In search of health: Landscape and disease in American environmental history

Environmental History

Volumn 10, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 184-210

  Mitman, Gregg ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DISEASE; ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY; HEALTH AND DISEASE; HISTORY OF GEOGRAPHY; LANDSCAPE; THEORETICAL STUDY;

NORTH AMERICA; WESTERN HEMISPHERE; WORLD;

EID: 20844437124     PISSN: 10845453     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/envhis/10.2.184     Document Type: Review

References (184)

1. See, for example, J. Baird Callicott, In Defense of the Land Ethic: Essays in Environmental Philosophy (Albany: State University Press of New York, 1989);
2. Susan L. Flader, Thinking Like a Mountain: Aldo Leopold and the Evolution of an Ecological Attitude Toward Deer, Wolves, and Forests (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1974);
3. and Curt Meine, Aldo Leopold: His Life and Work (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988).
4. There are signs that this trend is changing in American environmental history beyond the confines of the urban environment, where the subject of health has been more visible. See, for example, the essays in Gregg Mitman, Michelle Murphy, and Christopher Sellers, eds., Landscapes of Exposure; Knowledge and Illness in Modern Environments (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004);
5. Conevery Bolton Valençius, The Health of the Country: How American Settlers Understood Themselves and Their Land (New York: Basic Books, 2002);
6. Linda Nash, "Finishing Nature: Harmonizing Bodies and Environments in Late-Nineteenth Century California," Environmental History (2003): 25-52;
7. Linda Nash, "Transforming the Central Valley: Body, Identity, and Environment in California, 1850-1870" (PhD diss., University of Washington, 2000). The 2003 American Society for Environmental History meetings also had a number of sessions devoted to health topics.
8. This is the thesis of Samuel Hays's Beauty, Health, and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the United States, 1955-1985 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985) that continues to prevail.
9. For a sampling of this literature, see Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993);
10. Andrew Hurley, Environmental Inequalities: Class, Race, and Industrial Pollution in Gary, Indiana, 1945-1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995);
11. Martin Melosi, The Sanitary City: Urban Infrastructure in America from Colonial Times to the Present (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000);
12. Arthur McEvoy, "Working Environments: An Ecological Approach to Industrial Health History," Technology and Culture (suppl.) (1995): 145-73;
13. Gerald Markowitz and David Rosner, Deceit and Denial: The Deadly Politics of Industrial Pollution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002);
14. David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, Deadly Dust: Silicosis and the Politics of Occupational Disease in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991);
15. Christopher Sellers, Hazards of the Job: From Industrial Disease to Environmental Health Science (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997);
16. David Stradling, Smokestacks and Progressives: Environmentalists, Engineers, and Air Quality in America, 1881-1951 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999);
17. and Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996).
18. The focus of this essay is centered largely on the intersections of ecology, natural-resource management, and health in the United States prior to the Second World War. I have explicitly chosen not to include post-WWII developments, nor have I included areas such as occupational health or sanitation, where the connections to natural-resource concerns are more tangential.
19. See Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz, eds., Greater Than the Parts: Holism in Biomedicine, 1920-1950 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998).
20. Walter B. Cannon, The Wisdom of the Body (New York: W. W. Norton, 1932).
21. Georges Canguilhem's The Normal and the Pathological, trans. Carolyn R. Fawcett, with an introduction by Michel Foucault (New York: Zone Books, 1991) still stands as the most masterful treatment of the changing historical relationships between the normal and the pathological.
22. Quoted in Stephen J. Cross and William R. Albury, "Walter B. Cannon, L. J. Henderson, and the Organic Analogy," Osiris, 2nd ser., (1987): 171.
23. See also Alan Young, "Walter Cannon and the Psychophysiology of Fear," in Greater Than the Parts, ed. Lawrence and Weisz, 234-56.
