, 1740-1755', HAC. 1:Plate 40; D. Wayne Moodie Victor P. Lytwyn, and Barry Kaye, 'Trading Posts, 1774-1821', HAC, 1:Plate 62. In 1744 the HBC built Henley House 120 miles inland from Fort Albany, but had trouble staffing it and establishing practices that both English and Natives would accept. The winter of 1755 Natives killed all the post's employees and the company abandoned its use that spring; Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, 549-53, 610-617.
111. 34. 'Inland Expansion', HAC, 1:83-9; 'The Northwest', HAC, 1:143-7; Conrad E Heidenreich and Francoise Noel, 'Trade and Empire, 1697-1739', HAC, 1: Plate 39; Heidenreich and Noel, 'France Secures the Interior, 1740-1755', HAC. 1:Plate 40; D. Wayne Moodie Victor P. Lytwyn, and Barry Kaye, 'Trading Posts, 1774-1821', HAC, 1:Plate 62. In 1744 the HBC built Henley House 120 miles inland from Fort Albany, but had trouble staffing it and establishing practices that both English and Natives would accept. The winter of 1755 Natives killed all the post's employees and the company abandoned its use that spring; Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, 549-53, 610-617.
112. 34. 'Inland Expansion', HAC, 1:83-9; 'The Northwest', HAC, 1:143-7; Conrad E Heidenreich and Francoise Noel, 'Trade and Empire, 1697-1739', HAC, 1: Plate 39; Heidenreich and Noel, 'France Secures the Interior, 1740-1755', HAC. 1:Plate 40; D. Wayne Moodie Victor P. Lytwyn, and Barry Kaye, 'Trading Posts, 1774-1821', HAC, 1:Plate 62. In 1744 the HBC built Henley House 120 miles inland from Fort Albany, but had trouble staffing it and establishing practices that both English and Natives would accept. The winter of 1755 Natives killed all the post's employees and the company abandoned its use that spring; Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, 549-53, 610-617.
113. 34. 'Inland Expansion', HAC, 1:83-9; 'The Northwest', HAC, 1:143-7; Conrad E Heidenreich and Francoise Noel, 'Trade and Empire, 1697-1739', HAC, 1: Plate 39; Heidenreich and Noel, 'France Secures the Interior, 1740-1755', HAC. 1:Plate 40; D. Wayne Moodie Victor P. Lytwyn, and Barry Kaye, 'Trading Posts, 1774-1821', HAC, 1:Plate 62. In 1744 the HBC built Henley House 120 miles inland from Fort Albany, but had trouble staffing it and establishing practices that both English and Natives would accept. The winter of 1755 Natives killed all the post's employees and the company abandoned its use that spring; Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, 549-53, 610-617.
114. 34. 'Inland Expansion', HAC, 1:83-9; 'The Northwest', HAC, 1:143-7; Conrad E Heidenreich and Francoise Noel, 'Trade and Empire, 1697-1739', HAC, 1: Plate 39; Heidenreich and Noel, 'France Secures the Interior, 1740-1755', HAC. 1:Plate 40; D. Wayne Moodie Victor P. Lytwyn, and Barry Kaye, 'Trading Posts, 1774-1821', HAC, 1:Plate 62. In 1744 the HBC built Henley House 120 miles inland from Fort Albany, but had trouble staffing it and establishing practices that both English and Natives would accept. The winter of 1755 Natives killed all the post's employees and the company abandoned its use that spring; Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, 549-53, 610-617.
115. 34. 'Inland Expansion', HAC, 1:83-9; 'The Northwest', HAC, 1:143-7; Conrad E Heidenreich and Francoise Noel, 'Trade and Empire, 1697-1739', HAC, 1: Plate 39; Heidenreich and Noel, 'France Secures the Interior, 1740-1755', HAC. 1:Plate 40; D. Wayne Moodie Victor P. Lytwyn, and Barry Kaye, 'Trading Posts, 1774-1821', HAC, 1:Plate 62. In 1744 the HBC built Henley House 120 miles inland from Fort Albany, but had trouble staffing it and establishing practices that both English and Natives would accept. The winter of 1755 Natives killed all the post's employees and the company abandoned its use that spring; Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, 549-53, 610-617.
116. 35. David D. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven, CT, 1992), 236-70, 285-9. 299-300; Barry Gough, The Northwest Coast: British navigation, trade, and discoveries to 1812 (Vancouver, 1992); James R. Gibson, Otter Skins, Boston Ships, and China Goods: The Maritime Fur Trade of the Northwest Coast, 1785-1841 (Seattle, WA, 1992); Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploration in the Far Northwest', HAC, 1: Plate 67.
117. 35. David D. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven, CT, 1992), 236-70, 285-9. 299-300; Barry Gough, The Northwest Coast: British navigation, trade, and discoveries to 1812 (Vancouver, 1992); James R. Gibson, Otter Skins, Boston Ships, and China Goods: The Maritime Fur Trade of the Northwest Coast, 1785-1841 (Seattle, WA, 1992); Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploration in the Far Northwest', HAC, 1: Plate 67.
118. 35. David D. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven, CT, 1992), 236-70, 285-9. 299-300; Barry Gough, The Northwest Coast: British navigation, trade, and discoveries to 1812 (Vancouver, 1992); James R. Gibson, Otter Skins, Boston Ships, and China Goods: The Maritime Fur Trade of the Northwest Coast, 1785-1841 (Seattle, WA, 1992); Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploration in the Far Northwest', HAC, 1: Plate 67.
119. 35. David D. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven, CT, 1992), 236-70, 285-9. 299-300; Barry Gough, The Northwest Coast: British navigation, trade, and discoveries to 1812 (Vancouver, 1992); James R. Gibson, Otter Skins, Boston Ships, and China Goods: The Maritime Fur Trade of the Northwest Coast, 1785-1841 (Seattle, WA, 1992); Richard I. Ruggles, 'Exploration in the Far Northwest', HAC, 1: Plate 67.
