From "Silicon Island" to "biopolis of Asia": Innovation policy and shifting competitive strategy in Singapore

California Management Review

Volumn 47, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 50-73

  Parayil, Govindan ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 14944383548     PISSN: 00081256     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/41166295     Document Type: Review

References (120)

1. See J.A. Mathews, "A Silicon Island of the East: Creating a Semiconductor Industry in Singapore," California Management Review, 41/2 (Winter 1999): 55-78.
2. For more on uncertainty and innovation, see N. Rosenberg, "Uncertainty and technological change," D. Kneef, G.A. Siesfeld and J. Cefola, eds., The Economic Impact of Knowledge (Boston, MA: Butterworth-Heinemann, 1998), pp. 17-34.
3. For more on the theory of clustering of innovations and the dynamics of technology development, see G. Parayil, "Mapping Technological Trajectories of the Green Revolution and Gene Revolution from Modernization to Globalization," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 971-990.
4. M.E. Porter, "The Competitive Advantage of Nations," Harvard Business Review, 68/2 (March/April 1990): 73-93, quote on p. 73.
5. Incidentally, based on his research during the late 1980s, Michael Porter claimed that Singapore's policy of leveraging foreign multinational corporations for its industrialization was a poor economic development strategy. According to Porter, "Foreign multinationals should be only one component of a developing nation's economic strategy, and an evolving component. At some stage in the development process, the focus should shift to indigenous companies. In Singapore....my view is that the shift has been too little and too late." M.E. Porter, The Competitive Advantage of Nations (New York, NY: Free Press, 1990), p. 679. However, Mathews as well as Mathews and Cho have shown that Porter was not entirely right about this argument, a position further supported in this article. Mathews, op. cit.; J.A. Mathews and D.S. Cho, Tiger Technology: The Creation of Semiconductor Industry in East Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)
6. Incidentally, based on his research during the late 1980s, Michael Porter claimed that Singapore's policy of leveraging foreign multinational corporations for its industrialization was a poor economic development strategy. According to Porter, "Foreign multinationals should be only one component of a developing nation's economic strategy, and an evolving component. At some stage in the development process, the focus should shift to indigenous companies. In Singapore....my view is that the shift has been too little and too late." M.E. Porter, The Competitive Advantage of Nations (New York, NY: Free Press, 1990), p. 679. However, Mathews as well as Mathews and Cho have shown that Porter was not entirely right about this argument, a position further supported in this article. Mathews, op. cit.; J.A. Mathews and D.S. Cho, Tiger Technology: The Creation of Semiconductor Industry in East Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)
7. Incidentally, based on his research during the late 1980s, Michael Porter claimed that Singapore's policy of leveraging foreign multinational corporations for its industrialization was a poor economic development strategy. According to Porter, "Foreign multinationals should be only one component of a developing nation's economic strategy, and an evolving component. At some stage in the development process, the focus should shift to indigenous companies. In Singapore....my view is that the shift has been too little and too late." M.E. Porter, The Competitive Advantage of Nations (New York, NY: Free Press, 1990), p. 679. However, Mathews as well as Mathews and Cho have shown that Porter was not entirely right about this argument, a position further supported in this article. Mathews, op. cit.; J.A. Mathews and D.S. Cho, Tiger Technology: The Creation of Semiconductor Industry in East Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)
8. The exponents of the triple helix framework, Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff concede this. H. Etzkowitz and L. Leydesdorff, "The Dynamics of Innovation: From National Systems and "Mode 2" to a Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations," Research Policy, 29 (2000): 109-123.
9. Although an aside, this article follows the neo-Schumpeterian evolutionary theory. For the basis for explaining economic growth of Singapore and other Asian newly industrialized countries (ANICs), see R.R. Nelson, H. Pack, and The World Bank, "The Asian Miracle and Modern Growth Theory," Policy Research Working Paper No. 1881, Development Research Group, The World Bank 〈http://econ.worldbank.org/docs/509.pdf〉; H. Pack, "Research and Development in the Industrial Development Process," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 69-94; M. Hobday, Innovation in East Asia: The Challenge to Japan (London: Edward Elgar, 1995); C. Dhalman, "Technology Strategy in East Asian Developing Economies," Journal of Asian Economics, 5 (1994): 541-572. In contrast, for the neoclassical theory of factor (capital) accumulation as the basis for economic growth and not allegedly due to productivity increase of factors of production, see A. Young, "The Tyranny of Numbers: Confronting the Statistical Realities of the East Asian Growth Experience," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 110/3 (1995): 641-680; L.J. Lau, "The Sources of East Asian Growth," in F.G. Adams and S. Ichimura, eds., East Asian Development: Will the East Asian Growth Miracle Survive? (West Port, CT: Praeger, 1998): 41-67. Using the growth accounting methodology pioneered by Robert Solow, the neoclassical " accumulationists" claim that Singapore and other ANICs show very low or even negative (in the case of Singapore according to Young) total factor productivity (TFP). The "assimilation" approach of evolutionary theorists argue that Singapore and other ANICs grew due to productivity growth attributed to technological learning, capability acquisition, and innovation. For an interesting sketch of the "assimilation" versus "accumulation" argument, see I.P. Mahmood and J. Singh "Technological Dynamism in Asia," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 1031-54. For a thorough critical appraisal of neoclassical economists' theoretical and empirical approach to ascertaining TFP and a rebuttal of their claim of Singapore's zero or negative TFP, see J. Felipe, "On the Myth and Mystery of Singapore's 'Zero TFP'," Asian Economic Journal, 14/2 (2000): 187-209.