24. Cannon, Wisdom of the Body, 294, 300.
25. Ibid., 297.
26. Quoted in Meine, Aldo Leopold, 350.
27. Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac with Essays on Conservation from Round River (New York: Ballantine Books, 1970), 274.
28. On the history of economy and regulation in nineteenth-century life science, see Georges Canguilhem, Ideology and Rationality in the History of the Life Sciences, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1988), 81-102.
29. See also Donald Worster, Nature's Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
30. On South Africa, see Peder Anker, Imperial Ecology: Environmental Order in the British Empire, 1895-1945 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001);
31. on Germany, see Paul Weindling, Health, Race, and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989);
32. on the United States, see Gregg Mitman, The State of Nature: Ecology, Community, and American Social Thought, 1900-1950 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
33. For an expansive look at the moral authority of nature in different times and places, see Lorraine Daston and Fernando Vidal, eds., The Moral Authority of Nature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).
34. Cannon, Wisdom of the Body, 21.
35. Arthur Castiglioni, "Neo-Hippocratic Tendency of Contemporary Medical Thought," Medical Life (1934): 128-29.
36. René Dubos, Mirage of Health: Utopias, Progress and Biological Change (New York: Harper Bros., 1959), 117.
37. Quoted in Meine, Aldo Leopold, 350-51.
38. Leopold, Sand County Almanac, 274.
39. See, also, Aldo Leopold, For the Health of the Land, ed. J. Baird Callicott and Eric T. Freyfogle (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1999), 218-26.
40. Richard Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens, and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
41. See also John M. Mackenzie, "Empire and the Ecological Apocalypse: The Historiography of the Imperial Environment," in Ecology and Empire: Environmental History of Settler Societies, ed. Tom Griffiths and Libby Robin (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997), 215-28.
42. Aldo Leopold, "The Land Health Concept in Conservation," in For the Health of the Land, ed. Callicott and Freyfogle, 222.
43. On Leopold's use of the term "irruption," see Flader, Thinking Like a Mountain, 177-80.
44. On political economy and the production of space and place, see William Cronon, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992);
45. Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World (London: Verso, 2001);
46. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991);
47. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1990);
48. David Harvey, Justice, Nature, and the Geography of Difference (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1996);
49. and David Harvey, Spaces of Capital: Towards a Critical Geography (New York: Routledge, 2001).
50. See Anker, Imperial Ecology;
51. Eugene Cittadino, Nature as the Laboratory: Darwinian Plant Ecology in the German Empire, 1880-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990);
52. and Griffiths and Robin, eds., Ecology and Empire.
53. Curt Meine attributes the Matamek Conference and the meeting of Elton as a decisive influence in the maturing of Leopold's ecological approach to conservation. See Meine, Aldo Leopold, 283-84. Leopold's adoption of the term "irruption" in the early 1940s to describe deer population cycles owed much to Elton's work on animal population cycles and zoonotic diseases.
54. We know far too little about the development and reception of Elton's work in the history of ecology. For an important beginning, see Anker, Imperial Ecology;
55. and David L. Cox, "Charles Elton and the Emergence of Modern Ecology" (PhD diss., Washington University, 1979).
56. For a useful anecdotal history, see Peter Crowcroft, Elton's Ecologists: A History of the Bureau of Animal Population (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
57. Charles Elton, Animal Ecology (1927; reprint, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 110.
58. Julian Huxley, Introduction to Elton, Animal Ecology, xv.
59. Charles Elton, Voles, Mice and Lemmings: Problems in Population Dynamics (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1941), 482.
60. Charles S. Elton, The Ecology of Invasions by Animals and Plants (London: Methuen, 1958), 18-19.
61. Huxley, Introduction, xiv.
62. Helen Tilley, "Ecologies of Complexity: Tropical Environments, African Trypanosomiasis, and the Science of Disease Control Strategies in British Colonial Africa, 1900-1940," Osiris (2004): 21-38, quote on 35.