120. 36. James P. Ronda, Astoria and Empire (Lincoln, Nb. and London, 1990), 1-36.
121. 37. On Red River settlement see, Gerald Friesen, The Canadian Prairies; a history (Toronto, 1984), 66-90.
122. 38. 1 & 2 George IV, c. 66. (1821); and 43 George III, c. 138, An Act for extending the Jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice in the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, to the Trial and Punishment of Crimes, and Offences within certain parts of North America adjoining the said Provinces (1803); Hamar Foster, 'Long-Distance Justice: The Criminal Jurisdiction of the Canadian Courts West of the Canadas', American Journal of Legal History, 34 (1990), 1-48; Tina Loo, Making Law, Order, and Authority in British Columbia, I821-1871 (Toronto, 1994), 18-33.
123. 38. 1 & 2 George IV, c. 66. (1821); and 43 George III, c. 138, An Act for extending the Jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice in the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, to the Trial and Punishment of Crimes, and Offences within certain parts of North America adjoining the said Provinces (1803); Hamar Foster, 'Long-Distance Justice: The Criminal Jurisdiction of the Canadian Courts West of the Canadas', American Journal of Legal History, 34 (1990), 1-48; Tina Loo, Making Law, Order, and Authority in British Columbia, I821-1871 (Toronto, 1994), 18-33.
124. 39. When Newfoundland joined Canada in 1949, the federal government assumed control of the fishery.
125. 40. The Canadian and American terms for native peoples are different. In Canada the inclusive terms for Indians, Inuit, and Métis is 'Natives', 'Native Peoples', 'Aboriginal Peoples', or 'First Nations'. The term 'Native American' is not used because 'American' has a specific political connotation referring to peoples living in the United States.
126. 41. Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: their role as hunters, trappers, and middlemen in the lands southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto, 1974); Daniel Francis and Toby E. Morantz, Partners in Furs: A History of the Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay, 1600-1870 (Kingston and Montreal, 1983); Robin Fisher, Contact and Conflict: Indian-European relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890 (2nd ed. Vancouver, 1992). For an overview from a Native perspective see, Olive P. Dickason, Canada s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Toronto, 1992). The literature on Natives in Canada is very rich; see Shepard Krech, Native Canadian anthropology and history: a selected bibliography (rev. ed. Winnipeg and Norman, OK, 1994).
127. 41. Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: their role as hunters, trappers, and middlemen in the lands southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto, 1974); Daniel Francis and Toby E. Morantz, Partners in Furs: A History of the Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay, 1600-1870 (Kingston and Montreal, 1983); Robin Fisher, Contact and Conflict: Indian-European relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890 (2nd ed. Vancouver, 1992). For an overview from a Native perspective see, Olive P. Dickason, Canada s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Toronto, 1992). The literature on Natives in Canada is very rich; see Shepard Krech, Native Canadian anthropology and history: a selected bibliography (rev. ed. Winnipeg and Norman, OK, 1994).
128. 41. Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: their role as hunters, trappers, and middlemen in the lands southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto, 1974); Daniel Francis and Toby E. Morantz, Partners in Furs: A History of the Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay, 1600-1870 (Kingston and Montreal, 1983); Robin Fisher, Contact and Conflict: Indian-European relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890 (2nd ed. Vancouver, 1992). For an overview from a Native perspective see, Olive P. Dickason, Canada s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Toronto, 1992). The literature on Natives in Canada is very rich; see Shepard Krech, Native Canadian anthropology and history: a selected bibliography (rev. ed. Winnipeg and Norman, OK, 1994).
129. 41. Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: their role as hunters, trappers, and middlemen in the lands southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto, 1974); Daniel Francis and Toby E. Morantz, Partners in Furs: A History of the Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay, 1600-1870 (Kingston and Montreal, 1983); Robin Fisher, Contact and Conflict: Indian-European relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890 (2nd ed. Vancouver, 1992). For an overview from a Native perspective see, Olive P. Dickason, Canada s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Toronto, 1992). The literature on Natives in Canada is very rich; see Shepard Krech, Native Canadian anthropology and history: a selected bibliography (rev. ed. Winnipeg and Norman, OK, 1994).
130. 41. Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: their role as hunters, trappers, and middlemen in the lands southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto, 1974); Daniel Francis and Toby E. Morantz, Partners in Furs: A History of the Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay, 1600-1870 (Kingston and Montreal, 1983); Robin Fisher, Contact and Conflict: Indian-European relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890 (2nd ed. Vancouver, 1992). For an overview from a Native perspective see, Olive P. Dickason, Canada s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Toronto, 1992). The literature on Natives in Canada is very rich; see Shepard Krech, Native Canadian anthropology and history: a selected bibliography (rev. ed. Winnipeg and Norman, OK, 1994).
131. 42. Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Vancouver, 1980); Sylvia Van Kirk, 'Many Tender Ties': Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg, 1980); Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S.H. Brown (eds.), The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Lincoln, NB, 1985).
132. 42. Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Vancouver, 1980); Sylvia Van Kirk, 'Many Tender Ties': Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg, 1980); Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S.H. Brown (eds.), The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Lincoln, NB, 1985).
133. 42. Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Vancouver, 1980); Sylvia Van Kirk, 'Many Tender Ties': Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg, 1980); Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S.H. Brown (eds.), The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Lincoln, NB, 1985).
134. 43. The Proclamation of 1763 became part of the British North American imperial constitution and Canadian federal constitution. It applied to Rupert's Land when the territory came under the jurisdiction of the Dominion of Canada in 1870. Land claims cases, now in the courts, will determine if it applies to British Columbia.
