Elites, single parties and political decision-making in fascist-era dictatorships

Contemporary European History

Volumn 11, Issue 3, 2002, Pages 429-454

  Pinto, António Costa ^a  

^a NONE   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 12444329337     PISSN: 09607773     EISSN: 14692171     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0960777302003053     Document Type: Review

References (133)

1. Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995).
2. Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London: Pinter, 1991).
3. Roger Eatwell, Fascismo: Verso un modello generale (Rome: Antonio Pellicani Editore, 1999).
4. Samuel P. Huntington and Clement H. Moore, eds., Authoritarian Politics in Modern Societies: The dynamics of established one-party systems (New York: Basic Books, 1970).
5. Roger Brooker, Twentieth-Century Dictatorships: The Ideological One-Party States (London: Macmillan, 1995).
6. See Jean Blondel, Political Leadership: Towards a general analysis (London: Sage, 1987).
7. Fred I. Greenstein, Personality and Politics: Problems of Evidence, Inference, and Conceptualization (Princeton: (Princeton University Press, 1987).
8. Aaron Wildavsky, 'A Cultural Theory of Leadership', in Bryan D. Jones, eds., Leadership and Politics: New Perspectives in Political Science (Lawrence, KA: University Press of Kansas, 1989), 87-113.
9. See M. Rainer Lepsius, 'Charismatic Leadership: Max Weber's Model and Its Applicability to the Rule of Hitler', in Carl F. Graunmann and Serge Moscovici, eds., Changing Conceptions of Leadership (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1986), 55.
10. and Ann Ruth Willner, The Spellbinders: Charismatic Political Leadership (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983).
11. Hans Mommsen, From Weimar to Auschwitz (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 163-188.
12. Juan J. Linz, Authoritarian and Totalitarian Regimes (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2000).
13. and idem, 'Fascism, breakdown of democracy: authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Coincidences and distinctions', mimeograph, 2001.
14. For a general overview see Roger Griffin, 'The Primacy of Culture: The Current Growth (or Manufacture) of Consensus within Fascist Studies', Journal of Contemporary History, 37, 1 (January 2002).
15. António Costa Pinto, Salazar's Dictatorship and European Fascism: Problems of Interpretation (New York: SSM-Columbia University Press, 1995).
16. See also Manuel Lucena, 'Salazar', in António Barreto and Maria Filomena Mónica, eds., Dicionário de História de Portugal-Suplemento, Vol. 9 (Oporto: Figueirinhas, 2000), 283-368.
17. Manuel Braga da Cruz, O Partido e o Estado no Salazarismo (Lisbon: Presença, 1988).
18. See Philippe C. Schmitter, Portugal: do Autoritarismo à Democracia (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 1999), 71-102.
19. See Hermínio Martins, Classe, Status e Poder (Lisbon: ICS, 1998), 105-12.
20. António Costa Pinto and Pedro Tavares de Almeida, 'On Liberalism and Civil Society in Portugal', in Nancy Bermeo and P. Nord, eds., Civil Society before Democracy (New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000), 3-21.
21. António Costa Pinto, 'O Império do Professor: Salazar e a elite ministerial do Estado Novo, 1933-1945', Análise Social, 157 (Winter 2001), 1055-76.
22. see also Pedro Tavares de Almeida, António Costa Pinto and Nancy Bermeo, eds., Who Governs Southern Europe? Regime Change and Ministerial Recruitment, 1870s-2000 (London: Frank Cass, forthcoming, 2002).
23. See Telmo Faria, Debaixo de Fogo. Salazar e as Forças Armadas, 1933-41 (Lisbon: Cosmos, 2001).
24. Simon Kuin, 'Mocidade Portuguesa nos Anos Trinta: a instauraç ão de uma organização paramilitar de juventude', Análise Social, 122 (1993), 555-88.
25. Anne Cova and António Costa Pinto, 'Femmes et Salazarisme', in Christine Fauré, ed., Encyclopédie politique et historique des femmes (Paris: PUF, 1997), 685-99.
26. Luís Nuno Rodrigues, A Legião Portuguesa: A Milícia do Estado Novo, 1936-1944, (Lisbon: Estampa, 1996).
27. See John A. Armstrong, The European Administrative Elite (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973).
28. Cited in Martins, Classe, Status e Poder, 111.
29. For more about the Grands Ecoles and their role in the formation of the French elites see Ezra N. Suleiman, Elites in French Society: The politics of survival (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978).
30. António Costa Pinto, The Blue Shirts: Portuguese fascism and the New State (New York: SSM-Columbia University Press, 2000).
