Islamism, trade unionism and civil society: The case of Hak-İş labour confederation in Turkey

Middle Eastern Studies

Volumn 41, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 227-247

  Duran, Burhanettin ^a   Yildirim, Engin ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ISLAMISM; RELIGION; TRADE UNION;

EID: 16644376558     PISSN: 00263206     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00263200500035199     Document Type: Review

References (101)

1. For recent studies on Turkish labour see, Ü.C. Sakallioǧlu, 'Labour and state in Turkey: 1960-1980', Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.26, No.4 (1992), pp.712-28;
2. F. Ahmad, 'The development of working class consciousness in Turkey', in Z. Lockman (ed.) Workers and the Working Classes in the Middle East (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), pp.75-94;
3. G. Berik & C. Bilginsoy, 'The labor movement in Turkey: labour pains, maturity, metamorphosis', in E. J.Goldber (ed.) The Social History of Labour in the Middle East (Boulder: Westview Press, 1996), pp.37-64.
4. D. Quataert, 'Introduction', in D. Quataert & E.J. Zürcher (eds) Workers and the Working Class in the Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic: 1839-1950 (London: I.B. Tauris, 1995), p.17.
5. A. Buǧra, 'Labour, capital and religion: harmony and conflict among the constituency of political Islam in Turkey', Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.38, No.2 (2002), pp.189-90.
6. For this line of thinking see M. Monshipouri, 'Islamism, civil society and the democracy conundrum', The Muslim World, Vol.87, No.1 (1997), pp.54-66;
7. E. Özdalga, 'Civil society and its enemies', in E. öOzdalga & S. Persson (eds) Civil Society, Democracy and the Muslim World (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1997), pp.73-84.
8. B.S. Turner, Capitalism & Class in the Middle East: Theories of Social Change and Economic Development (London: Heinemann Educational, 1984), pp.68-9.
9. A.R. Abootalebi, 'Civil Society, Democracy and the Middle East', Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol.2, No.3 (1998), pp.46-59.
10. D. Rueschemeyer, E.H. Stephens & J.D. Stephens, Capitalist Development & Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992).
11. Y. Sadowski, 'The new orientalism and the democracy debate', in J. Beinin & J. Stork (eds.) Political Islam (London & New York: I.B. Tauris, 1997), pp.33-50.
12. J.A. Hall, 'The nature of civil society, Society, Vol.35, No.4 (1998), p.41;
13. Ş. Mardin, 'Civil society and Islam', in J.A. Hall (ed.) Civil Society: Theory, History, Comparison (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), pp.301 25.
14. B. Lewis, 'State and civil society under Islam', New Perspectives Quarterly, Vol.7, No.2 (1990), pp.38-9.
15. E. Shils, 'The virtue of civil society', Government and Opposition Vol.26, No.1 (1991), p.7.
16. D.F. Eickelman, 'Foreword', in A.R. Norton (ed.) Civil Society in the Middle East, Vol.2 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995), p.x.
17. E. Bellin, 'Civil society: effective tool of analysis for Middle East politics', Political Science and Politics, Vol.27, No.3 (1994), p.510.
18. C. Kukathas, 'Islam, democracy, and civil society', in A. Yayla (ed.) Islam, Civil Society and Market Economy (Ankara: Liberté, 1999), p.30.
19. Michael Walzer states that civil society has its origins in the struggle for religious freedom, see M. Walzer, 'The civil society argument', in C. Mouffe (ed.) Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), p. 101. Surely that is tantamount to saying that religious organizations are automatically a part of civility.
20. B. Lewis, 'A Historical Overview', Journal of Democracy, Vol.7, No.2 (1996), p.52.
21. See H.M. Yavuz, 'Political Islam and the Welfare (Refah) Party in Turkey', Comparative Politics, (1997) pp.63-82;
22. Z. Öniş, 'The political economy of Islamic resurgence in Turkey: the rise of the Welfare Party in perspective', Third World Quarterly 18 (1997), pp.743-66;
23. and B. Duran, 'Approaching the Kurdish Question via Adil Düzen: An Islamist formula of the Welfare Party for Ethnic Coexistence', Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 18 (1998), pp.111-28.
24. A. Buǧra, 'Labour, Capital, and Religion', p.196 incorrectly states that at the time of Hak-İş's foundation in 1976, the government consisted of CHP (Republican People's Party) and MSP (National Salvation Party). This coalition government was in power in 1974. Similarly, Cam states that Hak-İş was set up in 1983, see S. Cam, 'Neo-liberalism and labour within the context of an "emergent market" economy in Turkey', Capital & Class, No.77 (2002), pp.89-114.