135. 44. I am not arguing for a militarized British empire, either because it acquired colonies by conquest or appointed military officers to colonial offices. Given the absence of an imperial bureaucracy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and the desire to cut expenses after wars, commissioned officers may have made attractive appointees because they already had a bureaucratic relationship to the state, one that provided a mechanism for stationing people overseas. During peacetime, those men provided state bureaucracy as much as, if not more than, stale coercion. For a sharply different view on colonial officials with military commissions see Stephen Saunders Webb. The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of the Empire, 1569-1681 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1979).
136. 45. Bernard Pothier, 'Acadian Emigration to Ile Royale after the Conquest of Acadia'. Histoire sociale/Social History, 3 (1970), 116-31.
137. 46. For the history of the Acadians see Naomi E.S. Griffiths, The Contexts of Acadian History, 1686-1784 (Kingston and Montreal, 1992); Jean Daigle (ed.), The Acadians of the Maritimes: Thematic Studies (Moncton, NB, 1982); A. H. Clark, Acadia: The Geography of Nova Scotia (Madison, 1968).
138. 46. For the history of the Acadians see Naomi E.S. Griffiths, The Contexts of Acadian History, 1686-1784 (Kingston and Montreal, 1992); Jean Daigle (ed.), The Acadians of the Maritimes: Thematic Studies (Moncton, NB, 1982); A. H. Clark, Acadia: The Geography of Nova Scotia (Madison, 1968).
139. 46. For the history of the Acadians see Naomi E.S. Griffiths, The Contexts of Acadian History, 1686-1784 (Kingston and Montreal, 1992); Jean Daigle (ed.), The Acadians of the Maritimes: Thematic Studies (Moncton, NB, 1982); A. H. Clark, Acadia: The Geography of Nova Scotia (Madison, 1968).
140. 47. British, French, and Natives contested control of the area from the Penobscot to Newfoundland. For the seventeenth century see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); John Bartlett Brebner, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York, 1927; rpt. Hamden, CT, 1965). On the Micmacs see Leslie Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes. 1713-1867 (Vancouver, 1979); Olive Patricia Dickason, 'Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713-1763', American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6, 2 (1982), 1-21; William C. Wicken, 'Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi'kmaq Society, 1500-1760' (Ph.D. diss., McGill University, 1994). On the New England interest see John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (Toronto, 1937); and George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 1630 to 1784 (Montreal and London, 1973). A great tendency exists to put everything from Long Island Sound to Newfoundland under the heading of 'Greater New England'; see Meinig, 87-109. Northeast of Maine, however, New England was only one of many influences shaping the region and not necessarily the most significant.
141. 47. British, French, and Natives contested control of the area from the Penobscot to Newfoundland. For the seventeenth century see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); John Bartlett Brebner, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York, 1927; rpt. Hamden, CT, 1965). On the Micmacs see Leslie Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes. 1713-1867 (Vancouver, 1979); Olive Patricia Dickason, 'Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713-1763', American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6, 2 (1982), 1-21; William C. Wicken, 'Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi'kmaq Society, 1500-1760' (Ph.D. diss., McGill University, 1994). On the New England interest see John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (Toronto, 1937); and George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 1630 to 1784 (Montreal and London, 1973). A great tendency exists to put everything from Long Island Sound to Newfoundland under the heading of 'Greater New England'; see Meinig, 87-109. Northeast of Maine, however, New England was only one of many influences shaping the region and not necessarily the most significant.
142. 47. British, French, and Natives contested control of the area from the Penobscot to Newfoundland. For the seventeenth century see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); John Bartlett Brebner, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York, 1927; rpt. Hamden, CT, 1965). On the Micmacs see Leslie Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes. 1713-1867 (Vancouver, 1979); Olive Patricia Dickason, 'Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713-1763', American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6, 2 (1982), 1-21; William C. Wicken, 'Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi'kmaq Society, 1500-1760' (Ph.D. diss., McGill University, 1994). On the New England interest see John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (Toronto, 1937); and George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 1630 to 1784 (Montreal and London, 1973). A great tendency exists to put everything from Long Island Sound to Newfoundland under the heading of 'Greater New England'; see Meinig, 87-109. Northeast of Maine, however, New England was only one of many influences shaping the region and not necessarily the most significant.
143. 47. British, French, and Natives contested control of the area from the Penobscot to Newfoundland. For the seventeenth century see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); John Bartlett Brebner, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York, 1927; rpt. Hamden, CT, 1965). On the Micmacs see Leslie Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes. 1713-1867 (Vancouver, 1979); Olive Patricia Dickason, 'Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713-1763', American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6, 2 (1982), 1-21; William C. Wicken, 'Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi'kmaq Society, 1500-1760' (Ph.D. diss., McGill University, 1994). On the New England interest see John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (Toronto, 1937); and George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 1630 to 1784 (Montreal and London, 1973). A great tendency exists to put everything from Long Island Sound to Newfoundland under the heading of 'Greater New England'; see Meinig, 87-109. Northeast of Maine, however, New England was only one of many influences shaping the region and not necessarily the most significant.
144. 47. British, French, and Natives contested control of the area from the Penobscot to Newfoundland. For the seventeenth century see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); John Bartlett Brebner, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York, 1927; rpt. Hamden, CT, 1965). On the Micmacs see Leslie Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes. 1713-1867 (Vancouver, 1979); Olive Patricia Dickason, 'Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713-1763', American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6, 2 (1982), 1-21; William C. Wicken, 'Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi'kmaq Society, 1500-1760' (Ph.D. diss., McGill University, 1994). On the New England interest see John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (Toronto, 1937); and George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 1630 to 1784 (Montreal and London, 1973). A great tendency exists to put everything from Long Island Sound to Newfoundland under the heading of 'Greater New England'; see Meinig, 87-109. Northeast of Maine, however, New England was only one of many influences shaping the region and not necessarily the most significant.
