The transnational contexts of early twentieth-century American urban segregation

Journal of Social History

Volumn 39, Issue 3, 2006, Pages

  Nightingale, Carl H ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY AT BUFFALO   (United States)

^b Department of American Studies ^*  (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 33646506191     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh.2006.0008     Document Type: Review

References (365)

1. "Colored Methodists Should Get Out Says Dr. Lyon in Forceful Sermon," Afro American Ledger (Baltimore), Dec 10, 1910 p. 4.
2. Stephen Frenkel and John Western, "Pretext or Prophylaxis? Racial Segregation and Malarial Mosquitos in a British Tropical Colony: Sierra Leone," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 78 (1988): 211-28;
3. Thomas S. Gale, "Segregation in British ''West Africa," Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 20 (1951) 495-507;
4. Philip D. Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (1985): 600-601.
5. The first version of the West Ordinance (December 20, 1910) can be found in Baltimore City Archives, Mahool Files, #404; the fourth, and most successful version, of September 2 5,1913 is published in Ordinances and Resolutions of the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore Passed at the Annual Session 1913-1914 (Baltimore, 1914), pp. 117-19. A supplement to that version is on pp. 141-45.
6. See for examples, BCA, Mahool Files (MF) 406 Nov 5, 1910 Letter from Mayor of Roanoke, also 404 Dec 17 1910; 475 April 6, 1911, letter from Mahool to Charles Woodruff, Cebu, Philippine Islands. BCA Preston Files (PF) 21-d March 26,1916, letter from Harry A. Kahler, Esq President, New York Title & Mortgage Co., 135 Broadway, New York City, which says "The rapid increase in the negro population in New York City is creating, in some sections of the city, very serious depreciation in real estate values, affecting not only individual owners of property, but the City's revenue, through falling in taxable values. We are considering whether the lead taken by your City in this matter may be taken as a guide for us, here." PF 21-d July 24, 1917 letter from Frederick Rex of Chicago Municipal Reference Library, City Hall, Chicago. The Chicago Real Estate Board discussed a measure like Baltimore's in the Chicago Real Estate Board Bulletin, 1917, pp. 315, 551. The CREB was influential in establishing the National Association of Real Estate Boards (NAREB), and remained the most important body within the larger federation for many years.
7. W. Ashbie Hawkins, "A Year of Segregation in Baltimore, "Crisis 3 (Nov., 1911), pp. 27-30;
8. Roger L. Rice, "Residential Segregation by Law, 1910-1917, "Journal of Southern History 179 (1968) 179-99;
9. Christopher Silver, "The Racial Origins of Zoning: Southern Cities from 1910-40," Planning Perspectives 6 (1991): 189-205;
10. Garrett Power, "Apartheid Baltimore Style: The Segregation Ordinances of 1910-1913," Mary land Law Review 42 (1983): 289-349;
11. Joseph L. Arnold, "The Neighborhood and City Hall: The Origin of Neighborhood Associations in Baltimore, 1880-191],"Journal of Urban History 6 (1979) 3-30.
12. Gretchen Boger, "Shifting Ground, Shifting Meaning: Baltimore's Residential Segregation Ordinances, 1910-1913," (unpublished M.A. research paper, Princeton University, 2003 generously provided to the author by Gretchen Boger).
13. On rural segregation see Jack Temple Kirby, Darkness at the Dauming: Race and Reform in the Progressive South (Philadelphia, 1972), pp. 108-130; reference to influence of Baltimore on p. 123.
14. On early colonial cities and color segregation, see Carl Nightingale, "The Urban and Global Dynamics of Color Lines at Colonial Madras and New York" (unpublished paper);
15. Thomas R. Metcalf, "Imperial Towns and Cities," in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, ed. P.J Marshall (Cambridge, U.K., 1996) pp. 242-43;
16. Dilip K. Basu, ed. The Rise and Growth of Colonial Port Cities in Asia (Lanham, MD, 1985).
17. For Madras, most of the official sources for the period have been published. Government of Madras, Records of Fort St. George. Diary and Consultation Boots (Madras, 1910-53), 82 volumes covering 1672-1751;
18. Despatches from England (Madras, 1911-71), 61 volumes covering 1670-1758;
19. Despatches to England (1670-1758) 61 vols. (Madras, 1916-32);
20. Letters to Fort St. George, 1681-1765 45 vols. (Madras, 1916-1945);
21. Letters from Fort. St. George 38 Vols., (Madras, 1914-46).
22. Other primary sources are collected in: J. Talboys Wheeler, Annals of the Madras Presidency, Being a History of the Presidency From the First Foundation to the Governorship of Thomas Pitt, Grandfather of the Earl of Chatham Compiled from Official Records (1861; Delhi, 1982);
23. William Foster, The Founding of Fort St. George, Madras (London, ' 1902);
24. and Henry Davison Love, Vestiges of Old Madras, 1640-1800 Traced From the East India Company's Records Preserved at Fort St. George and the India Office and From Other Sources (1913; New York, 1968), 3 vols.
25. Also, see William Foster, The Founding of Fort St. George, Madras (London, 1902);
26. N.S. Ramaswami, Fort St. George (Madras, 1980);
27. and Ramaswami, The Founding of Madras (Madras, 1977);
28. Rao C.S. Srinavasachari, History of the City of Madras (Madras, 1939);
29. Arjun Appadurai, "Right and Left Hand Castes in South India," Indian Economic and Social History Review, 11 (1974): 216-59;
30. Patrick Roche, "Caste and the Merchant Government in Madras, 1639-1749" in Indian Economic and Social History Review 12 (1975): 381-407;
31. Joseph]. Brenning, "Chief Merchants and the European Enclaves of Seventeenth-Century Coromandel," Modem Asian Studies 11 (1977): 321-40;
32. Susan M. Nield, "Madras: The Growth of a Colonial City in India, 1780-1840" (Ph.D Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1977);
33. Susan M. Nield, "Colonial Urbanism: The Development of Madras City in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Modern Asian Studies 13 (1979): 217-46;
34. Susan Nield-Basu, "The Dubashes of Madras," Modem Asian Studies 18 (1984): 1-31.
35. On Calcutta: C.R. Wilson, ed. Old Fort William in Bengal: A Selection of Official Documents Dealing With its History (London, 1906);
36. P.J. Marshall, "Eighteenth-Century Calcutta," in Colonial Cities ed. Robert J. Ross and Gerald J. Telkamp (Dordrecht, the Netherlands, 1985), pp. 87-104;
37. Marshall. "British Merchants in Eighteenth-Century Bengal," Bengal, Past and Present 95 ( 1976): 151-63;
38. Marshall, "British Society Under the East India Company," Modem Asian Studies 31 ((1997): 89-108;
39. Marshall, "The White Town of Calcutta Under the Rule of the East India Company," Modem Asian Studies 34 (2000): 307-31;
40. Farhat Hassan, "Indigenous Cooperation and the Birth of a Colonial City. Calcutta, c. 1698-1750," Modem Asian Studies 26 (1992): 65-82;
41. Rev. James Long, Calcutta and Its Neighborhood: History of Calcutta and its People from 1690-1357 (Calcutta, 1974), edited by Sankar Sen Gupta;
42. Sukanta Chauduri, Calcutta, The Living City Volume I: The Past (Calcutta, 1990);
43. Pradip Sinha, Calcutta in Urban History (Calcutta, 1978);
44. Durba Ghosh, "Colonial Companions: Bibis, Begums, and Concubines of the British in North India. 1760-1830" (Ph.D Dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 2000);
45. Swati Chattopadhyay, "Blurring Boundaries: The Limits of White Town in Colonial Calcutta," Journal of the Society of American Architectural Historians 59 (2000): 154-79.