25. M. Khadduri, The Islamic Conception of Justice (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984), p.13.
26. Report of the Third General Assembly of Hak-İş (Ankara: Hak-İş, 1981), p.44 (hereafter Report 3).
27. Ibid., p.47.
28. Ibid., p.49.
29. Y. Koç, 'Hak-İş Konfederasyonu (1976-1980)', Mülkiyeliler Birliǧi Dergisi, Vol.18, No.171 (1994), p.44.
30. O. Baydar, Trade Unions in Turkey (Istanbul: Friedrich Ebert Foundation, 1997), p.133.
31. Adiyaman quoted in Y. Koç, (note 23) 'Hak-İş Konfederasyonu', p.41.
32. Report 3, pp.25, 53.
33. On the other hand, some segments of Hak-İş were concerned about the 'moderate' stance the organization was taking. As a result, Hak-İş leaders faced a serious challenge from more conservative elements within the organization, which mounted a challenge against the leadership at the 5th General Assembly in 1986. The head of the metal workers union, Özdemir-İş, criticized some Hak-İş leaders who 'held meetings in luxurious hotels and smoked expensive cigars'. Behind these symbolic criticisms lay the discontent over the way in which the confederation was being transformed. The head of the textile workers union who was the opposition candidate for the presidency also shared this view and attacked the Hak-İç leadership. Two other major unions - Hizmet-İş (local government union) and Ozgida-İş (food processing union) - supported the president. In the election, Necati Çelik gained 105 votes, whereas Mehmet Er, the opposition candidate gained only 44 votes, Hak-İş No.9, (March 1987), pp.7-8.
34. Necati Çelik, in 'Hak-İş Genel Başkani Necati Çlik'le İşçi Sorunlan Üzerine', İslam, (June 1989), p. 19.
35. Yildirim Koç, Şeriatçilar, İşçi Haklari Hak-İş (Ankara: Öteki Yayunevi, 1995), p. 141.
36. In 1984, Hak-İş had a membership of 105,858 (7.4 % of all unionized workers), whilst in 2002, its membership rose to 302,804 (A.4 % of all unionized workers). Source: ÇSGB, Çalişma Hayan İstatistikleri (Ankara, 2003). According to the latest Ministry of Labour statistics, Hak-İş has six constituent unions organized in agriculture, food processing, textiles, metal, woodworking and municipal services. All Hak-İş affiliates have passed the 10 % threshold necessary to undertake collective bargaining. The Ministry of Labour and Social Security uses size to determine which union it will certify to bargain collectively at each workplace. The unions and strike, lockout and collective bargaining laws passed in 1983 stipulate that to engage in collective bargaining a union has to obtain at least 10 % of all workers employed in a branch of industry as members and 50 % of the workers employed in a given establishment.
37. Yüksel Işik, Siyasal İslam ve Sendikalar (Ankara: Öteki Yayinevi, 1996), p.229.
38. We, nevertheless, disagree with Buǧra who suggests 'Hak-İş like MUSİAD uses Islam to bind its members against secularism', see, Islam in Economic Organizations (Istanbul: TESEV, 1999), p.46. It is true that Hak-İş uses Islam but not to bind its members but to differentiate itself from other labour organizations. Hak-İş membership includes workers from the whole political spectrum. In Turkey, workplaces are organized on the basis of a single union. It is often the case that workers are likely to join a union mainly, not because of their ideological convictions, but because it is a particular union that happens to organize their workplace.
39. Berik and Bilginsoy, 'The Labour Movement', p.54.
40. Report of the Eighth General Assembly of Hak-İş (Ankara: Hak-İş, 1995) p. 119 (hereafter Report 8).
41. Hak-İş, No.2, (May, 1986), p.4.
42. Report 3, p.55.
43. Hak-İş, No. 17, (April 1991), p. 10.
44. Hak-İş, No. 52, (Nov. 1999), p.11.
45. Report of the Sixth General Assembly of Hak-İş (Ankara: Hak-İş, 1989) p.39 (hereafter Report 6).
46. Buǧra, Islam, p.47.
47. Yildirim Koç, 'Hak-İş, Laiklik ve ICFTU Üyeliǧi', Mülkiyeliter Birliǧi Dergisi, Vol.22, No.206-209 (1998), p.44.
48. I b i d.
49. Report 8, p.25.
50. Hak-İş, No.53, (Jan. 2000), p.44.
51. S. Uslu, 'Hak-İş Konfederasyonunun Temel Prensipleri', in K. Aslan, (ed.) Sivil Toplum (Ankara: Hak-İş, 1992), pp.195-6.
52. Starting at the end of 1996, a series of events during the Welfare Party-led coalition government culminated in a crisis for the Turkish political regime. On 28 February 1997, the National Security Council (MGK; Milli Güvenlik Kurulu) made recommendations to the government about measures to be taken against the increasing anti-secular activities. This military intervention brought down the Welfare-led coalition government, and later the Welfare Party was closed down by the Turkish Constitutional Court for its anti-secular activities.