145. 47. British, French, and Natives contested control of the area from the Penobscot to Newfoundland. For the seventeenth century see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); John Bartlett Brebner, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York, 1927; rpt. Hamden, CT, 1965). On the Micmacs see Leslie Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes. 1713-1867 (Vancouver, 1979); Olive Patricia Dickason, 'Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713-1763', American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6, 2 (1982), 1-21; William C. Wicken, 'Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi'kmaq Society, 1500-1760' (Ph.D. diss., McGill University, 1994). On the New England interest see John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (Toronto, 1937); and George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 1630 to 1784 (Montreal and London, 1973). A great tendency exists to put everything from Long Island Sound to Newfoundland under the heading of 'Greater New England'; see Meinig, 87-109. Northeast of Maine, however, New England was only one of many influences shaping the region and not necessarily the most significant.
146. 47. British, French, and Natives contested control of the area from the Penobscot to Newfoundland. For the seventeenth century see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); John Bartlett Brebner, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York, 1927; rpt. Hamden, CT, 1965). On the Micmacs see Leslie Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes. 1713-1867 (Vancouver, 1979); Olive Patricia Dickason, 'Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713-1763', American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6, 2 (1982), 1-21; William C. Wicken, 'Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi'kmaq Society, 1500-1760' (Ph.D. diss., McGill University, 1994). On the New England interest see John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (Toronto, 1937); and George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 1630 to 1784 (Montreal and London, 1973). A great tendency exists to put everything from Long Island Sound to Newfoundland under the heading of 'Greater New England'; see Meinig, 87-109. Northeast of Maine, however, New England was only one of many influences shaping the region and not necessarily the most significant.
147. 47. British, French, and Natives contested control of the area from the Penobscot to Newfoundland. For the seventeenth century see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); John Bartlett Brebner, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York, 1927; rpt. Hamden, CT, 1965). On the Micmacs see Leslie Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes. 1713-1867 (Vancouver, 1979); Olive Patricia Dickason, 'Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713-1763', American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6, 2 (1982), 1-21; William C. Wicken, 'Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi'kmaq Society, 1500-1760' (Ph.D. diss., McGill University, 1994). On the New England interest see John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (Toronto, 1937); and George A. Rawlyk, Nova Scotia's Massachusetts: A Study of Massachusetts-Nova Scotia Relations, 1630 to 1784 (Montreal and London, 1973). A great tendency exists to put everything from Long Island Sound to Newfoundland under the heading of 'Greater New England'; see Meinig, 87-109. Northeast of Maine, however, New England was only one of many influences shaping the region and not necessarily the most significant.
148. 48. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg from Its Foundation to Its Fall, 1713-1758 (London, 1918); Winthrop P. Bell, The 'Foreign Protestants' and the Settlement of Nova Scotia (Toronto, 1961); Upton, Micmacs and Colonists, 48-60.
149. 48. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg from Its Foundation to Its Fall, 1713-1758 (London, 1918); Winthrop P. Bell, The 'Foreign Protestants' and the Settlement of Nova Scotia (Toronto, 1961); Upton, Micmacs and Colonists, 48-60.
150. 48. J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg from Its Foundation to Its Fall, 1713-1758 (London, 1918); Winthrop P. Bell, The 'Foreign Protestants' and the Settlement of Nova Scotia (Toronto, 1961); Upton, Micmacs and Colonists, 48-60.
151. 49. On the deportation and destinations see Jean Daigle and Robert LeBlanc, 'Acadian Deportation and Return', HAC, 1:Plate 30; Griffiths, The Acadian Deportation: Deliberate Perfidy or Cruel Necessity? (Toronto, 1969); N.E.S. Griffiths, 'The Acadians of the British Seaports', Acadiensis, 4 (1976), 67-84. Contrary to literary legend, the British did not send Acadians to Louisiana; see idem, 'Longfellow's Evangeline: The Birth and Acceptance of a Legend', Acadiensis, 11 (1982), 28-41.
152. 49. On the deportation and destinations see Jean Daigle and Robert LeBlanc, 'Acadian Deportation and Return', HAC, 1:Plate 30; Griffiths, The Acadian Deportation: Deliberate Perfidy or Cruel Necessity? (Toronto, 1969); N.E.S. Griffiths, 'The Acadians of the British Seaports', Acadiensis, 4 (1976), 67-84. Contrary to literary legend, the British did not send Acadians to Louisiana; see idem, 'Longfellow's Evangeline: The Birth and Acceptance of a Legend', Acadiensis, 11 (1982), 28-41.
153. 49. On the deportation and destinations see Jean Daigle and Robert LeBlanc, 'Acadian Deportation and Return', HAC, 1:Plate 30; Griffiths, The Acadian Deportation: Deliberate Perfidy or Cruel Necessity? (Toronto, 1969); N.E.S. Griffiths, 'The Acadians of the British Seaports', Acadiensis, 4 (1976), 67-84. Contrary to literary legend, the British did not send Acadians to Louisiana; see idem, 'Longfellow's Evangeline: The Birth and Acceptance of a Legend', Acadiensis, 11 (1982), 28-41.
154. 49. On the deportation and destinations see Jean Daigle and Robert LeBlanc, 'Acadian Deportation and Return', HAC, 1:Plate 30; Griffiths, The Acadian Deportation: Deliberate Perfidy or Cruel Necessity? (Toronto, 1969); N.E.S. Griffiths, 'The Acadians of the British Seaports', Acadiensis, 4 (1976), 67-84. Contrary to literary legend, the British did not send Acadians to Louisiana; see idem, 'Longfellow's Evangeline: The Birth and Acceptance of a Legend', Acadiensis, 11 (1982), 28-41.
155. 50. Nova Scotia Census, 1767, Public Archives of Nova Scotia, RG 1, Vol.443, No.1. The Acadian population was probably underreported in this census, and the Micmacs were not counted; see J.M. Bumsted, '1763-1783 Resettlement and Rebellion', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 165.