10. Although an aside, this article follows the neo-Schumpeterian evolutionary theory. For the basis for explaining economic growth of Singapore and other Asian newly industrialized countries (ANICs), see R.R. Nelson, H. Pack, and The World Bank, "The Asian Miracle and Modern Growth Theory," Policy Research Working Paper No. 1881, Development Research Group, The World Bank 〈http://econ.worldbank.org/docs/509.pdf〉; H. Pack, "Research and Development in the Industrial Development Process," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 69-94; M. Hobday, Innovation in East Asia: The Challenge to Japan (London: Edward Elgar, 1995); C. Dhalman, "Technology Strategy in East Asian Developing Economies," Journal of Asian Economics, 5 (1994): 541-572. In contrast, for the neoclassical theory of factor (capital) accumulation as the basis for economic growth and not allegedly due to productivity increase of factors of production, see A. Young, "The Tyranny of Numbers: Confronting the Statistical Realities of the East Asian Growth Experience," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 110/3 (1995): 641-680; L.J. Lau, "The Sources of East Asian Growth," in F.G. Adams and S. Ichimura, eds., East Asian Development: Will the East Asian Growth Miracle Survive? (West Port, CT: Praeger, 1998): 41-67. Using the growth accounting methodology pioneered by Robert Solow, the neoclassical " accumulationists" claim that Singapore and other ANICs show very low or even negative (in the case of Singapore according to Young) total factor productivity (TFP). The "assimilation" approach of evolutionary theorists argue that Singapore and other ANICs grew due to productivity growth attributed to technological learning, capability acquisition, and innovation. For an interesting sketch of the "assimilation" versus "accumulation" argument, see I.P. Mahmood and J. Singh "Technological Dynamism in Asia," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 1031-54. For a thorough critical appraisal of neoclassical economists' theoretical and empirical approach to ascertaining TFP and a rebuttal of their claim of Singapore's zero or negative TFP, see J. Felipe, "On the Myth and Mystery of Singapore's 'Zero TFP'," Asian Economic Journal, 14/2 (2000): 187-209.
11. Although an aside, this article follows the neo-Schumpeterian evolutionary theory. For the basis for explaining economic growth of Singapore and other Asian newly industrialized countries (ANICs), see R.R. Nelson, H. Pack, and The World Bank, "The Asian Miracle and Modern Growth Theory," Policy Research Working Paper No. 1881, Development Research Group, The World Bank 〈http://econ.worldbank.org/docs/509.pdf〉; H. Pack, "Research and Development in the Industrial Development Process," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 69-94; M. Hobday, Innovation in East Asia: The Challenge to Japan (London: Edward Elgar, 1995); C. Dhalman, "Technology Strategy in East Asian Developing Economies," Journal of Asian Economics, 5 (1994): 541-572. In contrast, for the neoclassical theory of factor (capital) accumulation as the basis for economic growth and not allegedly due to productivity increase of factors of production, see A. Young, "The Tyranny of Numbers: Confronting the Statistical Realities of the East Asian Growth Experience," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 110/3 (1995): 641-680; L.J. Lau, "The Sources of East Asian Growth," in F.G. Adams and S. Ichimura, eds., East Asian Development: Will the East Asian Growth Miracle Survive? (West Port, CT: Praeger, 1998): 41-67. Using the growth accounting methodology pioneered by Robert Solow, the neoclassical " accumulationists" claim that Singapore and other ANICs show very low or even negative (in the case of Singapore according to Young) total factor productivity (TFP). The "assimilation" approach of evolutionary theorists argue that Singapore and other ANICs grew due to productivity growth attributed to technological learning, capability acquisition, and innovation. For an interesting sketch of the "assimilation" versus "accumulation" argument, see I.P. Mahmood and J. Singh "Technological Dynamism in Asia," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 1031-54. For a thorough critical appraisal of neoclassical economists' theoretical and empirical approach to ascertaining TFP and a rebuttal of their claim of Singapore's zero or negative TFP, see J. Felipe, "On the Myth and Mystery of Singapore's 'Zero TFP'," Asian Economic Journal, 14/2 (2000): 187-209.
12. Although an aside, this article follows the neo-Schumpeterian evolutionary theory. For the basis for explaining economic growth of Singapore and other Asian newly industrialized countries (ANICs), see R.R. Nelson, H. Pack, and The World Bank, "The Asian Miracle and Modern Growth Theory," Policy Research Working Paper No. 1881, Development Research Group, The World Bank 〈http://econ.worldbank.org/docs/509.pdf〉; H. Pack, "Research and Development in the Industrial Development Process," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 69-94; M. Hobday, Innovation in East Asia: The Challenge to Japan (London: Edward Elgar, 1995); C. Dhalman, "Technology Strategy in East Asian Developing Economies," Journal of Asian Economics, 5 (1994): 541-572. In contrast, for the neoclassical theory of factor (capital) accumulation as the basis for economic growth and not allegedly due to productivity increase of factors of production, see A. Young, "The Tyranny of Numbers: Confronting the Statistical Realities of the East Asian Growth Experience," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 110/3 (1995): 641-680; L.J. Lau, "The Sources of East Asian Growth," in F.G. Adams and S. Ichimura, eds., East Asian Development: Will the East Asian Growth Miracle Survive? (West Port, CT: Praeger, 1998): 41-67. Using the growth accounting methodology pioneered by Robert Solow, the neoclassical " accumulationists" claim that Singapore and other ANICs show very low or even negative (in the case of Singapore according to Young) total factor productivity (TFP). The "assimilation" approach of evolutionary theorists argue that Singapore and other ANICs grew due to productivity growth attributed to technological learning, capability acquisition, and innovation. For an interesting sketch of the "assimilation" versus "accumulation" argument, see I.P. Mahmood and J. Singh "Technological Dynamism in Asia," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 1031-54. For a thorough critical appraisal of neoclassical economists' theoretical and empirical approach to ascertaining TFP and a rebuttal of their claim of Singapore's zero or negative TFP, see J. Felipe, "On the Myth and Mystery of Singapore's 'Zero TFP'," Asian Economic Journal, 14/2 (2000): 187-209.