46. On Bombay: John Burnell, Bombay in the Days of Queen Anne: Being an Account of the Settlement Written by John Burnell (1710) edited by Samuel Sheppard (Cambridge, U.K., 1933);
47. Dulcinea Correa Rodrigues, Bombay Fort in the Eighteenth Century (Bombay, 1994), pp. 58-59, 72-115;
48. S.M. Edwardes, The Rise of Bombay: A Retrospect (Bombay, 1902), pp. 104-109, 138, 146, 152-53, 170-78, 206, 229-238;
49. Gilliam Tindatt, City of Gold: The Biography of Bombay (London, 1982);
50. Meera Kosambi, Bombay in Transition: The Growth and Social Ecology of a Colonial City (Stockholm, 1986);
51. Dirk Kooiman, "Bombay: From Fishing Village to Colonial Port City (1662-1947)," in Ross and Telkamp, Colonial Cities, pp. 207-30.
52. Elsewhere in Asia see: Robert R. Reed, Colonial Manila: The Context of Hispanic Urbanism and Process of Morphogenesis (Berkeley, 1978), pp. 38-63;
53. Leonard Blusse, " 'An Insane Administration and an Unsanitary Town": The Dutch East India Company and Batavia (1619-1799)" in Ross and Telkamp, Colonial Cities, pp. 65-86;
54. Remco Raben, "Batavia and Colombo: The Ethnic Spatial Order of Two Colonial Cities, 1600-1800" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Rijkuniversiteit Leiden, 1996), pp. 162-247;
55. Heather Sutherland; "Ethnicity, Wealth, and Power in Colonial Makassar: A Historiographical Reconsideration," in Peter J. M. Nas, The Indonesian City: Studies in Urban Development and Planning (Dordrecht. Netherlands: Foris Publications, 1986), pp. 37-55.
56. On the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, see Anthony D. King, Urbanism. Colonialism, and the World Economy: Cultural and Sfwtiai Formations of the World Urban System (London, 1990), pp. 41-42;
57. King, "Colonial Cities: Global Pivots of Change," in Ross and Telkamp, Colonial Cities, pp. 7-32;
58. Veena Talwar Oldenburg, The Making of Colo-nial Lucknow. 1857-1877 (Princeton, 1984), pp. 27-144;
59. Mark Crinson, Empire Building: Orientalism and Viaorian Architecture (London, 1996;
60. Miriam Dossal, "Limits of Colonial Urban Planning: A Study of Mid-Nineteenth-Century Bombay," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 13 (1989): 19-31;
61. Dane Kennedy, Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj (Berkeley, 1996);
62. Brenda Yeoh, Contesting Space: Power Relations and the Urban Built Environment in Colonial Singapore (Kuala Lumpur, 1996);
63. Donald B. Freeman, "Hill Stations or Horticulture? Conflicting Imperial Visions of the Cameron Highlands, Malaysia" Journal of Historical Geography 25 (1999): 17-35;
64. Anthony D. King, Colonial Urban Development: Culture, Social Power, and Environment (London, 1976), pp. 180-276.
65. Janet Abu-Lughod, Rabat.- Urban Apartheid in Morocco (Princeton, 1980);
66. Gwendolyn Wright, "Tradition in the Service of Modernity: Architecture and Urbanism in French Colonial Policy, 1900-1930," in Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World ed. Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (Berkeley, 1997), pp. 322-45;
67. Wright, The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism (Chicago, 1991);
68. Paul Rabinow, French-Modem: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment (Cambridge, MA, 1989), pp. 211-50;
69. X. Guilliaume, "Saigon, or the Failure of an Ambition (1858-1945)," in Ross and Telkamp, pp. 181-93;
70. Raymond F. Betts, "Dakar, Ville Imperiale (1857-1960)," in Ross and Telkamp, pp.193-206;
71. Betts, "The Establishment of the Medina in Dakar, Senegal, 1914," Africa 41 (1971): 143-52;
72. Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et Société Urbaine à Dakar," Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 85-86 ( 1982): 13-46;
73. J.S. La Fontaine, City Politics: A Study ofleopoldvitle, 1962-63 (Cambridge, UK, 1970), pp. 3-27;
74. J. L. Miege, "Algiers: Colonial Metropolis (1830-1961)," in Ross and Telkamp, pp. 171-80;
75. Douglas L. Wheeler, " 'Angola is Whose House ?' Early Stirrings of Angolan Nationalism and Protest, 1822-1910," African Historical Studies 2 (1969): 1-22;
76. Colin G. Clarke, Kingston. Jamaica: Urban Development and Social Change, 1692-1962 (Berkeley, 1975);
77. EmaBrodber, A Study of the Yards in the City of Kingston (Mona, Jamaica, 1975);
78. Aggrey Brown, Color. Class, and Politics in Jamaica (New Brunswick, N.J., 1979).
79. Sidney Chaloub, Cidode Febril: Cortiços e Epidemias na Carte Imperial (São Paulo, 1996);
80. Teresa A. Meade, "Civilizing" Rio: Reform and Resistance in a Brazilian City, 1889-1930 (University Park, PA, 1997);
81. Donald H. J Clairmont, Africvilie: The Life and Death of a Canadian Black Community (Toronto, 1974);
82. Kay J. Anderson, Vancouver's Chinatown: Racial Discourse in Canada, 1875-1980 (Montreal, 1991);
83. Anderson, "The Idea of Chinatown: The Power of Place and Institutional Practice in the Making of a Racial Category," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 77 (1987): 580-98;
84. Anderson, "Place Narratives and the Origins of Inner Sydney's Aboriginal Settlement, 1972-73," Journal of Historical Geography 19 (1993): 314-35.