31. Pedro Aires Oliveira, Armindo Monteiro: Uma biografia política (Lisbon, Bertrand, 2000), 56.
32. Harold D. Lasswell and Daniel Lerner, eds., World Revolutionary Elites: Studies in Coercive Ideological Movements (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1965). In the classifications used here, the following distinctions are used: military - those ministers who, prior to their nomination, had spent most of their professional life as officers in the armed forces; politicians - those who were activists and leaders of official regime organisations or, previously, of other political organisations prior to taking office; technicians - those ministers who had previously been professional administrators or specialists, and who had not been active in the regime's political organisations or who had not been actively involved in politics prior to becoming government ministers.
33. Paul Lewis reaches a similar conclusion for the period 1932-47. See 'Salazar's Ministerial Elite, 1932-1968', Journal of Politics, 40 (August 1978), 622-47.
34. Juan J. Linz, 'An Authoritarian Regime: Spain', in Stanley G. Payne, ed., Politics and Society in Twentieth Century Spain (New York: Franklin Watts, 1976), 184.
35. Manuel Braga da Cruz, Monárquicos e Republicanos sob o Estado Novo (Lisbon: Dom Quixote, 1987).
36. José Carlos Valente, Estado Novo e Alegria no Trabalho: Uma História Política da FNAT (1935-1958) (Lisbon: Colibri, 1999).
37. See the articles by Rita Carvalho, Tiago Fernandes and J. M. Tavares Castilho in Penélope, 24 (October 2001), 7-84.
38. See Stanley G. Payne, The Franco Regime, 1936-1975 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987).
39. Javier Tusell, La Dictadura de Franco (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1988).
40. Manuel Peréz Ledesma, 'Una Ditadura 'Por la Gracia de Dios', História Social, 20 (Otoño 1994), 73-193.
41. José Luis García Delgado, ed., Franquismo: El juicio de la historia (Madrid: Ediciones Temas de Hoy, 2000).
42. The debate 'fascism-authoritarianism' has, during the past decade, lost its ideological content in both Portugal and in Spain. Curiously, however, it was recently raised once again in an article that, unfortunately, mixed good analyses of conservative interpretations that were clearly sympathetic to the interwar Iberian and Latin American dictatorships with erroneous references to works by Juan J. Linz, Phillipe C. Schmitter and others. See Ido Oren, 'Uncritical Portrayals of Fascist Italy and of Iberic-Latin Dictatorships in American Political Science', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 42, 1 (January 2000), 87-118.
43. For more on this early period see Antonio Cazorla Sánchez, Las Políticas de la Victoria: La consolidacíon del Nuevo Estado franquista (1938-1953) (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2000).
44. For more on the Falange see Stanley G. Payne, Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000).
45. Ricardo Chueca, El Fascismo en los comienzos del régimen de Franco: Un estudio sobre la FET-JONS (Madrid: CIS, 1983), 401.
46. Juan J. Linz, 'From Falange to Movimiento-Organización: The Spanish Single Party and the Franco Regime, 1936-1968', in Huntington and Moore, Authoritarian Politics, 128-203.
47. For an illustration of this diversity see Glicerio Sánchez Recio, Los Quadros Políticos Intermedios del Régimen Franquista, 1936-1959 (Alicante: Instituto de Cultura 'Juan Gil-Albert', 1996).
48. For more on the local level, see Angela Cenaro Lagunas, Cruzados y Camisas Azules: Los orígines del franquismo en Aragón, 1936-1945 (Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 1997).
49. Payne, Fascism in Spain, 487.
50. Paul Preston, Franco: A biography (London: HarperCollins, 1993).
51. Juan Pablo Fusi, Franco: A biography (London: Unwin Hyman, 1987).
52. Amando de Miguel, Sociologia del Franquismo: Análisis ideologica de los Ministros del Régimen (Barcelona: Editorial Euros, 1975).
53. Francisco Campuzano, L'Élite Franquiste et la Sortie de la Dictature (Paris: L'Harmatan, 1997).
54. Mariano Baena del Alcázar, Elites y Conjuntos de Poder en Espanha (1939-1992): Un estudio cuantitativo sobre Parlamento, Gobierno y Administración y gran empresa (Madrid: Tecnos, 1999).
55. Carlos R. Alba, 'The Organization of Authoritarian Leadership: Franco Spain', in Richard Rose and Ezra N. Suleiman, eds., President and Prime Ministers (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1980), 267.