13. Although an aside, this article follows the neo-Schumpeterian evolutionary theory. For the basis for explaining economic growth of Singapore and other Asian newly industrialized countries (ANICs), see R.R. Nelson, H. Pack, and The World Bank, "The Asian Miracle and Modern Growth Theory," Policy Research Working Paper No. 1881, Development Research Group, The World Bank 〈http://econ.worldbank.org/docs/509.pdf〉; H. Pack, "Research and Development in the Industrial Development Process," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 69-94; M. Hobday, Innovation in East Asia: The Challenge to Japan (London: Edward Elgar, 1995); C. Dhalman, "Technology Strategy in East Asian Developing Economies," Journal of Asian Economics, 5 (1994): 541-572. In contrast, for the neoclassical theory of factor (capital) accumulation as the basis for economic growth and not allegedly due to productivity increase of factors of production, see A. Young, "The Tyranny of Numbers: Confronting the Statistical Realities of the East Asian Growth Experience," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 110/3 (1995): 641-680; L.J. Lau, "The Sources of East Asian Growth," in F.G. Adams and S. Ichimura, eds., East Asian Development: Will the East Asian Growth Miracle Survive? (West Port, CT: Praeger, 1998): 41-67. Using the growth accounting methodology pioneered by Robert Solow, the neoclassical " accumulationists" claim that Singapore and other ANICs show very low or even negative (in the case of Singapore according to Young) total factor productivity (TFP). The "assimilation" approach of evolutionary theorists argue that Singapore and other ANICs grew due to productivity growth attributed to technological learning, capability acquisition, and innovation. For an interesting sketch of the "assimilation" versus "accumulation" argument, see I.P. Mahmood and J. Singh "Technological Dynamism in Asia," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 1031-54. For a thorough critical appraisal of neoclassical economists' theoretical and empirical approach to ascertaining TFP and a rebuttal of their claim of Singapore's zero or negative TFP, see J. Felipe, "On the Myth and Mystery of Singapore's 'Zero TFP'," Asian Economic Journal, 14/2 (2000): 187-209.
14. Although an aside, this article follows the neo-Schumpeterian evolutionary theory. For the basis for explaining economic growth of Singapore and other Asian newly industrialized countries (ANICs), see R.R. Nelson, H. Pack, and The World Bank, "The Asian Miracle and Modern Growth Theory," Policy Research Working Paper No. 1881, Development Research Group, The World Bank 〈http://econ.worldbank.org/docs/509.pdf〉; H. Pack, "Research and Development in the Industrial Development Process," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 69-94; M. Hobday, Innovation in East Asia: The Challenge to Japan (London: Edward Elgar, 1995); C. Dhalman, "Technology Strategy in East Asian Developing Economies," Journal of Asian Economics, 5 (1994): 541-572. In contrast, for the neoclassical theory of factor (capital) accumulation as the basis for economic growth and not allegedly due to productivity increase of factors of production, see A. Young, "The Tyranny of Numbers: Confronting the Statistical Realities of the East Asian Growth Experience," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 110/3 (1995): 641-680; L.J. Lau, "The Sources of East Asian Growth," in F.G. Adams and S. Ichimura, eds., East Asian Development: Will the East Asian Growth Miracle Survive? (West Port, CT: Praeger, 1998): 41-67. Using the growth accounting methodology pioneered by Robert Solow, the neoclassical " accumulationists" claim that Singapore and other ANICs show very low or even negative (in the case of Singapore according to Young) total factor productivity (TFP). The "assimilation" approach of evolutionary theorists argue that Singapore and other ANICs grew due to productivity growth attributed to technological learning, capability acquisition, and innovation. For an interesting sketch of the "assimilation" versus "accumulation" argument, see I.P. Mahmood and J. Singh "Technological Dynamism in Asia," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 1031-54. For a thorough critical appraisal of neoclassical economists' theoretical and empirical approach to ascertaining TFP and a rebuttal of their claim of Singapore's zero or negative TFP, see J. Felipe, "On the Myth and Mystery of Singapore's 'Zero TFP'," Asian Economic Journal, 14/2 (2000): 187-209.
