Liberal hierarchy and the licence to use force

Review of International Studies

Volumn 31, Issue SUPPL. 1, 2005, Pages 71-92

  Reus Smit, Christian ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 33645066626     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: 14699044     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210505006790     Document Type: Review

References (73)

1. See, for instance, Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: The Free Press, 1992);
2. John Rawls, The Law of Peoples (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999);
3. David Held, Democracy and the Global Order (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), pp. 273-4;
4. and Allen Buchanan and Robert O. Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force: A Cosmopolitan Institutional Proposal', Ethics and International Affairs, 18:1 (2004), pp. 1-22.
5. For a different but complementary analysis of hierarchy in contemporary international society, see Tim Dunne, 'Society and Hierarchy in International Relations', International Relations, 17:3 (2003), pp. 303-20.
6. On the general question of when sovereign equality took root, see Martin Wight, Systems of States (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1977), p. 136,
7. and on sovereign equality at Westphalia see Francois de Callieres, The Art of Diplomacy (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1983), pp. 125-6.
8. On the formal hierarchy of European imperialism, see Gerrit Gong, The 'Standard of Civilization' in International Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984).
9. Charter of the United Nations, Article 2.1.
10. The account presented here is broadly consistent with that presented by Gerry Simpson in his excellent study Great Powers and Outlaw States: Unequal Sovereigns in the International Legal Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
11. Charter of the United Nations, Article 2.4, 2.7.
12. Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among Sates in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, 1970, Preamble.
13. Dino Kritsiotis, 'When States Use Armed Force', in Christian Reus-Smit (ed.), The Politics of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 52-3.
14. Christian Reus-Smit, American Power and World Order (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), ch. 6.
15. See, for example, the Correlates of War project at 〈http://www. correlatesofwar.org/〉, Paul Huth and Todd Allee, The Democratic Peace and Territorial Conflict in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003);
16. and Evan Luard, War in International Society (I. B. Tauris, 1986).
17. See John Mueller's article in this Special Issue.
18. Robert Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations, and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
19. See Michael Walzer's classic work Just and Unjust Wars (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977).
20. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: The Free Press, 1992), p. xii.
21. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man Ibid., p. xi.
22. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man Ibid., p. xii.
23. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man Ibid., p. 276.
24. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man Ibid., p. 279.
25. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man Ibid., pp. 280-2.
26. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man Ibid, p. 283.
27. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man Ibid.
28. Robert O. Keohane, 'Governance in a Partially Globalized World', American Political Science Review, 95:1 (March 2001), p. 1.
29. Allen Buchanan and Robert O. Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force: A Cosmopolitan Institutional Proposal', Ethics and International Affairs, 18:1 (2004), pp. 1-22.
30. See also J. L. Holzgrefe and Robert O. Keohane (eds), Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and Political Dilemmas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
31. See Allen Buchanan, Justice, Legitimacy, and Self-Determination: Moral Foundations for International Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).
32. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 1.
33. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', Ibid., p. 4.
34. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', Ibid., p. 5.
35. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 5. Ibid.
36. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 5. Ibid.
37. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', Ibid., p. 11. It is worth noting here that both the Kosovo intervention and the 'war in Iraq' would fail both the ex ante and ex post tests of accountability suggested here.
38. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', Ibid., pp. 11-12.
39. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', Ibid., p. 17.
40. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 17. Ibid.
41. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', Ibid., p. 18.
42. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', Ibid., p. 19.
43. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 19. Ibid.
44. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 19. Ibid.
45. Fukuyama, The End of History, p. 43.
46. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 18.
47. David Beetham, Democracy and Human Rights (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), p. 3.
48. David Beetham, Democracy and Human Rights Ibid., p. 5.
49. Kant wrote in his First Definitive Article that if 'the consent of the citizenry is required in order to determine whether or not there will be war, it is natural that they consider all its calamities before committing themselves to so risky a game'. Immanuel Kant, Perpetual Peace and Other Essays (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing Company, 1983), p. 113.
50. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 19.
51. John Rawls, The Law of Peoples (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), pp. 138-9.
52. Fukuyama, The End of History, p. 279.
53. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', p. 19.
54. Buchanan and Keohane, 'The Preventive Use of Force', Ibid., p. 20.
55. For these debates on the democratic peace, see Michael Brown, Sean M. Lynn-Jones, and Steven E. Miller (eds.), Debating the Democratic Peace (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996);
56. Zeev Maoz, 'The Controversy over the Democratic Peace: Rearguard Action or Cracks in the Wall?', International Security, 22:1 (1997), pp. 162-98;
57. and, more recently, Andreas Hasenclever and Wolfgang Wagner (eds.), The Dynamics of the Democratic Peace', International Politics, Special Issue, 41:4 (December 2004).
58. Other measures also point to the moral unreliability of the world's democracies. For example, Alexander Downes has shown that democracies are no less likely to brutalise non-combatants in war than autocracies. See Alexander Downes, Targetting Civilians in War (Ph.D thesis, University of Chicago, 2004),
59. and 'Civilian Victimization and International Wars Since 1945: Are Democracies Different Now?' (Unpublished Paper, 2005).
60. For related arguments, see Theo Farrell, 'Strategic Culture and American Empire', SAIS Review of International Affairs, 25:2 (2005),
61. and Jose Alvarez, 'Do Liberal States Behave Better? A Critique of Slaughter's Liberal Theory', European Journal of International Law, 12:2 (2001), pp. 183-246.
62. Gong, The 'Standard of Civilization' in International Society;
63. and Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and Ideologies of Western Domination (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
64. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 59.
65. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, Ibid., p. 53.
66. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, Ibid., p. 54.
67. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, Ibid., p. 88.
68. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 88. Ibid.
69. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (London: William Collins, 1962), p. 176.
70. John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 350.
71. Jean Jacques Rousseau, 'On Social Contract or the Principles of Political Right', in Alan Ritter and Julia Conway Bonadella (eds.), Rousseau's Political Writings (New York: Norton, 1988), p. 89.
72. Rawls, The Law of Peoples, pp. 32-5.
73. Henry Nau, 'A Conservative Grand Strategy for America', in Henry R. Nau and David Shambaugh (eds.), Divided Diplomacy and the Next Administration: Conservative and Liberal Alternatives (Washington, DC: The Elliott School of International Affairs, The George Washington University, 2004).