56. Fusi, Franco, 43-4.
57. C. Viver Pi-Sunyer, El Personal Político de Franco (1936-1945): Contribución empírica a uma teoria del régimen franquista (Barcelona: Editorial Vicens-Vives, 1978), 191.
58. Paul H. Lewis, 'The Spanish Ministerial Elite, 1938-1969', Comparative Politics, 5, 1 (1972), 95.
59. Pi-Sunyer, El Personal Politico, 193.
60. Miguel Jerez Mir, Elites Politicas y Centros de Extraccion en Espanha, 1938-1957 (Madrid: CIS, 1982), 409.
61. Juan Sáez Marin, El Frente de Juventudes: Política de juventud an la Espanã de la posguerra (1937-1960) (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno, 1988).
62. Miguel A. Ruiz Carnicer, El Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU), 1939-1965. La socialización política de la juventud universitária en el franquismo (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1996).
63. Francisco Sevillano Calero, Propaganda y Medios de Comunicación en el Franquismo, 1936-1951 (Alicante: Publicaciones de la Universidade de Alicante, 1998).
64. Chueca, El Fascismo, 401.
65. Cazorla Sánchez, Las Políticas, 40.
66. See also Sebastian Balfour, 'From Warriors to Functionaries: The Falangist Syndical Élite, 1939-1976', in Frances Lannon and Paul Preston, eds., Elites and Power in Twentieth-Century Spain (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 229-48.
67. Viver Pi-Sunyer, El Personal Politico, 202.
68. The best and most recent synthesis and analysis of the composition of the Fascist national elite is Emilio Gentile's, Fascismo e Antifascismo. I partiti italiani fra le due guerre (Florence: Le Monnier, 2000).
69. See also Paolo Farneti, La Classe Politica Italiana dal Liberalismo alla Democrazia (Genoa: ECIG, 1989) 81-109.
70. Emilio Gentile, La Via Italiana al Totalitarismo. Il partito e lo Stato nel regime fascista (Rome: La Nuova Italia Scientifica, 1995).
71. For more on the role of the 'united political elites' during the crises and collapse of democracy, see Mattei Dogan and John Higley, eds., Elites, Crises and the Origins of Regimes (New York: Rowman and Littelfield, 1998), 18.
72. Pierre Milza, Mussolini (Paris: Fayard, 1999).
73. Emilio Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996).
74. Gentile, La Via Italiana, 136-40.
75. Gentile, following Giovanni Sartori, prefers to refer to the 'totalitarian experience', which he defines as 'an experiment in political domination undertaken by a revolutionary movement. that aspires toward a monopoly of power and thatz. constructs a new state based on a single party-regime, with the chief objective of conquering society'. See 'Fascism and the Italian Road to Totalitarianism', paper presented to the 19th International Congress of Historical Sciences, Oslo, 6-13 August 2000, 3.
76. See also Giovanni Sartori, 'Totaliarianism: Model Mania and Learning from Error', Theoretical Politics, 5 (1993), 5-22.
77. and Gentile, 'The Sacralization of Politics: Definitions, Interpretations and Reflections on the Question of Secular Religion and Totalitarianism', Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 1, 1 (Summer 2000), 18-55.
78. Adrian Lyttelton, 'La Dittatura fascista', in Giovanni Sabbatucci and Vittorio Vidotto, eds., Storia D'Italia, Vol. 4, Guerra e Fascismo, 1914-1943 (Bari: Laterza, 1998), 174.
79. H. Arthur Steiner, Government in Fascist Italy (New York and London: MacGraw-Hill, 1938), 65.
80. The frequency of Grand Council meetings diminished throughout the 1930s. No meeting of this body was called to approve Italy's declaration of war. Ibid., 174.
81. Gentile, La Via Italiana, 167, 186.
82. Milza, Mussolini, 521.
83. Paolo Nello, Dino Grandi: La Formazione di un Leader Fascista (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1987).
84. Claudio G. Segre, Italo Balbo: a Fascist Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990).
85. Paul Corner, Fascism in Ferrara (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974).
86. Adrian Lyttelton, 'La Ditatura fascista', 210.
87. For example, of the 115 prefects nominated by Mussolini between 1922 and 1929, only twentynine came from within the party. The remaining eighty-six were professional administrators. See Emilio Gentile, La Via Italiana, 173.
88. Sergio Panunzio: cf. Renzo de Felice, Mussolini il Duce, II, Lo Stato Totalitário, 1936-1940 (Turin: Enaudi, 1981), 59.