15. Although an aside, this article follows the neo-Schumpeterian evolutionary theory. For the basis for explaining economic growth of Singapore and other Asian newly industrialized countries (ANICs), see R.R. Nelson, H. Pack, and The World Bank, "The Asian Miracle and Modern Growth Theory," Policy Research Working Paper No. 1881, Development Research Group, The World Bank 〈http://econ.worldbank.org/docs/509.pdf〉; H. Pack, "Research and Development in the Industrial Development Process," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 69-94; M. Hobday, Innovation in East Asia: The Challenge to Japan (London: Edward Elgar, 1995); C. Dhalman, "Technology Strategy in East Asian Developing Economies," Journal of Asian Economics, 5 (1994): 541-572. In contrast, for the neoclassical theory of factor (capital) accumulation as the basis for economic growth and not allegedly due to productivity increase of factors of production, see A. Young, "The Tyranny of Numbers: Confronting the Statistical Realities of the East Asian Growth Experience," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 110/3 (1995): 641-680; L.J. Lau, "The Sources of East Asian Growth," in F.G. Adams and S. Ichimura, eds., East Asian Development: Will the East Asian Growth Miracle Survive? (West Port, CT: Praeger, 1998): 41-67. Using the growth accounting methodology pioneered by Robert Solow, the neoclassical " accumulationists" claim that Singapore and other ANICs show very low or even negative (in the case of Singapore according to Young) total factor productivity (TFP). The "assimilation" approach of evolutionary theorists argue that Singapore and other ANICs grew due to productivity growth attributed to technological learning, capability acquisition, and innovation. For an interesting sketch of the "assimilation" versus "accumulation" argument, see I.P. Mahmood and J. Singh "Technological Dynamism in Asia," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 1031-54. For a thorough critical appraisal of neoclassical economists' theoretical and empirical approach to ascertaining TFP and a rebuttal of their claim of Singapore's zero or negative TFP, see J. Felipe, "On the Myth and Mystery of Singapore's 'Zero TFP'," Asian Economic Journal, 14/2 (2000): 187-209.
16. Although an aside, this article follows the neo-Schumpeterian evolutionary theory. For the basis for explaining economic growth of Singapore and other Asian newly industrialized countries (ANICs), see R.R. Nelson, H. Pack, and The World Bank, "The Asian Miracle and Modern Growth Theory," Policy Research Working Paper No. 1881, Development Research Group, The World Bank 〈http://econ.worldbank.org/docs/509.pdf〉; H. Pack, "Research and Development in the Industrial Development Process," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 69-94; M. Hobday, Innovation in East Asia: The Challenge to Japan (London: Edward Elgar, 1995); C. Dhalman, "Technology Strategy in East Asian Developing Economies," Journal of Asian Economics, 5 (1994): 541-572. In contrast, for the neoclassical theory of factor (capital) accumulation as the basis for economic growth and not allegedly due to productivity increase of factors of production, see A. Young, "The Tyranny of Numbers: Confronting the Statistical Realities of the East Asian Growth Experience," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 110/3 (1995): 641-680; L.J. Lau, "The Sources of East Asian Growth," in F.G. Adams and S. Ichimura, eds., East Asian Development: Will the East Asian Growth Miracle Survive? (West Port, CT: Praeger, 1998): 41-67. Using the growth accounting methodology pioneered by Robert Solow, the neoclassical " accumulationists" claim that Singapore and other ANICs show very low or even negative (in the case of Singapore according to Young) total factor productivity (TFP). The "assimilation" approach of evolutionary theorists argue that Singapore and other ANICs grew due to productivity growth attributed to technological learning, capability acquisition, and innovation. For an interesting sketch of the "assimilation" versus "accumulation" argument, see I.P. Mahmood and J. Singh "Technological Dynamism in Asia," Research Policy, 32/6 (2003): 1031-54. For a thorough critical appraisal of neoclassical economists' theoretical and empirical approach to ascertaining TFP and a rebuttal of their claim of Singapore's zero or negative TFP, see J. Felipe, "On the Myth and Mystery of Singapore's 'Zero TFP'," Asian Economic Journal, 14/2 (2000): 187-209.
17. On innovation trajectories and technology development, see Parayil, op. cit.
18. J.L. Furman, M.E. Porter, and S. Stern, "The Determinants of National Innovative Capacity," Research Policy, 31 (2002): 899-933.
19. K. Y. Lee, From Third World to First: The Singapore Story, 1965-2000 (New York, NY: HaperCollins Publishers, 2000).
20. The average real GDP growth for the period 1965-2000 was computed from K.W. Li, Capitalist Development and Economism in East Asia: The Rise of Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and South Korea (London: Routledge, 2002), p. 26.
21. Economic Review Committee (ERC), Report of the Economic Review Committee: New Challenges, Fresh Goals - Towards a Dynamic Global City (Singapore: Ministry of Trade and Industry, 2003).
22. P.K. Wong, "Leveraging Multinational Corporations, Fostering Technopreneurship: The Changing Role of S&T Policy in Singapore," International journal of Technology Management, 22/5-6 (2001): 539-567, 541.
23. P.K. Wong, "The Role of the State in Singapore's Industrial Development," in P.K. Wong and C.Y. Ng, eds., Industrial Policy, Innovation and Economic Growth: The Experience of Japan and the Asian NIEs (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2000), pp. 503-579.
24. The rapid expansion and upgrading of these crucial service sectors would not have been possible without the technological deepening of the country attained through technological capability building in high-tech manufacturing industries.
25. W.G. Huff, "The Developmental State, Government, and Singapore's Economic Development Since 1960," World Development, 23/8 (1995): 1421-1438.
26. "Face Value: Singapore's Man with a Plan," The Economist, August 14, 2004, p. 54.
27. See Mathews and Cho, op. cit.; P.K. Wong and C.Y. Ng, "Singapore's Industrial Policy to the Year 2000," in S. Masuyama, D. Vandenbrink, and C.S. Yue, eds., Industrial Policies in East Asia (Tokyo: Nomura Research Institute/Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1997), pp. 121-141.