156. 51. D.C. Harvey (ed.), 'Governor Lawrence's Case Against an Assembly in Nova Scotia', CHR, 13 (1932), 184-94; idem. 'The Struggle for the New England Form of Township Government in Nova Scotia', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 15-22; Gordon Stewart and George A. Rawlyk, A People Highly Favoured of God': The Nova Scotia Yankees and the American Revolution (Toronto, 1972), 15-16, 21; Elizabeth Mancke, 'Corporate Structure and Private Interest: The Mid-Eighteenth Century Expansion of New England', in Margaret Conrad (ed.). They Planted Well: New England Planters in Maritime Canada (Fredericton, NB, 1988), 163-4.
157. 51. D.C. Harvey (ed.), 'Governor Lawrence's Case Against an Assembly in Nova Scotia', CHR, 13 (1932), 184-94; idem. 'The Struggle for the New England Form of Township Government in Nova Scotia', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 15-22; Gordon Stewart and George A. Rawlyk, A People Highly Favoured of God': The Nova Scotia Yankees and the American Revolution (Toronto, 1972), 15-16, 21; Elizabeth Mancke, 'Corporate Structure and Private Interest: The Mid-Eighteenth Century Expansion of New England', in Margaret Conrad (ed.). They Planted Well: New England Planters in Maritime Canada (Fredericton, NB, 1988), 163-4.
158. 51. D.C. Harvey (ed.), 'Governor Lawrence's Case Against an Assembly in Nova Scotia', CHR, 13 (1932), 184-94; idem. 'The Struggle for the New England Form of Township Government in Nova Scotia', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 15-22; Gordon Stewart and George A. Rawlyk, A People Highly Favoured of God': The Nova Scotia Yankees and the American Revolution (Toronto, 1972), 15-16, 21; Elizabeth Mancke, 'Corporate Structure and Private Interest: The Mid-Eighteenth Century Expansion of New England', in Margaret Conrad (ed.). They Planted Well: New England Planters in Maritime Canada (Fredericton, NB, 1988), 163-4.
159. 51. D.C. Harvey (ed.), 'Governor Lawrence's Case Against an Assembly in Nova Scotia', CHR, 13 (1932), 184-94; idem. 'The Struggle for the New England Form of Township Government in Nova Scotia', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 15-22; Gordon Stewart and George A. Rawlyk, A People Highly Favoured of God': The Nova Scotia Yankees and the American Revolution (Toronto, 1972), 15-16, 21; Elizabeth Mancke, 'Corporate Structure and Private Interest: The Mid-Eighteenth Century Expansion of New England', in Margaret Conrad (ed.). They Planted Well: New England Planters in Maritime Canada (Fredericton, NB, 1988), 163-4.
160. 52. Bumsted, '1763-1783: Resettlement and Rebellion', 156-183; idem. Land, Settlement, and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward Island (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); and Margaret Ells, 'Clearing the Decks for the Loyalists', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 43-58. Large land grants were also common in Florida; see Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1986), 430-94. The trustee government of Georgia was one of the last instances of a non-royal government and after two decades was converted to one; see Kenneth Coleman, Colonial Georgia: A History (New York, 1976), 89-110, 174-202.
161. 52. Bumsted, '1763-1783: Resettlement and Rebellion', 156-183; idem. Land, Settlement, and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward Island (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); and Margaret Ells, 'Clearing the Decks for the Loyalists', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 43-58. Large land grants were also common in Florida; see Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1986), 430-94. The trustee government of Georgia was one of the last instances of a non-royal government and after two decades was converted to one; see Kenneth Coleman, Colonial Georgia: A History (New York, 1976), 89-110, 174-202.
162. 52. Bumsted, '1763-1783: Resettlement and Rebellion', 156-183; idem. Land, Settlement, and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward Island (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); and Margaret Ells, 'Clearing the Decks for the Loyalists', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 43-58. Large land grants were also common in Florida; see Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1986), 430-94. The trustee government of Georgia was one of the last instances of a non-royal government and after two decades was converted to one; see Kenneth Coleman, Colonial Georgia: A History (New York, 1976), 89-110, 174-202.
163. 52. Bumsted, '1763-1783: Resettlement and Rebellion', 156-183; idem. Land, Settlement, and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward Island (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); and Margaret Ells, 'Clearing the Decks for the Loyalists', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 43-58. Large land grants were also common in Florida; see Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1986), 430-94. The trustee government of Georgia was one of the last instances of a non-royal government and after two decades was converted to one; see Kenneth Coleman, Colonial Georgia: A History (New York, 1976), 89-110, 174-202.
164. 52. Bumsted, '1763-1783: Resettlement and Rebellion', 156-183; idem. Land, Settlement, and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Prince Edward Island (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); and Margaret Ells, 'Clearing the Decks for the Loyalists', Canadian Historical Association Report (1933), 43-58. Large land grants were also common in Florida; see Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1986), 430-94. The trustee government of Georgia was one of the last instances of a non-royal government and after two decades was converted to one; see Kenneth Coleman, Colonial Georgia: A History (New York, 1976), 89-110, 174-202.
165. 53. Hilda Neatby, Quebec: The Revolutionary Age, 1760-1791 (Toronto, 1966); idem, The Quebec Act: protest and policy (Scarborough, Ont., 1972); Philip Lawson, The Imperial Change: Quebec and Britain in the Age of the American Revolution (Kingston and Montreal, 1989); Fernand Ouellet, Economic and Social History of Quebec, 1760-1850 (Toronto, 1980); Allan Greer, Peasant, lord, merchant: rural society in three Quebec parishes, 1740-1840 (Toronto, 1985).