85. Charles van Onselen, Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand 1886-1914 (Johannesburg, 1982) vols. I and II;
86. Philip Bonner, Peter Delius, and Deborah Posel, Apartheid's Genesis 1935-1962 (Johannesburg, 1993);
87. Rodney Davenport, "African Townsmen? South African Native (Urban Areas) Legislation Through the Years," African Affairs 68 (1969) DT 1.R6;
88. George Fredrickson, White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (Oxford, 1984);
89. Robert H Davies, Capital, State and Labor in South Africa 1900-1960 (Brighton, 1979);
90. Martin Legassick, "British Hegemony and the Origins of Segregation in South Africa, 190114," in Segregation and Apartheid in Twentieth Century South Africa (London, 1995), ed. William Beinart and Saul Dubow;
91. Bernard M. Magubane, The Making of a Racists State: British Imperialism and the Union of South Africa, 1875-1910 (Trenton, 1996);
92. Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, "Lord Milner and the South African State," in Working Papers in Southern African Studies (Johannesburg, 1981), Philip Bonner, ed., vol II;
93. Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and the Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, "Journal of African History 18 (1977): 387-410;
94. Swanson, "'The Asiatic Menace': Creating Segregation in Durban, 1870-1900," International Journal of African Historical Studies 16 (1983): 401-21;
95. Anthony Lemon, ed., Homes Apart: South Africa's Segregated Cities (Cape Town, 1991);
96. Alan Mabin, "Labour Capital, Class Struggle and the Origins of Residential Segregation in Kimberley, 1880-1920," Journal o/Historical Geography 12 (1986): 4-26;
97. RobTurrell, "Kimberley: Labour and Compounds, 1871-1888," Industrialization and Social Change in South Africa: African Class Formation, Culture, and Consciousness, 1870-1930 (London, 1982) ed. Shula Marks and Richard Rathbone, pp. 45-76;
98. Christopher C. Saunders, "The Creation of Ndabeni: Urban Segregation, Social Control, and African Resistance," unpublished paper in author's possession;
99. Vivian Bickford-Smith, Ethnic Pride and Racial Prejudice in Victorian Cape Toum (Johannesburg, 1995);
100. A.J. Christopher, "From Flint to Soweto: Reflections on the Colonial Origins of the Apartheid City," Area 15 (1983): 145-49;
101. Christopher, "Spatial Variations in the Application of Residential Segregation in South African Cities," Geoforum 20: 253-67;
102. Christopher, "Race and Residence in Colonial Port Elizabeth," South African Geographical Journal 69 ( 1987);
103. Christopher, "Roots of South African Segregation: South Africa at Union," Journal of Historical Geograph 14 ( 1988): 151-69;
104. Paul Maylam, "The Rise and Decline of Urban Apartheid in South Africa," African Affairs 89 ( 1990): 57-84;
105. E.L. Nel, "Racial Segregation in East London, 1836-1948," South African Geographical Journal 73 (1991);
106. Sue M. Pamell, "Johannesburg Slums and Racial Segregation in South African Cities, 1910-37" (PhD. Dissertation: University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 1993);
107. Pamell, "Racial Segregation in Johannesburg: The Slums Act, 1934-39," South African Geographical Journal 70 (1988);
108. Parnell, Sanitation, Segregation and the Native (Urban Areas) Act: African Exclusion from Johannesburg's Malay Location, 1897-1925," Journal of Historical Geography 17 ( 1991 ): 271-88;
109. Parnell, "Slums, Segregation and Poor Whites in Johannesburg, 1920-1934," in White But Poor: Essays on the History of Poor Whites in Southern Africa, 1880-1940 (Pretoria, 1992), ed. Robert Morrell, pp.115-29;
110. Harriet Deacon, "Racial Segregation and Medical Discourse in Nineteenth Century Cape Town," Journal of Southern African Studies 22 (1996): 287-308;
111. Gary Baines, "The Origins of Urban Segregation: Local Government and the Residence of Africans in Port Elizabeth, c. 1835-1865," South African Historical Journal 22 (1990): 61-81;
112. J. Robinson, "'A Perfect System of Control1? State Power and 'Native Locations' in South Africa," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 8: 135-62;
113. Hilary Sapire, "African Settlement and Segregation in Brakpan, 1900-1927" in Holding Their Ground: Class Locality and Culture in 19th and 20th Century South Africa (Johannesburg, 1987) ed. Philip Bonner, Isabel Hofmeyr, Deborah James, and Tom Lodge.
114. W.E.B. DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro (Millwood N.Y., 1973), pp. 10-45;
115. Gary B. Nash, Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia's Black Community, 1720-1840 (Cambridge, MA, 1988);
116. David Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century (Urbana, 1975);
117. Roger Lane, Roots of Violence in Block Philadelphia, 1860-1900 (Cambridge, Mass., 1986);
118. Theodore Hershberg, "Free Blacks in Antebellum Philadelphia: A Study of Ex-Slaves, Freebom, and Socioeconomic Decline," in Hershberg. ed., Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family and Group Experience in the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1981);
119. Theodore Hershberg, Alan N. Burstein, Eugene P. Eriksen, Stephanie W. Greenberg, and William L. Yancey, "A Tale of Three Cities: Blacks, Immigrants, and Opportunity in Philadelphia, 1850-1880, 1930, 1970," in Hershberg, ed. Philadelphia, pp. 461-91;
120. Harold X. Connolly, A Ghetto Grows in Brooklyn (New York, 1977, pp. 150;
121. John Daniels In Freedom's Birthplace (New York, 1969);
122. James Oliver Horton and Lois E. Horton, Block Bostoniens: Family Life and Community Struggle in the Antebellum North (New York, 1979);
123. George Levesque, Black Boston: African American Life and Culture in Urban America, 1750-1860 (New York, 1994);
124. Gerald Gamm, Urban Exodus: Why the Jews Left and the Catholics Stayed (Cambridge, MA, 1999);
125. Thomas J. Davis, "A Histor-ical Overview of Black Buffalo, Work, Community, and Protest," in African Americans and the Rise of Buffalo's Post-Industrial City, 1940-Present Henry Louis Taylor, Jr., ed. (Buffalo, 1990), pp. 8-47;
126. Robert Austin Warner, New Haven Negroes: A Social History (New Haven, 1940);
127. Spencer R. Crew, Block Life in Secondary Cities; A Comparative Analysis of the Black Communities of Camden and Elizabeth, N.J. 1860-1920 (New York, 1993);
128. Henry Louis Taylor, Jr. and Vicky Dula, "The Black Residential Experience and Community Formation in Antebellum Cincinnati," in Taylor, ed. Race and the City: Work, Community, and Protest in Cincinnati, 1820-1970 (Urbana, 1993), pp. 96-125;
129. Asa E. Martin, Our Negro Population: A Sociological Study of the Negroes of Kansas City, Missouri (Original ed., 1913; by New York, 1969);
130. Delores Nason McBroome, Parallel Communities: African Americans in California's East Bay, 1850-1963 (New York, 1993);
131. James Borchert, Alky Life in Washington: Family Community, Religion, and Folklife in the City, 1850-1970 (Urbana, 1980);
132. Leroy Graham, Baltimore.- the Nineteenth Century Black Capital (New York, 1982);
133. Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 18651890 (New York, 1978);
134. Howard Beeth and Cary D. Wintz, eds-, "Introduction" to Part II: "Slavery and Freedom: Blacks in Nineteenth Century Houston," in Beeth and Wintz, ed. Black Dixie: Afro-Texan History and Culture in Houston (College Station, TX, 1992);
135. St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton, Block Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (New York, 1945), pp. 31-64;
136. Robert Gregg, Sparks from the Anvil of Oppression: Philadelphia's Methodists and Southern Migrants, 1890-1940 (Philadelphia, 1993), pp. 120; 98-104; 147-222;
137. Albert Spear, Block Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto, 1890-1920 (Chicago, 1969), pp. 129-146;
138. Gilbert Osofsky, Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto, Negro New York, 1890-1930 (New York, 1963), pp. 127-49;
139. Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland, 1870-1930 (Urbana, 1976);