53. Quoted in Hak-İş 16. Kuruluş Yildönümü Etkinlikleri (Ankara: Hak-İş Yayinlari, 1991), p.96.
54. Hak-İş,, No.51 (Oct. 1999), p.3.
55. N.N. Ayubi, Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Arab World (London: Routledge, 1991), p.159.
56. J. Beinin & Z. Lockman, Workers on the Nile: Nationalism, Communism, Islam and the Egyptian Working Class (1882-1954) (London: I.B. Tauris, 1988), p.375.
57. These arguments are very similar to those of Christian unionism based on Christian social teachings. For example, Rerum Novarum (a New Line) enunciated by Pope Leo XIII in 1891 began with an assertion that 'classes were not antagonistic but complementary: capital and labour should exist in harmony and agreement' quoted in R. Hyman, Understanding European Trade Unionism: Between Market, Class and Society (London: Sage, 2001), p.40. This implied reciprocity of obligations. Workers should labour loyally for their employers but employers should respect the dignity of their workers.
58. M.A. Marman, Islamic Economics (Cambridge: The Islamic Academy, 1986), p.88.
59. Report of the Seventh General Assembly of Hak-İş, (Ankara: Hak-İş, 1992), p. 18, (hereafter Report 7).
60. Hak-İş, No.39 (Nov. 1995), p.6.
61. Report 7, p.25.
62. Report 8, p.29.
63. Report 6, pp.480-1.
64. E. Yildrrim, 'Employee Buyouts and Industrial Relations: A Case Study of Karabuk Steel Mill', Economic and Industrial Democracy, Vol.20, No.4 (1999), pp. 561-82.
65. Report 8, p.247.
66. Report 7, p.370.
67. S. Uslu, Bütün Yönleriyle 1 Mayis (Ankara: Hak-İş Yayinlari, 1992), p.9.
68. Report 6, pp.360, 471.
69. Hak-İş, No.9 (March 1987), p.15.
70. S. Uslu, 'A Speech', in Mukayeseli Hukuk ve Uygulama Açisindan İcesçi-İşveren l̇lişkileri (İstanbul: ISAV, 1992), p.368.
71. Ibid. pp.370-1.
72. A. Buǧra, 'Class, culture and state: an analysis of interest representation by two Turkish business associations', International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.30, No.4 (1998), pp.521-39.
73. See note 18, Cam, 'Neo-liberalism', p.95.
74. K. Bumin, 'Güvence Ertelemeye Okurlar Ne Diyor?', Yeni Şafak (18 March 2003), p.9.
75. It is an oversimplication to argue that 'Hak-İşi seeks to foster a philosophy of Islamic brotherhood with employers as against class-oriented unionism' see note 18, Cam, 'Neo-liberalism', p.95. Hak-İş affiliates, as we have seen above, engage in industrial conflict with religious employers.
76. Hak-İş, No.31 (March 1995), p.96.
77. Report of the Sixth General Assembly of Özgida-İş (Ankara: ÖzGida-İş, 1989), p.107.
78. Milliyet, (2 Jan. 2000), p.7.
79. Quoted in Gerçek Hayat (17-23 Nov. 2001), p.13.
80. Quoted in Power Ekonomi, No. 1 (Nov. 1996), p.49.
81. Report of the Ninth General Assembly of Hak-İş (Ankara: Hak-İş, 1999), p.70.
82. Quoted in Gerçek Hayat (17-23 Nov. 2001), p.12.
83. Buǧra, note 3, 'Labour, Capital, and Religion', p.196.
84. Hak-İş, 'Hak-İş', in Siyasi Sistem ve Seçimlerle İlgili Temel İlkeleri (Ankara: Hak-İş Yayinlari, 1994), p.26.
85. Report of the Ninth General of Hak-İş, pp. 107,128.
86. Hak-İş, No.40 (Feb. 1997.), p.9.
87. S. Uslu, İnsan Haklari ve Türkiye (Ankara: Hak-İş Yayinlari, 1998), pp.28-9, 35.
88. Hak-İş, No.41 (April 1997), p.75.
89. Report 9, p.130.
90. M. Çinar, 'From Shadow-Boxing to Critical Understanding: Some Theoretical Notes on Islamism as a "Political" Question', Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, Vol.3, No. 1 (2002), p.51.
91. Hak-İş, No.55 (2000), p.6.
92. See Hak-İş, Ekonomik Panorama ve Model Arayişylari Toplantisi (Ankara, Hak-İş Yayinlari, 1998)
93. Buǧra, note 3, 'Labour, capital, and religion', p.200.
94. Hak-İş, Hükümetin 500 Günü: Ne Dediler Ne Yaptilar (Ankara: Hak-İş Yayinlari, 1993), p.92 .
95. Hak-İş, No.42 (June 1997), p.44.
96. Hak-İş, No.47 (Oct. 1998), p.6.
97. Ibid., p.7.
98. Quoted in Gerçek Hayat (17-23 Nov. 2001), p.12.
99. The former Welfare Party mayor of Istanbul, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, formed the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Aalkinma Partisi; AKP) in 2001, comprising the reformist wing of the VP and some other conservative politicians. The AKP scored a major victory in 3 November 2002 elections.
100. Quoted in İşçi Kirgin, 'İşveren Mutlu', Yeni Şafak (17 March 2003), p.7.
101. B. Gülbaba, 'Çahşma Yaşamina Bomba', Radikal (28 Feb. 2003), p.9.