166. 53. Hilda Neatby, Quebec: The Revolutionary Age, 1760-1791 (Toronto, 1966); idem, The Quebec Act: protest and policy (Scarborough, Ont., 1972); Philip Lawson, The Imperial Change: Quebec and Britain in the Age of the American Revolution (Kingston and Montreal, 1989); Fernand Ouellet, Economic and Social History of Quebec, 1760-1850 (Toronto, 1980); Allan Greer, Peasant, lord, merchant: rural society in three Quebec parishes, 1740-1840 (Toronto, 1985).
167. 53. Hilda Neatby, Quebec: The Revolutionary Age, 1760-1791 (Toronto, 1966); idem, The Quebec Act: protest and policy (Scarborough, Ont., 1972); Philip Lawson, The Imperial Change: Quebec and Britain in the Age of the American Revolution (Kingston and Montreal, 1989); Fernand Ouellet, Economic and Social History of Quebec, 1760-1850 (Toronto, 1980); Allan Greer, Peasant, lord, merchant: rural society in three Quebec parishes, 1740-1840 (Toronto, 1985).
168. 53. Hilda Neatby, Quebec: The Revolutionary Age, 1760-1791 (Toronto, 1966); idem, The Quebec Act: protest and policy (Scarborough, Ont., 1972); Philip Lawson, The Imperial Change: Quebec and Britain in the Age of the American Revolution (Kingston and Montreal, 1989); Fernand Ouellet, Economic and Social History of Quebec, 1760-1850 (Toronto, 1980); Allan Greer, Peasant, lord, merchant: rural society in three Quebec parishes, 1740-1840 (Toronto, 1985).
169. 53. Hilda Neatby, Quebec: The Revolutionary Age, 1760-1791 (Toronto, 1966); idem, The Quebec Act: protest and policy (Scarborough, Ont., 1972); Philip Lawson, The Imperial Change: Quebec and Britain in the Age of the American Revolution (Kingston and Montreal, 1989); Fernand Ouellet, Economic and Social History of Quebec, 1760-1850 (Toronto, 1980); Allan Greer, Peasant, lord, merchant: rural society in three Quebec parishes, 1740-1840 (Toronto, 1985).
170. 54. Bailyn, Voyagers to the West, 29-66, 104-13, 134-17; J.M. Bumsted, The People's Clearance: Highland Emigration to British North America, 1770-1815 (Edinburgh and Wnnipeg, 1982); and Marianne McLean, The People of Glengarry: Highlanders in Transition, 1745-1820 (Kingston and Montreal, 1991).
171. 54. Bailyn, Voyagers to the West, 29-66, 104-13, 134-17; J.M. Bumsted, The People's Clearance: Highland Emigration to British North America, 1770-1815 (Edinburgh and Wnnipeg, 1982); and Marianne McLean, The People of Glengarry: Highlanders in Transition, 1745-1820 (Kingston and Montreal, 1991).
172. 54. Bailyn, Voyagers to the West, 29-66, 104-13, 134-17; J.M. Bumsted, The People's Clearance: Highland Emigration to British North America, 1770-1815 (Edinburgh and Wnnipeg, 1982); and Marianne McLean, The People of Glengarry: Highlanders in Transition, 1745-1820 (Kingston and Montreal, 1991).
173. 55. This interpretation of the American Revolution in Nova Scotia is drawn from Elizabeth Mancke, 'Two Patterns of New England Transformation: Machias, Maine and Liverpool, Nova Scotia, 1760-1820' (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1989), 113-52; and Ernest Clarke, An Episode in the American Revolution: The Siege of Fort Cumberland, 1776 (Kingston and Montreal, 1995). For the older literature, interpreted with a New England leitmotiv, see Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia; Stewart and Rawlyk, passim.
174. 55. This interpretation of the American Revolution in Nova Scotia is drawn from Elizabeth Mancke, 'Two Patterns of New England Transformation: Machias, Maine and Liverpool, Nova Scotia, 1760-1820' (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1989), 113-52; and Ernest Clarke, An Episode in the American Revolution: The Siege of Fort Cumberland, 1776 (Kingston and Montreal, 1995). For the older literature, interpreted with a New England leitmotiv, see Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia; Stewart and Rawlyk, passim.
175. 55. This interpretation of the American Revolution in Nova Scotia is drawn from Elizabeth Mancke, 'Two Patterns of New England Transformation: Machias, Maine and Liverpool, Nova Scotia, 1760-1820' (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1989), 113-52; and Ernest Clarke, An Episode in the American Revolution: The Siege of Fort Cumberland, 1776 (Kingston and Montreal, 1995). For the older literature, interpreted with a New England leitmotiv, see Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia; Stewart and Rawlyk, passim.
176. 56. Ann Condon, '1783-1800: Loyalist Arrival, Acadian Return, Imperial Reform', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 184-209; Esther Clark Wright, The Loyalists of New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1955); D.G. Bell, Early Loyalist Saint John: the Origin of New Brunswick Politics, 1783-1786 (Fredericton, NB, 1986); Ann Condon, The Envy of the American States: The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1984); Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia, 1783-1791 (Kingston and Montreal, 1986); James W. St G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (New York, 1976). For a useful overview of Loyalist historiography and its place in Canadian history see J.M. Bumsted, Understanding the Loyalists (Sackville, NB, 1986).
177. 56. Ann Condon, '1783-1800: Loyalist Arrival, Acadian Return, Imperial Reform', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 184-209; Esther Clark Wright, The Loyalists of New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1955); D.G. Bell, Early Loyalist Saint John: the Origin of New Brunswick Politics, 1783-1786 (Fredericton, NB, 1986); Ann Condon, The Envy of the American States: The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1984); Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia, 1783-1791 (Kingston and Montreal, 1986); James W. St G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (New York, 1976). For a useful overview of Loyalist historiography and its place in Canadian history see J.M. Bumsted, Understanding the Loyalists (Sackville, NB, 1986).