63. Huxley, Introduction, xiv.
64. John F. V. Phillips, "The Application of Ecological Research Methods to the Tsetse (Glossina SPP) Problem in Tanganyika Territory: A Preliminary Account," Ecology (1930): 713-33.
65. See also Tilley, "Ecologies of Complexity,"
66. and Anker, Imperial Ecology.
67. F. M. Burnet, Biological Aspects of Infectious Disease (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940), 4.
68. See also Dubos, Mirage of Health;
69. René Dubos, Man Adapting (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965).
70. I owe the phrases "ecological theater" and "evolutionary play" to George Evelyn Hutchinson's The Ecological Theater and the Evolutionary Play (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965). It is surprising, given Dubos's influence on the environmental movement, that so little has been written about him by environmental historians.
71. For two important articles that have begun to explore the history of disease ecology and offer suggestive links to this later work in environmental history, see Warwick Anderson, "Natural Histories of Infectious Disease: Ecological Vision in Twentieth-Century Biomedical Science," Osiris (2004): 39-61;
72. and Tilley, "Ecologies of Complexity."
73. William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Doubleday, 1977);
74. Alfred Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1972);
75. Alfred Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986);
76. Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: W. W. Norton, 1997).
77. In his best-selling book, The Hot Zone (New York: Random House, 1994), 288, Richard Preston goes so far as to suggest that the emergence of AIDS, Ebola, and other emerging diseases is nature's way of balancing itself against "infection by the human parasite."
78. Other earlier works, such as William Cronon's Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill & Wang, 1983);
79. and Richard White's Land Use, Environment, and Social Change: The Shaping of Island County, Washington (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1980), granted culture a more mediating role in how disease acquired agency in landscape change.
80. For an entry into this debate, see David Demeritt, "Ecology, Objectivity, and Critique in Writings on Nature and Human Societies," Journal of Historical Geography (1994): 22-37;
81. and William Cronon, "Cutting Loose or Running Aground," Journal of Historical Geography (1994): 38-43.
82. For a more recent attempt to open up this dialogue, see Gregg Mitman, Michelle Murphy, and Christopher Sellers, "Introduction: A Cloud over History," Osiris (2004): 1-20.
83. This is based on two decades of scholarship in science and technology studies. For an eclectic sampling, see Lorraine Daston, "Historical Epistemology," in Questions of Evidence: Proof, Practice and Persuasion across the Disciplines, ed. James Chandler, Arnold Davidson, and Harold Harootunian (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994);
84. Donna Haraway, Modest-WitnessΣecond-Millennium.FemaleMan Meets OncoMouse: Feminism and Technoscience (New York: Routledge: 1997);
85. Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Engineers and Scientists through Society (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987);
86. Bruno Latour, Pandora's Hope: Essays on the Reality of Science Studies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999);
87. Andrew Pickering, The Mangle of Practice: Time, Agency, and Science (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995);
88. and Simon Schaffer and Steven Shapin, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985).
89. Anderson, "Natural Histories of Infectious Disease," 58.
90. Paul Sutter, "Reflections: What Can U.S. Environmental Historians Learn from Non-U.S. Environmental Historiography," Environmental History (2003): 109-29.
91. On the Philippines, see Michael Adas, "Improving on the Civilizing Mission? Assumptions of United States Exceptionalism in the Colonisation of the Philippines," Itinerario (1998): 44-66;
92. Warwick Anderson, "The Natures of Culture: Environment and Race in the Colonial Tropics," in Nature in the Global South: Environmental Projects in South and Southeast Asia, ed. Paul Greenough and Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing (Durham: Duke University Press), 29-46;
93. and Warwick Anderson, "Immunities of Empire: Race, Disease, and the New Tropical Medicine, 1900-1920," Bulletin of the History of Medicine (1996): 94-118.