140. James R. Grossman, Land of Hope: Chicago: Block Southerners, and the Great Migration (Chicago, 1989);
141. Florette Henri, Block Migration.- Movement North, 1900-1920 (Garden City, N.Y., 1975);
142. Joe William Trotter, ed. The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender (Bloomington, IN, 1991);
143. Abraham Epstein, The Negro Migrant to Pittsburgh (New York, 1969);
144. Elizabeth Pleck, Block Migration and Poverty: Boston, 1865-1900 (New York, 1979);
145. Kevin Boyle, Arc of justice: A Saga of Race, Civil Rights, and Murder in the Jazz Age (New York, 2004).
146. Ivan Hannaford, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Washington, D.C., 1996);
147. Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America (New York, 1965);
148. Fredrickson, White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (Oxford, 1981), p. 49-50;
149. Audrey Smedley, Race in North America: Origins and Evolution of a World/view (Boulder, CO, 1993);
150. Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Soxonism (Cambridge, MA, 1981);
151. Rodney Davenport and Christopher Saunders, South Africa: A Modem History (New York, 2000), p. 77;
152. John W. Cell, The Highest Stage of White Supremacy: The Origins of Segregation in South Africa and the American South (Cambridge, UK, 1982);
153. Arthur de Gobineau, The Inequality of the Human Races (L'Inégalité des Races Humaines) tr. Adrian Collins ([1853] New York, 1967), pp. 29-33, 90 (Gobineau also argued that European "races" attained supremacy by means of particular intermixtures, though).
154. Herbert Spencer, "The Comparative Psychology of Man," (1876) in Essays Scientific, Political, and Speculative (New York, 1910), pp. 351-70;
155. Robert Knox, M.D. Races of Men: A Fragment (Philadelphia, 1850), pp. 14546.
156. Kennedy, Magic Mountains, pp. 19-38, 117-47;
157. Clifton C. Crais, "The Vacant Land': The Mythology of British Expansion in the Eastern Cape, South Africa," Journal of Social History, 25 (1991): 255-76;
158. DuToit, A., "No Chosen People: The Myth of the Calvinist Origin of Afrikaner Nationalism and Racial Ideology," American Historical Review 88 (1983): 920-52;
159. Paul Rich, "Race, Science, and the Legitimation of White Supremacy in South Africa, 1902-1940," International Journal of African Historical Studies, 23 (1990): 665-86.;
160. Davenport, "African Townsmen?"
161. Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny;
162. George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (New York, 1971 );
163. Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Cenury America (London, 1990);
164. Andrew Gyory, Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese Exclusion Act (Chapel Hill, 1998).
165. John Van Evrie, White Supremacy and Negro Subordination or Negroes a Subordinate Race, and (So'CaUed) Slavery Its Normal Condition; with an Appendix, Snowing the Past and Present Condition of the Countries South of Us. (2nd ed New York, 1868, reprinted at New York, 1993), pp. 168-70.
166. Henry Woodfin Grady, "The New South," in The New South and Other Essays, ed. Edna Henry Lee Turpin (1904) (New York, 1969), pp. 35-36;
167. Grady, "The South and Her Problems," in same collection, pp. 43-91;
168. and "At The Boston Banquet," (1889), in same volume, pp. 92-123.
169. The following joint biography was pieced together from numerous sources. On Mahool, see Wilbur E Cole, "The Mayors of Baltimore: J. Barry Mahool," in Baltimore Municipal Journal Aug. 27,1919, pp. 2-3.
170. On Dashiell, see Distinguished Men of Baltimore and of Maryland (Baltimore, 1914), p. 66.
171. Biographical information is scarce on West. See Baltimore Sun Dec 20 1910 p.7;
172. his plantation roots are suggested in a letter to Mayor Preston from August 7, 1913 in Baltimore City Archives, Preston Files, #21-d. On Edgar Allen Poe, see History of Maryland from its Founding as a Town to the Current Year, 1729-1890 (n. pi.: S.B. Nelson, 1898), pp. 691-92;
173. and Sun Dec. 18, 1910, p.7. On William Luke Marbury, Sr., see William Luke Marbury Jr., In the Catbird Seat (Baltimore, 1988), chapters 2,3,5.
174. On the relationship of Marbury and Bruce, see William Cabell Bruce, Selections from the Speeches, Addresses and Political Writings of Wm. Cabell Bruce (Baltimore, 1927), p. 60.
175. On Grasty, see Gerald W. Johnson, Frank R. Kent, and H.L. Mencken, and Hamilton Owens, The Sunpapers of Baltimore (New York, 1937), pp. 285-339;
176. Harold A. Williams, The Baltimore Sun, 1837-1987 (Baltimore, 1987), pp. 125-63;
177. Daniel W. Pfaff, "Charles H. Grasty," in American Newspaper Journalists, 1901-1925 (Detroit, 1984), ed. Perry J.Ashley, pp. 93-97.
178. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, MA, 1998), pp. 52-75; illustration facing p. 208.
179. Marbury, Jr., Catbird Seat, pp. 51,321.
180. For two examples of Sun editorials, see "Peace and Good-Will Between the Races," July 10, 1910, p. 6;
181. and "Duty of the United States in Respect to Nicaragua," July 13, 1910, p. 6.
182. Letter from Edgar Allen Poe to Mayor J. Barry Mahool, December 17, 1910, BCA Mahool Files, 451.
183. Also in Sun Dec 18, 1910, p. 7.
184. In an address to an elite Baltimore boys' school in the all-white Baltimore suburb of Roland Park, Bruce remembered with fondness the days of his youth on his father's plantation when he played rollicking games with black boys his age without any sense of antagonism, and when blacks knew their place so well it was even comforting that when "you met a person on one of its roads, the chances were as about 500 to 25 that it was a person of African descent." Bruce, "Address to the Boys of the Oilman Country School, Baltimore, Md., May 19,1912," in Bruce, Selections, p. 86.
185. In his later years, he retired to a "venerable home" in rural Ruxton, Maryland. Marbury remained a city dweller, though his family took vacations on his family's estate in Southern Maryland. He also served on the board of a Farm for the Colored Insane nearby on another old plantation where "part of the cure" for the racial and mental condition of the unfortunate inmates consisted in the facility's "favorable climate" and the "proper occupation" it offered them, picking and weaving basket palms. Baltimore Sun, Dec 11, 1910, p. 6.
186. For an example, see Boger, "Shifting Ground," p. 20.
187. William Cabell Bruce, The Negro Problem (Baltimore, 1891), pp. 4, 13-14, 20, 31.
188. Michael Perman, Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888-1908 (Chapel Hill, 2001), pp. 254-56;
189. David Skillen Bogen, "Predecessors of Rosa Parks: Maryland Transportation Cases Between the Civil War and the Beginning of World War I," University of Maryland School of Law, Legal Studies Research Papers No. 2004-16;
190. from Social Science Research Network Electronic Papers Collection, http//ssrn.com/ abstract=570082: 17-22;
191. "Will Oppose 'Jim Crow' Cars," Afro-American Ledger, April 4, 1914, p. 1.