178. 56. Ann Condon, '1783-1800: Loyalist Arrival, Acadian Return, Imperial Reform', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 184-209; Esther Clark Wright, The Loyalists of New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1955); D.G. Bell, Early Loyalist Saint John: the Origin of New Brunswick Politics, 1783-1786 (Fredericton, NB, 1986); Ann Condon, The Envy of the American States: The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1984); Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia, 1783-1791 (Kingston and Montreal, 1986); James W. St G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (New York, 1976). For a useful overview of Loyalist historiography and its place in Canadian history see J.M. Bumsted, Understanding the Loyalists (Sackville, NB, 1986).
179. 56. Ann Condon, '1783-1800: Loyalist Arrival, Acadian Return, Imperial Reform', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 184-209; Esther Clark Wright, The Loyalists of New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1955); D.G. Bell, Early Loyalist Saint John: the Origin of New Brunswick Politics, 1783-1786 (Fredericton, NB, 1986); Ann Condon, The Envy of the American States: The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1984); Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia, 1783-1791 (Kingston and Montreal, 1986); James W. St G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (New York, 1976). For a useful overview of Loyalist historiography and its place in Canadian history see J.M. Bumsted, Understanding the Loyalists (Sackville, NB, 1986).
180. 56. Ann Condon, '1783-1800: Loyalist Arrival, Acadian Return, Imperial Reform', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 184-209; Esther Clark Wright, The Loyalists of New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1955); D.G. Bell, Early Loyalist Saint John: the Origin of New Brunswick Politics, 1783-1786 (Fredericton, NB, 1986); Ann Condon, The Envy of the American States: The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1984); Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia, 1783-1791 (Kingston and Montreal, 1986); James W. St G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (New York, 1976). For a useful overview of Loyalist historiography and its place in Canadian history see J.M. Bumsted, Understanding the Loyalists (Sackville, NB, 1986).
181. 56. Ann Condon, '1783-1800: Loyalist Arrival, Acadian Return, Imperial Reform', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 184-209; Esther Clark Wright, The Loyalists of New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1955); D.G. Bell, Early Loyalist Saint John: the Origin of New Brunswick Politics, 1783-1786 (Fredericton, NB, 1986); Ann Condon, The Envy of the American States: The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1984); Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia, 1783-1791 (Kingston and Montreal, 1986); James W. St G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (New York, 1976). For a useful overview of Loyalist historiography and its place in Canadian history see J.M. Bumsted, Understanding the Loyalists (Sackville, NB, 1986).
182. 56. Ann Condon, '1783-1800: Loyalist Arrival, Acadian Return, Imperial Reform', in The Atlantic Region to Confederation, 184-209; Esther Clark Wright, The Loyalists of New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1955); D.G. Bell, Early Loyalist Saint John: the Origin of New Brunswick Politics, 1783-1786 (Fredericton, NB, 1986); Ann Condon, The Envy of the American States: The Loyalist Dream for New Brunswick (Fredericton, NB, 1984); Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia, 1783-1791 (Kingston and Montreal, 1986); James W. St G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (New York, 1976). For a useful overview of Loyalist historiography and its place in Canadian history see J.M. Bumsted, Understanding the Loyalists (Sackville, NB, 1986).
183. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
184. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
185. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
186. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
187. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
188. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
189. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
190. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
191. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
192. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
193. 57. Jane Errington, The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada; A Developing Colonial Ideology (Kingston and Montreal, 1987); David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850 (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); Janice Potter-MacKinnon. While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women (Kingston and Montreal, 1993); R. Louis Gentilcore, Don Measner, David Doherty, 'The Coming of the Loyalists', Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol.2, The Land Transformed, 1800-1891 (Toronto, 1993), Plate 7; Charles M. Johnston, 'An Outline of Early Settlement in the Grand River Valley', Ontario History, 54 (1962), 43-67; idem, 'Joseph Brant, the Grand River Lands, and the Northwest Crisis', Ontario History, 55 (1963), 267-82; Donald B. Smith, 'The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: A Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada', Ontario History, 73 (1981), 67-87; Christopher Moore, 'The Disposition to Settle: the Royal Highland Emigrants and Loyalist Settlement in Upper Canada, 1784', Ontario History, 76 (1984), 306-25; McLean, 78-97. Scholars generally accept that the Loyalists influenced the statist orientation of Canadian political culture; see Gad Horowitz, 'Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: an Interpretation', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966); Gordon T. Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics: a comparative approach (Vancouver, 1986). This essay argues that it happened much earlier and was a consequence of gradual changes in the British management of overseas possessions.
194. 58. G.A. Rawlyk, The Canada Fire: Radical Evangelicalism in British North America 1775-1812 (Kingston and Montreal, 1994), xvi, passim.
195. 59. John Strachan, 1806, quoted in Nancy Christie, 'In These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion: Popular Religion and the Challenge to the Established Order 1760-1815,' in George A. Rawlyk (ed.), The Canadian Protestant Experience (Burlington, Ont., 1990), 15; Judith Fingard, The Anglican Design in Loyalist Nova Scotia. 1783-1816 (London, 1972); George A. Rawlyk. Ravished by the Spirit: Religious Revivals, Baptists, and Henry Alline (Kingston and Montreal, 1984); J.M. Bumsted, Henry Alline, 1748-1784 (Toronto, 1971); Mancke, 'Two Patterns of New England Transformation,' 281-94.
196. 59. John Strachan, 1806, quoted in Nancy Christie, 'In These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion: Popular Religion and the Challenge to the Established Order 1760-1815,' in George A. Rawlyk (ed.), The Canadian Protestant Experience (Burlington, Ont., 1990), 15; Judith Fingard, The Anglican Design in Loyalist Nova Scotia. 1783-1816 (London, 1972); George A. Rawlyk. Ravished by the Spirit: Religious Revivals, Baptists, and Henry Alline (Kingston and Montreal, 1984); J.M. Bumsted, Henry Alline, 1748-1784 (Toronto, 1971); Mancke, 'Two Patterns of New England Transformation,' 281-94.