94. Both Adas and Anderson are working on booklength projects on the Philippines. On the banana industry, see Steve Marquardt, "'Green Havoc': Panama Disease, Environmental Change, and Labor Process in the Central American Banana Industry," American Historical Review (2001): 49-80;
95. and Steve Marquardt, "Pesticides, Parakeets, and Unions in the Costa Rican Banana Industry, 1938-1962," Latin American Research Review (2002): 3-36.
96. A number of scholars have begun to pursue work on the environmental history of the Panama Canal. See Stephen Frenkel, "Geographical Representations of the 'Other': The Landscape of the Panama Canal Zone," Journal of Historical Geography (2002): 85-99;
97. John Lindsay-Poland, Emperors in the Jungle: The Hidden History of the U.S. in Panama (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003);
98. and Paul Sutter's current research project, "Pulling the Teeth of the Tropics: Environment, Disease, Race, and the U.S. Sanitary Program in Panama."
99. Richard Tucker, Insatiable Appetite: The United States and the Ecological Degradation of the Tropical World (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2000) has a small section on Firestone in Liberia. It is a subject I hope to pursue further in my next project, tentatively titled "America's Rubber Empire: Science, Commerce, and Disease in the Making of Firestone Plantations Company."
100. Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002), 52. Mitchell draws upon actor-network theory (ANT) in science studies to speak about hybrid agencies. I believe ANT offers one of the most useful theoretical approaches in science studies for environmental historians to rethink how nature is given voice in historical narratives.
101. See, for example, Latour, Pandora's Hope;
102. John Law and John Hassard, eds., Actor Network Theory and After (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999);
103. and Michell Callon and John Law, "Agency and Hybrid Collectif," South Atlantic Quarterly (1995): 581-607.
104. Leopold, Sand County Almanac, 269.
105. Valençius, Health of the Country.
106. G. E. R. Lloyd, ed., Hippocratic Writings (London: Penguin Books, 1978), 148.
107. Nash, "Finishing Nature," 25-51, quote on 25.
108. On the body as an instrument of environmental measurement and a barometer of place, see Michael Dettelbach, "The Face of Nature: Precise Measurement, Mapping, and Sensibility in the Work of Alexander von Humboldt," Stud. Hist. & Philos. Biol. & Biomed. Sci. (1999): 473-504;
109. Nash, "Finishing Nature";
110. and Gregg Mitman, "Hay Fever Holiday: Health, Leisure, and Place in Gilded-Age America," Bulletin of the History of Medicine (2003): 600-635.
111. On Joseph Henry, see James R. Fleming, Meteorology in America, 1800-1870 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
112. Daniel Drake, A Systematic Treatise, Historical, Etiological, and Practical, on the Principal Diseases of the Interior Valley of North America (Cincinnati, Ohio: Winthrop B. Smith, 1850).
113. On medical geography in nineteenth-century America, see James H. Cassedy, Medicine and American Growth (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986), especially chap. 3;
114. Valençius, Health of the Country, especially chap. 4;
115. Conevery Bolton Valençius, "Histories of Medical Geography," in Medical Geography in Historical Perspective, ed. Nicolaas Rupke (London: Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at UCL, 2000), 3-20;
116. and Gregg Mitman and Ronald Numbers, "From Miasma to Asthma: The Changing Fortunes of Medical Geography in America", History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences (2003): 391-412.
117. Some examples include Susan Jane Edwards, "Nature as Healer: Denver, Colorado's Social and Built Landscapes of Health, 1880-1930," (PhD diss., University of Colorado, 1994);
118. Billy M. Jones, Health-Seekers in the Southwest, 1817-1900 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967);
119. Nash, "Transforming the Central Valley";
120. Mitman, "Hay Fever Holiday";
121. Gregg Mitman, "Geographies of Hope: Mining the Frontiers of Health in Denver and Beyond, 1870-1965," Osiris (2004): 93-111;
122. Sheila Rothman, Living in the Shadow of Death: Tuberculosis and the Social Experience of Illness in American History (New York: Basic Books, 1994);
123. Valençius, Health of the Country;
124. and Conevery Bolton Valençius, "Gender and the Economy of Health on the Santa Fe Trail," Osiris (2004): 79-92.