192. All of the most prominent white supporters of the West Ordinance were associated with reform wing of the Democratic Party. Marbury had made his local reputation in his twenties by giving a speech against the machine in front of a decidedly hostile crowd. Grasty had authorized damning exposés of the machine as editor of the Baltimore News, and Marbury later successfully defended Grasty in a defamation suit resulting from his muckraking. A stint as State Attorney General followed for Marbury, and it was soon after that that he was being bruited as a candidate for U.S. Senate. Then he cast his lot with Maryland's ill-fated disfranchisement campaigns. At the University of Maryland, Marbury and Bruce had been taught by John Premiss Poe, father of Edgar Allen Poe, the city solicitor. Bruce later wrote a laudatory address about Poe including him among "Seven Great Maryland Lawyers," though there must have been some tension when Poe drafted the state's first disfranchisement amendment, which included the language that would have cut into reformers' support. Marbury later helped write the second of Maryland's proposed disfranchisement bills, the Strauss Amendment, which he designed to shore up reformers' political standing. Grasty's News dutifully printed Marbury's arguments for the measure in 1908. By the time of the West Ordinance, though, all of these campaigns had come to naught, though in court, Marbury continued to defend a disfranchisement bill passed by the city of Annapolis. Marbury's arguments for the Strauss amendment are in the Baltimore News, February 12, 1908, p. 12.
193. Later, as editor of the Sun, Grasty published Marbury's argument in the Annapolis disfranchisement case in which he used John Prentiss Poe's contention that the Fifteenth Amendment was invalid because of the way it was ratified without the approval of Southern states. Sun, October 12, 1910, p. 5.
194. Addresses for Mahool, Preston, Grasty, and Bruce from Folk's Baltimore, City Directory (Richmond, 1909).
195. On Grasty's role in Roland Park, see below. Also, James F. Waesche, Crowning the Gravelly Hill: A History of the Rokmd-Park-Guilford1 Homeland District (Baltimore, 1987,) p. 54;
196. and Roberta Mouldry, "Gardens, Houses, and People: The Planning of Roland Park, Baltimore" (Master Thesis, Cornell University, 1990), p. 281.
197. Sherry L. Olson, Baltimore: The Building of An American City (Baltimore, 1997), pp. 270-78;
198. Garrett Power, "Apartheid Baltimore Style," pp. 18-19.
199. On the designation "favored fan" for the Northwest Side see James F. Waesche, Crouwng the Gravelly Hill: A History of the Roland-Park-Guilford Homeland District (Baltimore, 1987), p. 26.
200. "Negro Invasion Opposed," Baltimore Sun July 6, 1910 p.7; The Sun ran front-page coverage of the Johnson-Jeffries fight on J uly 5, and had numerous articles about Mahool's efforts to stop the newsreels during the month. Biographical information on Hawkins from NAACP Branch Files, Baltimore Md, 1914-1930, microfilm slide 00855.
201. Grace Elizabeth Hale, Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in the South, 1890-1940 (New York, 1998), pp. 121-99.
202. John Cell also makes an argument about the urban origins of Jim Crow in The Highest Stage of White Supremacy.
203. "The West Ordinance," Sun April 7,1911, p. 6.
204. On complaints about working-class white rioting, see Sun, Dec 18, 1910, p. 7;
205. Sun April 7, 1911;
206. resolution of North Baltimore Improvement Association in favor of a new segregation law to avoid "racial conflicts replete with disorder," BCA, Preston Files 21-D Apr 26, 1913;
207. The mayor of Roanoke, Virginia perceived a similar dynamic in his city. "The negroes show a disposition to encroach upon white sections continually, and while the best class of whites are powerless, as they seem to think, there is another class which takes the law into their own hands and run undesirable people out of their section." BCA, Mahool Files 404, Dec. 17 1910.
208. Preston Files 21-D June 3, 1918.
209. When it got out that McMechen had moved in to the neighborhood in celebration of his admission to the state bar, the Sun ridiculed this overreaching as behavior typical of'uppity negroes.' Dashiell appears to have taken on the Ordinance project largely for professional reasons-as Gretchen Boger has shown, he was a renter in the neighborhood, so he did not have real estate interests at risk. Later he wrote a letter imploring Mayor Mahool to let him have the pen used to sign the Ordinance as a talisman of professional success (in the event, Mahool used two pens, so he could give one to West as well). Hawkins later snorted that Dashiell, who did not have formal training like himself, was a "lawyer without brief" in an article in the NAACP's Crisis, noting that the courts had quickly dismissed his version of the law on obvious technical grounds, requiring the intervention of the more experienced William Marbury. As if in response, the Sun offered this backhanded swipe at the NAACP and its officers: "The best and most respectable members of the colored race have no desire to leave their own people and mingle with white people. It is only the aggressive ones who are ever on the lookout for trouble, who wish to obtrude where they are not welcome." "The West Ordinance," editorial in the Baltimore Sun, April 7, 1911, p. 6.
210. Hawkins, "Year of Segregation," p. 28.
211. The Sun by contrast did everything it could to enhance Dashiell and West's reputation, fussing at length over their legislative victory and noting that each claimed trophies from the exploits: Dashiell got the pen Mahool used to sign the Ordinance, and West got a framed copy of the law. Letter from Edgar Allen Poe to Mayor J. Barry Mahool, December 17, 1910, BCA Mahool Files, 451. p. 2.
212. Sun, Dec 18, 1910, p. 7.
213. Marbury probably had the greatest professional stake in his residence in the neighborhood. His home at 159 West Lanvale Street, a few blocks east of McMechen's new house, was known as one of the larger houses in the community. Because it was located nearer to the center of town than other elite neighborhoods it had become a kind of nerve-center of progressive Democratic politics-the editorial page editor of the Sun was also a regular visitor - and was almost certainly a meeting place for the leaders of the campaign to pass the West Ordinance. Looking back many years later Marbury's son writes of the place with enormous nostalgia, as a meeting place for his entire extended clan and all the children of the neighborhood as well as city politicos. Race conflict thus threatened the very bosom of a deeply nurtured sense of home as a professional asset. For years after the failure of the West Ordinance, the elder Marbury remained in the neighborhood, even sending his son through the streets to his neighbors' houses to get them to put restrictive covenants in their housing deeds barring them from selling to negroes. Marbury, Jr., Catbird Seat, pp. 29-37; 321. Folk's Baltimore City Directory for 1929 lists Marbury at the same West Lanvale Street address.
214. "Against Negro School," Sun, Oct. 13, 1910, p. 14.
215. The fight and ensuing riots were covered on the front page of the Sun, July 5, 1910, and Mahool's action to stop showing the films was reported on July 6,1910, p. 6. On July 8, 1910, p. 6 the paper reassured whites in its editorial page that blacks have accompished nothing without tutelage of whites, so black preachers should not gloat over the victory. It cited Charles Frances Adams on his trip to Africa. The paper also printed a dispatch from Britain warning Americans to "keep check on blacks is necessary" after the fight, on July 7, 1910, p. 7, and a note that the fight films had also been suppressed in London (July 13, p. 13).
216. Petitions from Harlem Improvement Association, June 5, 1913, and from North Baltimore Improvement Association, May 17th, 1913; letter from C.E. Stonebraker (full name Cora E. Stonebraker listed in Folk's Baltimore 1909 as the owner of Howard Novelty Co.) to Mayor Preston, May 12, 1913, all documents in Preston Files 21-D.