197. 59. John Strachan, 1806, quoted in Nancy Christie, 'In These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion: Popular Religion and the Challenge to the Established Order 1760-1815,' in George A. Rawlyk (ed.), The Canadian Protestant Experience (Burlington, Ont., 1990), 15; Judith Fingard, The Anglican Design in Loyalist Nova Scotia. 1783-1816 (London, 1972); George A. Rawlyk. Ravished by the Spirit: Religious Revivals, Baptists, and Henry Alline (Kingston and Montreal, 1984); J.M. Bumsted, Henry Alline, 1748-1784 (Toronto, 1971); Mancke, 'Two Patterns of New England Transformation,' 281-94.
198. 59. John Strachan, 1806, quoted in Nancy Christie, 'In These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion: Popular Religion and the Challenge to the Established Order 1760-1815,' in George A. Rawlyk (ed.), The Canadian Protestant Experience (Burlington, Ont., 1990), 15; Judith Fingard, The Anglican Design in Loyalist Nova Scotia. 1783-1816 (London, 1972); George A. Rawlyk. Ravished by the Spirit: Religious Revivals, Baptists, and Henry Alline (Kingston and Montreal, 1984); J.M. Bumsted, Henry Alline, 1748-1784 (Toronto, 1971); Mancke, 'Two Patterns of New England Transformation,' 281-94.
199. 59. John Strachan, 1806, quoted in Nancy Christie, 'In These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion: Popular Religion and the Challenge to the Established Order 1760-1815,' in George A. Rawlyk (ed.), The Canadian Protestant Experience (Burlington, Ont., 1990), 15; Judith Fingard, The Anglican Design in Loyalist Nova Scotia. 1783-1816 (London, 1972); George A. Rawlyk. Ravished by the Spirit: Religious Revivals, Baptists, and Henry Alline (Kingston and Montreal, 1984); J.M. Bumsted, Henry Alline, 1748-1784 (Toronto, 1971); Mancke, 'Two Patterns of New England Transformation,' 281-94.
200. 60. Graeme Wynn, 'A Region of Scattered Settlements and Bounded Possibilities: Northeastern America 1775-1800', Canadian Geographer/Le géographe canadien, 31 (1987), 319-38; idem, Timber colony: a historical geography of early nineteenth-century New Brunswick (Toronto, 1981); and Buckner, 'Whatever happened to the British Empire?', 3-32.
201. 60. Graeme Wynn, 'A Region of Scattered Settlements and Bounded Possibilities: Northeastern America 1775-1800', Canadian Geographer/Le géographe canadien, 31 (1987), 319-38; idem, Timber colony: a historical geography of early nineteenth-century New Brunswick (Toronto, 1981); and Buckner, 'Whatever happened to the British Empire?', 3-32.
202. 60. Graeme Wynn, 'A Region of Scattered Settlements and Bounded Possibilities: Northeastern America 1775-1800', Canadian Geographer/Le géographe canadien, 31 (1987), 319-38; idem, Timber colony: a historical geography of early nineteenth-century New Brunswick (Toronto, 1981); and Buckner, 'Whatever happened to the British Empire?', 3-32.
203. 61. Fernand Ouellet, Lower Canada, 1791-1840: social change and nationalism (Toronto, 1979); F. Murray Greenwood, Legacies of Fear: Law and Politics in Quebec in the Era of the French Revolution (Toronto, 1993).
204. 61. Fernand Ouellet, Lower Canada, 1791-1840: social change and nationalism (Toronto, 1979); F. Murray Greenwood, Legacies of Fear: Law and Politics in Quebec in the Era of the French Revolution (Toronto, 1993).
205. 62. For other alternatives to the 1763 or 1783 break in imperial history see P.J. Cain and A.G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), 53-8; P.J. Marshall, 'The British Empire in the Age of the American Revolution', in William M. Fowler, Jr. and Wallace Coyle (eds.), The American Revolution: Changing Perspectives (Boston, 1979), 193-212.
206. 62. For other alternatives to the 1763 or 1783 break in imperial history see P.J. Cain and A.G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), 53-8; P.J. Marshall, 'The British Empire in the Age of the American Revolution', in William M. Fowler, Jr. and Wallace Coyle (eds.), The American Revolution: Changing Perspectives (Boston, 1979), 193-212.
207. 63. Wells, 264-7.
208. 64. It is not just coincidental that two of the most hesitant parties to independence were South Carolina and Georgia.
209. 65. The areas without one of these characteristics included Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Rupert's Land, South Carolina, Georgia, Barbados, Antigua, Montserrat, Nevis, St. Kitts, Jamaica, the Virgin Islands, Bermuda, Barbados, Minorca, Gibraltar, and territory in West Africa and Asia. The Seven Years War added Quebec, the Island of St. John and Cape Breton, East and West Florida, Grenada, Dominica, St. Vincent, and Tobago.
210. 66. Robert V. Wells, 'Population and the American Revolution', in Fowler and Coyle (eds.), 107-22.
211. 67. Greens, Peripheries and Center, 139-40.
212. 68. P.J. Marshall, 'The British Empire in the Age of the American Revolution', makes a similar argument about the practices of imperial governance that had developed in Britain over the first half of the eighteenth century. See also. Jack P. Greene, '"A Posture of Hostility": A Reconsideration of Some Aspects of the Origins of the American Revolution', Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 87 (1977), 27-68.
213. 68. P.J. Marshall, 'The British Empire in the Age of the American Revolution', makes a similar argument about the practices of imperial governance that had developed in Britain over the first half of the eighteenth century. See also. Jack P. Greene, '"A Posture of Hostility": A Reconsideration of Some Aspects of the Origins of the American Revolution', Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 87 (1977), 27-68.