28. See Mathews and Cho, op. cit.; P.K. Wong and C.Y. Ng, "Singapore's Industrial Policy to the Year 2000," in S. Masuyama, D. Vandenbrink, and C.S. Yue, eds., Industrial Policies in East Asia (Tokyo: Nomura Research Institute/Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1997), pp. 121-141.
29. D. McKendrick, R. Doner, and S. Haggard, From Silicon Valley to Singapore: Location and Competitive Advantage in the Hard Disk Drive Industry (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000).
30. See Mathews and Cho, op. cit.
31. The institutional mechanisms of technological learning include licensing, foreign direct investment (FDI), joint ventures, subcontracting, overseas training and education, hiring, foreign acquisition, and joint ventures. See M. Hobday, "East versus Southeast Asian Innovation Systems: Comparing OEM-and TNC-led Growth in Electronics," in L. Kim and R.R. Nelson, eds., Technology, Learning, and Innovation: Experiences of Newly Industrializing Economies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 129-169.
32. The intellectual precursors of NIS are C. Freeman, Technology Policy and Economic Performance: Lessons from Japan (London: Pinter, 1987); B.-Å. Lundvall, ed., National Systems of Innovation: Towards a Theory of Innovation and Interactive Learning (London: Pinter, 1992); R.R. Nelson, ed., National Innovation Systems: A Comparative Study (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1993). While Freeman uses the term "national system of innovation," Nelson, Lundvall, and others use the term "national innovation system" or NIS. We may use NIS and NSI, interchangeably, but for consistency I will use only NIS throughout this paper. Freeman was the first to systematically map out the analytical structure of a NIS based on empirical details of Japan's ascendance as one of the world's most dynamic economies through the "promotion of generic technologies," especially information and communication technology (ICT).
33. The intellectual precursors of NIS are C. Freeman, Technology Policy and Economic Performance: Lessons from Japan (London: Pinter, 1987); B.-Å. Lundvall, ed., National Systems of Innovation: Towards a Theory of Innovation and Interactive Learning (London: Pinter, 1992); R.R. Nelson, ed., National Innovation Systems: A Comparative Study (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1993). While Freeman uses the term "national system of innovation," Nelson, Lundvall, and others use the term "national innovation system" or NIS. We may use NIS and NSI, interchangeably, but for consistency I will use only NIS throughout this paper. Freeman was the first to systematically map out the analytical structure of a NIS based on empirical details of Japan's ascendance as one of the world's most dynamic economies through the "promotion of generic technologies," especially information and communication technology (ICT).
34. The intellectual precursors of NIS are C. Freeman, Technology Policy and Economic Performance: Lessons from Japan (London: Pinter, 1987); B.-Å. Lundvall, ed., National Systems of Innovation: Towards a Theory of Innovation and Interactive Learning (London: Pinter, 1992); R.R. Nelson, ed., National Innovation Systems: A Comparative Study (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1993). While Freeman uses the term "national system of innovation," Nelson, Lundvall, and others use the term "national innovation system" or NIS. We may use NIS and NSI, interchangeably, but for consistency I will use only NIS throughout this paper. Freeman was the first to systematically map out the analytical structure of a NIS based on empirical details of Japan's ascendance as one of the world's most dynamic economies through the "promotion of generic technologies," especially information and communication technology (ICT).
35. R.R. Nelson, "National Innovation Systems," in Z. Acs, ed., Regional Innovation, Knowledge and Global Change (London: Pinter, 2000), pp. 11-26.
36. See Freeman, op. cit., p. 1.
37. Nelson (2000), op. cit.
38. P.K. Wong, National Innovation System: The Case of Singapore (Seoul: Science and Technology Policy Institute, 1995): 5.
39. Wong, op. cit., p. 9.
40. See K.S. Goh, Wealth of East Asian Nations: Speeches and Writings, arranged and edited by L. Low (Singapore: Federal Publications, 1995).
41. Goh, op. cit., p. 23.
42. Huff, op. cit.
43. "Post-industrial" is meant in the sense of the progressively declining role of manufacturing output in GDP in favor of services and the declining numbers in blue-collar employment in favor of white-collar employment. The rise of knowledge and financial capital and the decline of industrial capital is another hallmark of post-industrialism. The three pioneering thinkers of post-industrialism are Bell, Touraine, and Drucker. D. Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1973); A. Touraine, La sociétépost-industriale (Paris: Denoel, 1969); P. Drucker, The Age of Discontinuity (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1969); P. Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York, NY: HarperBusiness, 1993). Some of the contemporary thinkers are: M. Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996); A. Burton-Jones, Knowledge Capitalism: Business, Work, and Learning in the New Economy (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999); N. Steht, Knowledge Societies (London: Sage, 1994).
44. "Post-industrial" is meant in the sense of the progressively declining role of manufacturing output in GDP in favor of services and the declining numbers in blue-collar employment in favor of white-collar employment. The rise of knowledge and financial capital and the decline of industrial capital is another hallmark of post-industrialism. The three pioneering thinkers of post-industrialism are Bell, Touraine, and Drucker. D. Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1973); A. Touraine, La sociétépost-industriale (Paris: Denoel, 1969); P. Drucker, The Age of Discontinuity (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1969); P. Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York, NY: HarperBusiness, 1993). Some of the contemporary thinkers are: M. Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996); A. Burton-Jones, Knowledge Capitalism: Business, Work, and Learning in the New Economy (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999); N. Steht, Knowledge Societies (London: Sage, 1994).