217. Letter from "R." to Sun, May 15, 1918;
218. and letter from Alice J. Reilley to Mayor Preston, July 21, 1918, Preston Files, 106.
219. Quote is from the title of an editorial "The Segregation Ordinance Should Bring Peace," in the Sun, September 27, 1913, p. 8.
220. For more on this sentiment, see "The West Ordinance" Sun, October 10, 1910, p. 6;
221. "Strong for West Plan," Sun, October 11, 1910, p. 16;
222. "The West Ordinance Constitutional" Sun December 20, 1910, p. 6;
223. and "Segregation in Force," same date, p. 7,
224. "The West Ordinance," Sun April 7,1911, p. 6.
225. Edgar Allen Poe's analysis of the ordinance is dated December 17,1910, in Mahool Files, 451.
226. On the origins of these ideas in late-eighteenth century London see Robert Fishman, Bourgeois Utopias: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia (New York, 1987), pp. 51-72.
227. Racialized language was even used in campaigns for urban reform in mid to late nineteenth-century London, as when the poorer East End was compared to "darkest Africa." See Andrew Lees, Cities Perceived: Urban Society in European and American Thought (New York, 1985), pp. 109-110;
228. Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities (London, 1963), pp. 60, 111, 325-26.
229. On a similar theme, the "theory of urban degeneration," see Garth Steadman-Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship Between the Classes in Victorian Society (London, 1971), pp. 127-51.
230. On the earliest use of racial segregation to solve urban problems in India, see Nightingale, "Urban and Global Dynamics of Color Lines;"
231. P.J. Marshall, "British Society in India under the East India Company," Modem Asian Studies 31 (1997): 89-108;
232. and "The White Town of Calcutta Under the Rule of the East India Company," Modem Asian Studies 34 (2000): 307-31.
233. In her excellent "Colonial Companions: Bibis, Begums, and Concubines of the British in North India, 1760-1830" (Ph.D Dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 2000), Durba Ghosh argues that sentiments against unions between British upper class men and Indian women, as well as their children had soured well before Cornwallis.
234. See for example, Sherry H. Olsen, Baltimore: The Building of an American City (Baltimore, 1997), pp. 269-79;
235. Garret Power, "Apartheid Baltimore-Style," pp. 292-97, 301303;
236. Samuel Roberts, "Contagious Fear," p. 307 and chapter 8 as a whole.
237. Sun, Sept 27, 1913, p. 8.
238. The literature on the medical profession and its fight against urban disease is vast. Here are some works I have relied on. Kenneth Ballhatchet, Race, Sex, and Class Under the Raj: Imperial Attitudes and Policies and Their Critics, 1793-1905 (London, 1980);
239. David Arnold, Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India (Berkeley, 1994);
240. Philippa Levine, Prostitution, Race and Politics: Policing Venereal Disease in the British Empire (New York, 2000);
241. Mark Harrison, Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventative Medicine 1859-1914 (Cambridge, UK, 1994);
242. Warwick Anderson, "Excremental Colonialism, Public Health, and the Politics of Polution," Critical Inquiry 21 (1995): 640-69;
243. Alison Bashford, Imperial Hygiene: A Critical History of Colonialism, Nationalism and Public Health (Houndmills, UK, 2004);
244. Vijay Prashad, "Native Dirt/Imperial Ordure: The Cholera of 1832 and the Morbid Resolutions of Modernity," Journal of Historical Sociology 7 (1994): 243-60;
245. Peter Baldwin, Contagion and the State in Europe, 1830-1930 (Cambridge, UK, 1999);
246. Charles Rosenburg, Explaining Epidemics, And Other Studies in the History of Medicine (Cambridge, UK, 1994);
247. Reynaldo Illeto, "Cholera and the Origins of American Sanitary Order in the Philippines," in Discrepant Histories: Translocai Essays on Filipino Cultures, ed. Vicente Rafael (Philadelphia, 1995), pp. 51-2.
248. The use of health arguments to segregate colonial cities is discussed in King, Colonial Urban Development, pp. 180-276;
249. Oldenburg, Colonial Lucknow, pp. 27-144;
250. Kennedy, Magic Mountains;
251. Yeoh, Contesting Space;
252. Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome";
253. Swanson, " 'The Asiatic Menace' ";
254. Parnell, "Sanitation, Segregation, and the Native (Urban Areas) Act";
255. Harriet Deacon, "Racial Segregation and Medical Discourse";
256. Frenkel and Western, "Pretext or Prophylaxis?";
257. Gale, "Segregation in British West Africa";
258. Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning";
259. John W. Cell, "Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation," 307-35;
260. Abu-Lughod, Rabat;
261. Gwendolyn Wright, "Tradition in the Service of Modernity;
262. Wright, Politics of Design;
263. Betts, "The Establishment of the Medina in Dakar";
264. M'Bokolo, "Peste et Société Urbaine à Dakar";
265. Sidney Chaloub, Cidode Febril;
266. Teresa A. Meade, "Civilizing" Rio;
267. Nayan Shah, Contagious Divides: Epidemics and Race in San Francisco's Chinatown (Berkeley, 2001);
268. Samuel Roberts, "Infectious Fear: Tuberculosis, Public Health, and the Logic of Race and Illness in Baltimore, Maryland, 1880-1930" (Ph.D Dissertation: Princeton University, 2002);
269. David McBride, From Tuberculosis to AIDS: Epidemics Among Urban Blacks Since 1900 (Albany, 1991);
270. Vanessa Gamble, Germs Have No Color Line: Blacks and American Medicine, 1900-1940 (New York, 1989);
271. William Deverell, "Plague in Los Angeles: Ethnicity and Typicality," in Over the Edge: Remapping the American West, ed. Valerie Matsumoto and Blake Allmendinger (Berkeley, 1999), p. 172-200.
272. On South Africa, see Gary Baines, "The Origins of Urban Segregation";
273. Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome";
274. Swanson, " The Asiatic Menace';
275. Deacon, "Racial Segregation and Medical Discourse;
276. Bickford-Smith, Victorian Cape Town. On Johannesburg, see Parnell, "Johannesburg Slums";
277. and Parnell, "Sanitation, Segregation and the Native (Urban Areas) Act."
278. Shah, Contagious Divides pp. 71-73.
279. See E.W. Gilliam, The African in the United States" ( 1883), Popular Science Monthly 22 (February, 1883): 438-40;
280. and Gilliam, "The African Problem," North American Review 139 (1884): 417-44;
281. Frederick L. Hoffman, Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro New York, 1896), 314, 328;
282. William Lee Howard, "The Negro as a Distinct Ethnic Factor in Civilization," Medicine 9 (1903); 423-26.
283. Herman M. Biggs, address in Addresses Delivered at the First City-Wide Congress of Baltimore, MD (Baltimore, 1911), p. 1;
284. Roberts, "Infectious Fear," pp. 278-79;
285. quote from Jones, p. 301.
286. See, for example, BCA, Preston Files 21-d, letter from Rev W.J. MacMillan, January 18, 1916, and letter from Alice Reilly, July 2, 1918.