125. On California's Central Valley, see Nash, "Finishing Nature."
126. Denver and Rio Grande Railway Co., Health, Wealth and Pleasure in Colorado and New Mexico (Chicago: 1881), 15.
127. For an entry into the history of public health and the urban environment, see Melosi, Sanitary City.
128. Dubos, Mirage of Health, 127-28.
129. Quoted in Charles W. Eliot, Charles Eliot: Landscape Architect (1902; reprint, Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1999), 317.
130. My thanks to Eric MacDonald for bringing my attention to Eliot. On Eliot and environmental design, see Keith N. Morgan, Introduction to Eliot, Charles Eliot, vii-l;
131. Cynthia Zaitzevsky, Frederic Law Olmsted and the Boston Park System (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1982).
132. Quoted in Eliot, Charles Eliot, 318, 338-39, 341.
133. John Muir, Our National Parks (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1901), 1.
134. Quoted in Eliot, Charles Eliot, 341-42.
135. Bradford Torrey, ed., Writings of Henry David Thoreau (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1906), 11, 395.
136. For a provocative reflection on Thoreau's body and the historiography of environmental history, see Christopher Sellers, "Thoreau's Body: Towards an Embodied Environmental History," Environmental History (1999): 486-514.
137. Quoted in Eliot, Charles Eliot, 339.
138. For a more extended analysis, upon which the material in this paragraph and the following are based, see Mitman, "Hay Fever Holiday."
139. "Hay Fever," White Mountain Echo, 13 September 1879, 1.
140. See Kenneth Thompson, "Wilderness and Health in the Nineteenth Century," Journal of Historical Geography (1976): 145-61;
141. and Kenneth Thompson, "Trees as a Theme in Medical Geography and Public Health," Bulletin of New York Academy of Medicine (1978): 517-31.
142. Report of the Forestry Commission of New Hampshire, January Session, 1891 (Manchester, N.H., 1891), 20.
143. This is the opinion of Richard W. Judd, Common Lands, Common People: The Origins of Conservation in Northern New England (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), 104-5, where the Quackenbos quote appears.
144. Helen Hunt Jackson, "A Protest against the Spread of Civilization," New York Evening Post, 29 August 1867. Although Rothman, in Living in the Shadow of Death, links Jackson's journeys in search of health to consumption, the places to which Jackson traveled, the seasonality of her journeys, and the reference to hay fever by her nineteenth-century biographer suggest that hay fever was as compelling a reason for her travels as consumption.
145. For biographical information on Jackson, see "Mrs. Helen Hunt Jackson," Century (December 1885): 251-59;
146. Ruth Odell, Helen Hunt Jackson (New York: London, 1939);
147. and Kate Phillips, Helen Hunt Jackson: A Literary Life (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2003).
148. Colorado and Asthma (Denver: Rocky Mountain Steam News, 1874), 15.
149. Grace Greenwood, New Life in New Lands: Notes of Travel (New York: J. B. Ford & Co., 1873), 75. Greenwood, a fellow hay fever sufferer, helped to arrange Jackson's move west.
150. See Kathleen A. Brosnan, Uniting Mountain and Plain: Cities, Law and Environmental Change along the Front Range (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2002).
151. Helen Hunt Jackson, "Alamosa," New York Independent, 6, 13 June 1878.
152. Helen Hunt Jackson, Bits of Travel at Home (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1898), 286.
153. Ibid., 384.
154. Ibid., 226.
155. The most extensive treatment of Roosevelt's childhood spent in search of health can be found in David G. McCullough, Mornings on Horseback (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981).
156. On diseases of civilization, see Charles Rosenberg, "Pathologies of Progress: The Idea of Civilization as Risk," Bulletin of the History of Medicine (1998): 714-30.
157. Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966).