45. "Post-industrial" is meant in the sense of the progressively declining role of manufacturing output in GDP in favor of services and the declining numbers in blue-collar employment in favor of white-collar employment. The rise of knowledge and financial capital and the decline of industrial capital is another hallmark of post-industrialism. The three pioneering thinkers of post-industrialism are Bell, Touraine, and Drucker. D. Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1973); A. Touraine, La sociétépost-industriale (Paris: Denoel, 1969); P. Drucker, The Age of Discontinuity (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1969); P. Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York, NY: HarperBusiness, 1993). Some of the contemporary thinkers are: M. Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996); A. Burton-Jones, Knowledge Capitalism: Business, Work, and Learning in the New Economy (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999); N. Steht, Knowledge Societies (London: Sage, 1994).
46. "Post-industrial" is meant in the sense of the progressively declining role of manufacturing output in GDP in favor of services and the declining numbers in blue-collar employment in favor of white-collar employment. The rise of knowledge and financial capital and the decline of industrial capital is another hallmark of post-industrialism. The three pioneering thinkers of post-industrialism are Bell, Touraine, and Drucker. D. Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1973); A. Touraine, La sociétépost-industriale (Paris: Denoel, 1969); P. Drucker, The Age of Discontinuity (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1969); P. Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York, NY: HarperBusiness, 1993). Some of the contemporary thinkers are: M. Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996); A. Burton-Jones, Knowledge Capitalism: Business, Work, and Learning in the New Economy (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999); N. Steht, Knowledge Societies (London: Sage, 1994).
47. "Post-industrial" is meant in the sense of the progressively declining role of manufacturing output in GDP in favor of services and the declining numbers in blue-collar employment in favor of white-collar employment. The rise of knowledge and financial capital and the decline of industrial capital is another hallmark of post-industrialism. The three pioneering thinkers of post-industrialism are Bell, Touraine, and Drucker. D. Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1973); A. Touraine, La sociétépost-industriale (Paris: Denoel, 1969); P. Drucker, The Age of Discontinuity (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1969); P. Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York, NY: HarperBusiness, 1993). Some of the contemporary thinkers are: M. Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996); A. Burton-Jones, Knowledge Capitalism: Business, Work, and Learning in the New Economy (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999); N. Steht, Knowledge Societies (London: Sage, 1994).
48. "Post-industrial" is meant in the sense of the progressively declining role of manufacturing output in GDP in favor of services and the declining numbers in blue-collar employment in favor of white-collar employment. The rise of knowledge and financial capital and the decline of industrial capital is another hallmark of post-industrialism. The three pioneering thinkers of post-industrialism are Bell, Touraine, and Drucker. D. Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1973); A. Touraine, La sociétépost-industriale (Paris: Denoel, 1969); P. Drucker, The Age of Discontinuity (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1969); P. Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York, NY: HarperBusiness, 1993). Some of the contemporary thinkers are: M. Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996); A. Burton-Jones, Knowledge Capitalism: Business, Work, and Learning in the New Economy (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999); N. Steht, Knowledge Societies (London: Sage, 1994).
49. "Post-industrial" is meant in the sense of the progressively declining role of manufacturing output in GDP in favor of services and the declining numbers in blue-collar employment in favor of white-collar employment. The rise of knowledge and financial capital and the decline of industrial capital is another hallmark of post-industrialism. The three pioneering thinkers of post-industrialism are Bell, Touraine, and Drucker. D. Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1973); A. Touraine, La sociétépost-industriale (Paris: Denoel, 1969); P. Drucker, The Age of Discontinuity (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1969); P. Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York, NY: HarperBusiness, 1993). Some of the contemporary thinkers are: M. Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996); A. Burton-Jones, Knowledge Capitalism: Business, Work, and Learning in the New Economy (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999); N. Steht, Knowledge Societies (London: Sage, 1994).
50. Wong (2001), op. cit., p. 550.
51. In the case of Singapore (or, for that matter, any country) it is unreasonable to expect the emergence of fully autonomous entities of equal size (three intersecting circles of equal size) called for by the triple helix proponents.
52. The former Singapore Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong quoted in the Singapore Enterprise, April 2000 issue, is available at 〈www.spring.gov.sg/news/ enterprise/Apr/productivity.html_friendly.html〉, accessed April 16, 2002. According to Mr. Goh, "We want a spirit of enterprise, where trying, learning, and improving is a way of life; where everyone seeks to create value to have the extra edge. Singapore will then be a place where embracing change and creating value become instinctive."
53. Economic Review Committee, op. cit.
54. See Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff (2000), op. cit.
55. See EDB web site 〈www.sedb.com/edbcorp/detailed.jsp?artid= 2870&typeid=7〉, accessed February 16, 2002)
56. Some of the key steps undertaken by the government in the past few years to further the new innovation milieu involved creating: twelve research institutes under the A *STAR; an A *STAR R&D Assistance Scheme operated through its two research councils; a reorganized Productivity and Standards Board (PSB) now known as the Standards, Productivity, Innovation and Growth (SPRING) Board; the SPRING Board National Patent Information Centre; the Patent Application Fund; an Innovation Strategic Unit within EDB and the introduction of an Innovation Development Scheme to disburse financial assistance to encourage innovation; the Startup Enterprise Development Scheme (SEEDS) to provide equity financing for enterprise formation; the Local Industry Upgrading Program to foster closer business ties between local companies and foreign MNC partners; the Singapore Innovation Award; the revamping of Quality Circles to Innovation and Quality Circles (IQCs); the Incubator Support Scheme; and the Innovator's Assistance Scheme.