287. Marbury Jr., Catbird Seat, pp. 32-33;
288. Roberts, "Infectious Fear," pp. 235-36; 253-56;
289. Mayor Preston himself articulated these concerns in an article "What Can Be Done to Improve the Living Conditions of Baltimore's Negro Population?" Baltimore Municipal Journal, March 16, 1917, p. 1.
290. H.L. Mencken, The Free Lance (unpublished collection of essays from 1911-1915 in Mencken Room, Enoch Pratt Free Library, Baltimore), p. 137.
291. Quoted in Garret Power, "Apartheid Baltimore Style," p. 307.
292. See Janet Kemp, Housing Conditions in Baltimore (Baltimore, 1907), pp. 18-19;
293. William W. Emmart, "City Plan, " in Addresses Delivered at the First City-Wide Congress of Baltimore, Md. (Baltimore, 1911), pp. 134-35;
294. William Welch "Sanitation in Relation to the Poor" (1892), in Papers and Addresses by William Henry Welch ed. Walter C. Burkett (Baltimore, 1920), pp. 594-98.
295. On American courts' obstacles to the importation of European slum-clearance and public housing schemes see Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, pp. 201-208.
296. William M. Emmarc, "City Plan," p. 129.
297. Most historians of the Congress agree that the segregation ordinance was not discussed there. This passage is the closest anyone made direct reference to the law and to Northwest Side residents' concerns with declining property values. Emmart's home address in 1909 was 817 N. Fremont Ave., more or less right on the racial frontier (Folk's Baltimore City Directory, 1909). The scheme would have also probably involved some "excess condemnation" of properties adjacent to the proposed avenues in order to give the City land which could be resold at increased price after the projects' completion and could help in its financing. American courts tended to disallow this sort of planning device too. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings pp 201-208.
298. "Ordinance Should Bring Peace," Sun, Sept. 27, 1913, p. 8.
299. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, pp. 461-68; 473-79.
300. "Segregation Opposed: Socialists Plead for the Negro," Baltimore Sun, October 4, 1910.
301. At the time of the Ordinance "congestion" had become the key enemy for housing reformers across the country. Yet there is no evidence that Baltimore's white housing reformers responded to testimony given by several African Americans at a public hearing held by the City Council's Committee on Police and Jail that the Segregation Ordinance would increase congestion in black areas. Afro American Ledger, October 29, 1910, p. 4-
302. Addresses at City-Wide Congress, pp. 3-8.
303. Letter from Reverend William J. MacMillan to Mayor Preston, Jan. 18, 1916, PF 106.
304. Robert Fishman, Bourgeois Utopias: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia (New York, 1987), pp. 51-72.
305. Quote from Lees, Cities Perceived, pp. 109-110;
306. Briggs, Victorian Cities, pp. 60. 111, 325-26.
307. On a similar theme, the "theory of urban degeneration," see SteadmanJones, Outcast London, pp. 127-51.
308. Nield, "Growth of a Colonial City," pp. 309-36;
309. Robert Archer, "Colonial Suburbs in South Asia, 1700-1850 and the Spaces of Modernity," in Visions of Suburbia ed. Roger Silverstone, (London, 1973) pp. 26-54;
310. Swati Chattopadhyay, "Blurring Boundaries: The Limits of 'White Town' in Colonial Calcutta," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59 (2000): 160.
311. James F. Waesche, Crouming the Gravelly Hill: A History of the Roland-Park-Guilford Homeland District (Baltimore, 1987), p. 26.
312. On Brooklyn Heights and Cambridge, see Kenneth Jackson, Crobgross Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (Oxford, 1985), pp. 20-31.
313. As late as the 1910s, the Sun declared that in Baltimore's Mount Vernon Place neighborhood, not far from the Northwest Side the high housing values alone protected the neighborhood from black infiltration. Sun April 7, 1911, p. 6. This was not, apparently the feeling of the developers of Roland Park, which was further out and more expensive, but who nevertheless added restrictive covenants against selling property to blacks to newer developments around this time.
314. Racial ideologies and cultural chauvinism amplified the class and gender segregation that underlay middle-class English people's desire to live on urban fringes in India. Houses in white town were worth much more than in black town, even when the grand palaces of the wealthiest Indians were compared with those of their closest British counterparts. Early nineteenth-century advertisements for houses in White Town often touted their location near the residences of prominent Englishmen. Chattopadhyay, "Blurring Boundaries," pp. 159-60 and 178, note 30.
315. According to Pradip Sinha, some Englishmen were puzzled that wealthy Indians in Calcutta's black town seemed to see it as a sign of prestige if their palaces were surrounded by teeming, thatch-roofed bustees (slums) inhabited by poor servants, clients, and political faction followers-those in charge of sanitation and fire safety were especially dismayed. Sinha, Calcutta in Urban History, p. 28, notes 49 and 50. The novelist Sara Jeanette Duncan wryly but realistically narrates the story of a modest British couple in search of a house in Calcutta in The Simple Adventures of a Memsahib ([1893] Ottawa, 1986). She notes that the Brownes were "lucky" in that they found "a house in a suburban locality where a number of Europeans had survived for several years." She also later notes that the house was across the street from a bustee, whose "proximity does not enhance rents" (pp. 54, 162). But, no matter how much Englishmen may have insisted upon racial segregation, Englishmen themselves lived surrounded by armies of Indian servants-even modest households in Calcutta could have over a hundred. Residential separation in colonial India was more permeable than anywhere else, and as Duncan suggests, bustees housing these domestic retinues often grew up in White Town too, despite repeated demolition efforts. Also, Indians who could and often did buy property in white area often did so because they were comfortable with Europeans' own violations of caste traditions and were eager to adopt Western ways. Given their wealth, they would also most likely raise surrounding property values. Veena Oldenburg, Colonial Lucknow, p. 176.
316. In Hill Stations, as Pamela Kanwar has shown, the situation was somewhat different, as the need for Indian servants and builders swelled the Indian population and as Indian Princes sought to acquire luxury properties in the booming real estate markets of places like Simla. Kanwar, "The Changing Profile of the Summer Capital of British India: Simla 1864-1947," Modem Asian Studies, 18 (1984): pp. 228-36.
317. Kanwar, "Changing Profile," p.225.
318. On West Africa, see Curtin, "Medical Knowledge," pp. 600-605.
319. Susan Parnell, "Sanitation, Segregation, and the Natives (Urban Areas Act)," p. 272.
320. Black property owners continued to press their claims in such famous "freehold" townships as Sophiatown into the 1950s, when the apartheid regime ended them entirely. Suburban developers in Johannesburg and elsewhere apparently used restrictive covenants as early as the 1890s, and they were virtually universal after 1912. We know little about the ideologies employed in pushing these covenants, but presumably concerns about property values were critical. See Keith S. O. Beavon, Johannesburg: The Making and Shaping of the City (Pretoria, 2004), pp. 103, 128-33;
321. Lemon, ed., Homes Apart, pp. 3, 46, 78, 92, 176-77, 181;
322. Christopher, "Spatial Variations."
323. Quotes from "Negro Invasion Opposed" Sun July 6, 1910, p. 7;
324. and "The West Ordinance" editorial in the Sun, October 10, 1910, p. 6.