158. This quest for purification was coupled with an insurgent nativism that reached across urban and rural landscapes and across human and nonhuman nature. We have yet to put these literatures together. For some starting places, see Susan Craddock, City of Plagues: Disease, Poverty, and Deviance in San Francisco (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000);
159. Alan M. Kraut, Silent Travelers: Germs, Genes, and the "Immigrant Menace" (New York: Basic Books, 1994);
160. Gregg Mitman, "When Pollen Became Poison: A Cultural Geography of Ragweed in America," in The Moral Authority of Nature, ed. Daston and Vidal, 483-65;
161. and Philip J. Pauly, "The Beauty and Menace of the Japanese Cherry Trees: Conflicting Visions of American Ecological Independence," Isis (1996): 51-73.
162. Mark David Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
163. Carolyn Merchant, "Women of the Progressive Conservation Movement, 1900-1916," Environmental Review (1984): 57-85, briefly explored the connection between women and eugenics in the Progressive conservation movement.
164. The relationship between conservation and eugenics also receives a brief discussion in Ronald Rainger, An Agenda for Antiquity: Henry Fairfield Osborn & Vertebrate Paleontology at the American Museum of Natural History, 1890-1935 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1991);
165. and Susan R. Schrepfer, The Fight to Save the Redwoods: A History of Environmental Reform, 1917-1978 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983).
166. See also Gray Brechin, "Conserving the Race: Natural Aristocracies, Eugenics, and the U.S. Conservation Movement," Antipode (1996): 229-45.
167. For some helpful historiographic surveys of the vast literature on the history of American eugenics, which has also largely avoided the ties to conservation, see Philip Pauly, "Essay Review: The Eugenics Industry - Growth or Restructuring?" Journal of the History of Biology (1993): 131-45;
168. and Frank Dikotter, "Race Culture: Recent Perspectives on the History of Eugenics," American Historical Review (1998): 467-78.
169. See, for example, Roger Pearson, "The Concept of Heredity in the History of Western Culture, Part I," Mankind Quarterly (1995): 229-65.
170. Karl Jacoby, Crimes against Nature: Squatters, Poachers, Thieves, and the Hidden History of American Conservation (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001).
171. Proceedings of the Second National Conservation Congress at Saint Paul, September 5-8, 1910 (Washington, D.C.: National Conservation Congress, 1911), 275-76.
172. Kevin Dann, Across the Great Border Fault: The Naturalist Myth in America (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2000), 143.
173. Quoted in Dann, Across the Great Border Fault, 24, 115.
174. Nicole Hahn Rafter, White Trash: The Eugenic Family Studies, 1877-1919 (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1988).
175. The use of nature in the moral and physical reform programs of state institutions for the feebleminded has yet to be written.
176. The issue of justice, rather than serving as a divide in environmental history, could actually be useful in bridging scholarship on rural and urban industrial landscapes. On the history of environmental justice in the United States, see Robert Bullard, Dumping on Dixie: Race, Class, and Environmental Quality (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1990);
177. Giovanna Di Chiro, "Nature as Community: The Convergence of Environmental and Social Justice," in Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), 298-321;
178. Michael Egan, "Subaltern Environmentalism in the United States: A Historiographic Review," Environment and History (2002): 21-41;
179. Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring,
180. Dolores Greenberg, "Reconstructing Race and Protest: Environmental Justice in New York City," Environmental History (2000): 223-50;
181. Eileen Maura McGurty, "From NIMBY to Civil Rights: The Origins of the Environmental Justice Movement," Environmental History (1997): 301-23;
182. David Pellow, Garbage Wars: The Struggle for Environmental Justice in Chicago (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2002);
183. and Laura Pulido, Environmentalism and Economic Justice: Two Chicano Struggles in the Southwest (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1996).
184. See William Thomas, ed., Man's Role in Changing the Face of the Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). An intellectual history of the field, which we desperately need, will undoubtedly trace one root of environmental history back to this seminal volume.