57. A.L. Chang, "Biotech Buzz at the Singapore Science Park," The Straits Times, Singapore, October 19, 2002, p. H21.
58. Sandra Davie and Jane Ng, "Universities to Get a Freer Hand," The Straits Times, February 12, 2004, p. 1.
59. The Sydney-based University of New South Wales is slated to open its Singapore campus in 2007.
60. Quoted in the remarks by Dr. Tony Tan, Deputy Prime Minister, at a Nanyang Technological University function held at the Istana, Singapore, on Wednesday, February 11, 2004
61. For details of the SMA, see 〈http://web.mit.edu/sma/〉, accessed October 24, 2002.
62. See the NUS Enterprise portal 〈www.enterprise.nus.edu.sg/aboutus/ index.html〉, accessed October 24, 2002.
63. See the NUS Silicon Valley College site 〈www.nus.edu.sg/etpi/ncsv/ intro.html〉, accessed October 24, 2002.
64. See 〈www.nus.edu.sg/etpi/ncbv/intro.htm〉, accessed March 28, 2003.
65. See 〈http://nus.edu.sg/noc/ncs/intro.htm〉, accessed August 26, 2003.
66. See 〈www.nus.edu.sg/occ/pressrel/prcontent.php?id=020325〉, accessed August 26, 2003.
67. For an interesting analysis of a private university's entrepreneurial transformation, see M. Jacob, M. Lundqvist, and H. Hellsmark, "Entrepreneurial Transformations in the Swedish University System: The Case of Chalmers University of Technology," Research Policy 33 (2003): 1555-1568.
68. See A *STAR, Year 2000 National Survey of R&D in Singapore at 〈www.a-star.gov.sg/astar/pdf/Publication/R&D_Surveywebsite.pdf〉, accessed April 16, 2002.
69. A.H. Amsden, T. Tschang, and A. Goto, "Do Foreign Companies Conduct R&D in Developing Countries? A New Approach to Analyzing the Level of R&D, with an Analysis of Singapore," ADB Institute Working Paper 14, Tokyo, ADB Institute, 2001.
70. This, in part, must be to take advantage of the Singapore Government's various schemes to subsidize R&D expenditures of local companies.
71. Definition of bio-medical sciences industry found on the web site of EDB, available at 〈www.sedb.com〉, accessed April 15, 2002.
72. The other three pillars of the economy are electronics, chemicals, and engineering.
73. Singapore does have a thriving horticulture industry, but its share in the national output is negligible.
74. IAC members are listed at 〈www.a-star.edu.sg/astar/about/action/ about_bmrc_council.do〉, accessed August 3, 2004.
75. EDB press release of February 6, 2002 at 〈www.sedb.com/edbcorp/ detailed.jsp?artid=2816&typeid=7〉, accessed April 16, 2002.
76. See the A *STAR web site at 〈www.a-star.gov.sg/ international_programmes.shtml〉.
77. Institute of Molecular and Cell Biology absorbed the Institute of Molecular Agrobiology.
78. D. Uren, "Edison Liu Is Leading Asia's Life Science Charge," Asia Inc, July 2001, at 〈www.asia-inc.com/printarticle.php?articleID= 1930〉, accessed April 25, 2002.
79. Ai-Lien Chang, "Research-Friendly S'pore Luring the Best and Brightest," The Straights Times, Singapore, February 17, 2004, p. H8.
80. Ai-Lien Chang, "Cancer Expert Excited to Work in S'pore," The Straights Times, Singapore, August 13, 2004, p. H14.
81. Details in EDB/A *STAR press release of February 6, 2002 at 〈www.sedb.com/ edbcorp/detailed.jsp?artid=2816&typeid=7〉, accessed February 16, 2002.
82. M. Nirmala, "Life-Sciences Course a Hit at NUS, NTU," The Straits Times, Singapore, April 29, 2002. In order to build from scratch biomedical sciences at NTU, Singapore lured Professor Alex Law from Oxford University. See, Chang (2004), op. cit.
83. M. Nirmala, "Life-Sciences Course a Hit at NUS, NTU," The Straits Times, Singapore, April 29, 2002. In order to build from scratch biomedical sciences at NTU, Singapore lured Professor Alex Law from Oxford University. See, Chang (2004), op. cit.
84. Chang (2002), op. cit.; Ai-Lien Chang, "Biomedical Research Hub Launched," The Straights Times, Singapore, October 30, 2003, p. H7.
85. Chang (2002), op. cit.; Ai-Lien Chang, "Biomedical Research Hub Launched," The Straights Times, Singapore, October 30, 2003, p. H7.
86. See EDB Singapore newsroom at 〈www.sedb.com/edbcorp/browse.jsp?cat= 45&type= 2&parent=35&root=35〉, accessed March 28, 2003.
87. See EDB press release at 〈www.sedb.com/edbcorp/newsroom.jsp〉, accessed April 15, 2002.
88. Uren, op. cit.
89. I b i d.
90. Before moving to Singapore to join ES Cell, Dr. Colman was the research director of British biopharmaceutical company PPL Therapeutics, the commercial partner of Roslin Institute. Dr. Colman was a member of the Scottish team that cloned Dolly the sheep in 1996.
91. A.L. Chang, "δ70m Stem-Cell Funding May See Cure for Diabetes," The Straits Times, Singapore, September 14, 2002, p. H19.