325. For other references to property values see Property see Sun Oct. 4, 1910;
326. PF 21-d June 12 1913, June 14;
327. PF 21 d Aug 14th;
328. PF 21-d Jan 18 1916.
329. "Strong for West Plan," Sun, Oct 11, 1910, p. 16.
330. Letters to the Sun, October 2, 1910, p. 6,
331. and October 7, 1910, p. 6.
332. Editorial in Sun, May 15, 1911, p. 6.
333. Letters to Mayor Preston from Charles M. Childs, 1142 Myrtle Ave., Jan. 24, 1918, PF 106; and from Mrs. A J Reilly, 1008 Lafayette Ave., June 16, 1913, PF 21-D.
334. This sample is somewhat unscientific but 1 believe it is useful nonetheless. It was derived from everyone who 1 could find who were reported by the Sun and the Neus as speaking out publically in favor of the Ordinance, all signers of petitions and officers of Neighborhood Organizations behind those petitions, and all writers of letters pertaining to the Ordinance to the offices of Mayors Mahool and Preston during their full terms, dating from 1910 to 1918.1 did not include the large numbers of Lafayette Street residents who petitioned Mayor Preston on June 3, 1918 (PF 106) to have the black residents of a house nearby removed because of alleged pistol shots that came from the house, though many of the names appear elsewhere in petitions clearly focused on the Ordinance itself. Of eighty names, the names or professions of 12 were not listed in the Folk's Baltimore City Directory in 1909. Fourteen were attorneys; 11 were secretaries or clerks; 10 were medium-sized business owners; 5 were shop owners; 6 were physicians; 2 were pastors or priests; and 10 were in a miscellaneous category. There were 8 women in the group, some of whom are included among those owning shops or boarding houses, but most of whom were not listed in the directory. Only two of the eighty were real estate agents.
335. The arguments are based on the home street addresses listed in Folk's Baltimore City Directory, 1909 of all the Offices and Executive Committee members of the City WideCongress,
336. as listed in the Addresses Delivered at the City Wide Congress. The professions also listed in the directory attest to the fact that these figures included some of Baltimore's most important industrialists, downtown businessmen, and they of course included both political figures like William Cabell Bruce and world-renowned academics like William Welch.
337. Letter from Reverend William McMillan to Mayor Preston, January 18, 1916, in PF 106
338. Letter from Harry T. Giesendaffer, Real Estate Broker, to Mayor Mahool, Dec. 10, 1910, BCA, Mahool Files, 451, p. 2.
339. See also letters from Charles Otto, John M. Hering, Franklin F. Johnson, J.I. Goldstein, and the Realty Securities Corporation in the same file.
340. On Roland Park, see Roberta Mouldry, "Gardens, Houses, and People."
341. Grasty's role is described in Daniel W. Pfaff, "Charles H. Grasty," in American Newspaper Journalists 1901-25, ed. Perry J. Ashley (Detroit, 1984), p. 93. The exchange between Preston, his Chicago friend, A.K. Warner, and the Real Estate Board of Baltimore can be found in PF 106.
342. Power, "Apartheid Baltimore Style," 312-13.
343. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, pp. 153, 173.
344. The phrase "average opinion about what the average opinion will be" is John Maynard Keynes's, describing the "herd" mentality of unregulated speculative currency markets.
345. Carl Nightingale, "A Tale of Three Global Ghettos," Journal of Urban History 29 (2003): 243-57;
346. Brahim Chanchabi, with Catherine de Withol de Wenden, Cités et Diversités: L'Immigration en Europe (Paris, 1995);
347. Peter Hall, "The Inner City Worldwide," in The Inner City in Context: The Final Report of the Social Sciences Research Council Inner Cities Working Parry ed. Peter Hall (London, 1981);
348. John Rex, The Ghetto and Under' class: Essays on Race and Social Policy (Aldershot, UK, 1988);
349. Susan J. Smith, "Residential Segregation and the Politics of Racialization, " in Racism, the City and the State ed. Malcolm Cross and Michael Keith (London, 1993), pp. 128-43;
350. Loic J.D. Wacquant, "The Rise of Advanced Marginality: Notes on its Nature and Implications," Acta Sociologica 39 (1996): 122-39;
351. Wacquant, "Banlieues Françaises et le Ghetto Noir Americain: de l'Amalgame à la Comparaison," French Politics and Society, 10 no. 4 (Fall, 1992): 81-103;
352. Wacquant, "Urban Outcasts: Stigma and Division in the Black American Ghetto and the French Urban Periphery," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 17 no. 3 (1993): 366-83;
353. Wacquant, "The Comparative Structure and Experience of Urban Exclusion: 'Race,' Class, and Space in Chicago and Paris," in Poverty, Inequality, and the Future of Social Policy: Western States and the New World Order éd. Katherine McFate, Roger Lawson, and William Julius Wilson (New York, 1995), pp. 543-70;
354. Adil Jazouli, Les Années Banlieues (Paris, 1992), pp. 17-63;
355. Hervé Vieillard-Baron, Les Banlieues Françaises: ou le Ghetto Impossible (n.p.,: Editions de l'Aube, 1994);
356. François Dubet and Didier Lapeyronnie, Les Quartiers d'Exil (Paris, 1992);
357. Sophie Body-Gendrot, "Migration and thé Racialization of the Postmodern City in France," in Cross and Keith, Racism, the City and the State, pp. 77-92;
358. Enzo Mingione, "Urban Poverty in the Advanced Industrial World: Concepts, Analysis and Debates," in Urban Poverty and the Underclass: A Reader ed. Mingione, pp. 3-40;
359. Nick Buck, "Social and Economic Change in Contemporary Britain: the Emergence of an Urban Underclass?" in Mingione Urban Poverty, pp. 277-98;
360. Hartmut Häusserman, Andreas Kappha, and Rainer Muenz, "Berlin: Immigration, Social Problems, Political Approaches," unpublished paper delivered at the International Symposium on Social Exclusion and the "New Urban Underclass," Berlin June, 1996;
361. Hartmut Häussermann, "Social Transformation of Urban Space in Berlin Since 1960," unpublished paper delivered at the International Symposium on Social Exclusion and the "New Urban Underclass," Berlin June, 1996;
362. Jens S. Dangschat and David Fasenfest, "(Re)Structuring Urban Poverty: The Impact of Globalization on its Extent and Concentration," unpublished paper delivered at the International Symposium on Social Exclusion and the "New Urban Underclass," Berlin June, 1996;
363. Christian Kesteloot, "La Problématique de l'Intégration des Jeunes Urbains: Une Analyse Géographique du Cas Bruxellois," unpublished paper delivered at the International Symposium on Social Exclusion and the "New Urban Underclass," Berlin June, 1996;
364. Sophie Watson, "Work and Leisure in Tomorrow's Cities," in Beyond the Market: Alternatives to Economic Rationalism, eds. Stuart Rees, Gordon Rodley and Frank Stilwell (Sydney, pp. 11-12;
365. see also Mark Peel, "The Urban Debate: From 'Los Angeles' to the Urban Village," in Australian Cities: Issues, Strategies and Policies for Urban Australia ed. Patrick Troy (Hong Kong, 1995), pp. 39-40.