92. EDB biomed site 〈www.sedb.com/edbcorp/detailed.jsp?artid= 669&typeid=7〉, accessed February 16, 2002.
93. For more on increasing returns behavior of firms in the knowledge-based economy, see W. Brian Arthur, Increasing Returns and Path Dependence in the Economy (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1994); W. Brian Arthur, "Increasing Returns and the New World of Business," in Dale Kneef, ed., The Knowledge Economy (Boston, MA: Butterworth-Heinemann, 1998), pp. 75-85.
94. For more on increasing returns behavior of firms in the knowledge-based economy, see W. Brian Arthur, Increasing Returns and Path Dependence in the Economy (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1994); W. Brian Arthur, "Increasing Returns and the New World of Business," in Dale Kneef, ed., The Knowledge Economy (Boston, MA: Butterworth-Heinemann, 1998), pp. 75-85.
95. The Economist, August 14, 2004, p. 54.
96. Annual Report 2002/03, EDB Singapore 2004 at 〈http://sedb.com/ edbcorp/sg〉, accessed March 28, 2003.
97. See, The Straits Times, Singapore, July 16, 2004, p. H10-H11.
98. The Economist, op. cit.
99. Building a Nation: 25 Years of Achievement in Singapore's Shipping and Transport Industry, Singapore, Al Hilal Publishers, 1990; EDB Industry Report, The Maritime Industry, Singapore July 1993; Singapore Shipping Association, "Singapore: A Global Hub and New Challenges," Singapore, SSA, 2001.
100. Building a Nation: 25 Years of Achievement in Singapore's Shipping and Transport Industry, Singapore, Al Hilal Publishers, 1990; EDB Industry Report, The Maritime Industry, Singapore July 1993; Singapore Shipping Association, "Singapore: A Global Hub and New Challenges," Singapore, SSA, 2001.
101. Building a Nation: 25 Years of Achievement in Singapore's Shipping and Transport Industry, Singapore, Al Hilal Publishers, 1990; EDB Industry Report, The Maritime Industry, Singapore July 1993; Singapore Shipping Association, "Singapore: A Global Hub and New Challenges," Singapore, SSA, 2001.
102. Porter, op. cit.; Furman et al., op. cit.
103. Porter, op. cit.; Furman et al., op. cit.
104. At a theoretical level. Porter's "diamond" and the NIS (and the triple helix) are not mutually exclusive frameworks to study innovation and competitiveness of nations. These two paradigms complement each other to understanding the economic dynamics of capitalism. While Porter's diamond is a prescriptive economic policy paradigm, NTS and triple helix are less prescriptive and more analytical techno-economic paradigms. Unlike the former, Porter's diamond is not a model of innovation as such.
105. Annual R&D Survey of Singapore at 〈www.a-star.gov.sg/astar/pdf/ Publication/R&D_Survey-website.pdf〉, accessed March 28, 2003.
106. Agency for Science, Technology and Research, "National Survey of R&D in Singapore 2000," Singapore, October 2003.
107. Chang (2004), op. cit.; A.L. Chang, "'Fisherman' Reels in Top Talent in Science," The Straights Times, Singapore, August 13, 2004, p. H14. Chang also notes that three out of four of the top researchers in the A *STAR research institutes are foreigners.
108. Chang (2004), op. cit.; A.L. Chang, "'Fisherman' Reels in Top Talent in Science," The Straights Times, Singapore, August 13, 2004, p. H14. Chang also notes that three out of four of the top researchers in the A *STAR research institutes are foreigners.
109. Furman et al., op. cit.
110. See Parayil, op. cit.
111. It is important for the triple helix system to expand its agential repertoire so as to enable the innovation milieu or selection environment to include significant actors from civil society. L. Leydesdorff and H. Etzkowitz, "Conference Report: Can 'The Public' Be Considered as a Fourth Helix in University-Industry-Government Relations? report on the Fourth Triple Helix Conference 2002," Science and Public Policy, 30 (2003): 55-62. Leydesdorff and Etzkowitz are skeptical of the suggestion to theorize the public as the fourth helix. They argue that such action "narrows the public into another private sphere, rather than seeing civil society as the foundation of the enterprise of innovation." This argument, however, fails both the theoretical and empirical spirit of their epistemic model.
112. Parayil, op. cit.
113. Quoted in Chang (2004), op. cit.
114. See T.E.D. Yeo, From Silicon to Genes: Singapore's Challenge in the Creative Economy, unpublished Honors Thesis, Information & Communications Management Program, National University of Singapore, May 2003.
115. A. Saxenian, "Regional Networks and Innovation in Silicon Valley and Route 128," in Z. Acs, ed., Regional Innovation, Knowledge and Global Change, (London and New York, NY: Pinter, 2000), pp. 123-138.
116. See P. Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995).
117. Lee, op. cit., p. 689. Lee is, essentially, validating Alexander Gerschenkron's theory of latecomer industrialization. Alexander Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1962).
118. Lee, op. cit., p. 689. Lee is, essentially, validating Alexander Gerschenkron's theory of latecomer industrialization. Alexander Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1962).
119. Mathews and Cho, op. cit.
120. The recent shift in cultural policy adopted by the Singapore Government appears to follow Richard Florida's prescription that in order to enhance economic growth, states and cities must enhance their "creative capital." Creative capital, according to Florida, is composed of three Ts - Technology, Talent, and Tolerance. Singapore appears to have made great strides in two Ts, technology and talent. So all it needs now is the third T, tolerance, which is composed of three indices - bohemia index, gay index, and melting pot index. Since Florida's prescription for tolerance does not emphasize unfettered freedom of thought and political pluralism, it is an easier pill to swallow for the state. Richard Florida, The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It's Transforming Work, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life, (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2002).