89. Gentile, Fascismo e Antifascismo, 240.
90. Steiner, Government in Fascist Italy, 65.
91. Paul Brooker, The Faces of Fraternalism. Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and Imperial Japan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 155.
92. Victoria De Grazia, The Culture of Consent. Mass organisation of Leisure in Fascist Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 33-59.
93. Tracy H. Koon, Believe, Obey, Fight. Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943 (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1985).
94. For examples of the tensions between Rossoni, Cofindustria, Mussolini and the state apparatus, see David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism (Chapel Hill:The University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 274-306.
95. and Franklin Hugh Adler, Italian Industrialists from Liberalism to Fascism. The Political Development of the Industrial Bourgeoisie, 1906-1934 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 310-43.
96. Victoria De Grazia, How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 234-71.
97. Guido Melis, 'La Burocrazia', in A. del Boca, M. Legnani and M. G. Rossi, eds., Il Regime Fascista (Bari: Laterza, 1995), 264.
98. See also Mariuccia Salvati, Il Regime e gli Impiegati. La nazionalizzazione piccolo-borghese nel ventennio fascista (Bari: Laterza, 1992).
99. Paolo Pombeni, Demagogia e Tirannide. Uno Studio sulla forma-partito del fascismo (Bologna, Il Mulino, 1984), 256.
100. As defined in works by Ernst Fraenkel, Franz Neumann, Martin Broszat, Hans Mommsen and Norbert Frei. See Ernst Fraenkel, The Dual State (New York: Oxford University Press, 1942).
101. Franz Neumann, Behemoth. The Structure and Pratice of National Socialism, 1933-1944 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1942).
102. Martin Broszat, The Hitler State. The foundation and development of the internal structure of the Third Reich (London: Longman, 1981).
103. Norbert Frei, L'État Hitlérien et la Société Allemande, 1933-1945 (Paris, Seuil, 1994).
104. See, for example, Carl J. Friedrich and Zbigniew K. Brzezinski, Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy (New York: Praeger, 1956).
105. Ian Kershaw, Hitler, Vol. 1, 1889-1936: Hubris, Vol. 2, 1936-1945: Nemesis (London: Allen Lane, 1998, 2000).
106. Broszat, Hitler State, 351.
107. Mommsen, Weimar to Auschwitz, 163-88.
108. Philippe Burrin, Fascisme, nazisme, autoritarisme (Paris: Seuil, 2000), 97-115.
109. Edward N. Peterson, The Limits of Hitler's Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 26-33.
110. Dietrich Orlow, The History of the Nazi Party: 1933-1945 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973).
111. Jane Caplan, Government Without Administration. State and Civil Service in Weimar and Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988).
112. Michael H. Kater, The Nazi Party. A Social Profile of Member and Leaders, 1919-1945 (Cambridge: MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 238.
113. Caplan, Government without Administration, 131-88.
114. Maxwell E. Knight, The German Executive, 1890-1933 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1971), 12.
115. See also Ronald Smelser and Rainer Zitelmann, The Nazi Elite (London: Macmillan, 1994).
116. Anna Bramwell, Blood and Soil. Walther Darré and Hitleŕs Green Party (Bourne End: Kensal Press, 1985).
117. Broszat, Hitler State, 262, 264.
118. For more on the relationship between the NSDAP, Hitler and the military elite see Klaus-Jürgen Müller, The army, politics and society in Germany, 1933-45 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1987), 16-53.
119. Peterson, Limits of Hitler's Power, 35-7, 77.
120. Frei, L'Etat Hitlérien, 171.
121. Kater, Nazi Party, 233.
122. See Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, eds., The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978).
123. Dirk Berg-Schlosser and Jeremy Mitchell, eds., The Conditions of Democracy in Europe, 1919-1939 (London: Macmillan, 2000).
124. Thomas Ertman, 'Democracy and Dictatorship in Inter-war Western Europe Revisited', World Politics, 50 (April 1998), 475-505.
125. Nancy Bermeo, Getting Mad or Going Mad? Citizens, Scarcity and the Breakdown of Democracy in Inter-war Europe, Research Monograph Series 10 (Irvine, CA: University of California at Irvine, 1997).
126. Aristotle A. Kallis, 'The "regime-model" of Fascism: a Typology', European History Quarterly, 30, 1 (2000), 96-7.
127. See also Carl Levy, 'Fascism, National Socialism and Conservatives in Europe, 1914-1945: Issues for Comparativists', Contemporary European History, 8, 1 (1999), 97-126.
128. Robert O. Paxton, 'The Five Stages of Fascism', The Journal of Modern History, 70 (March 1998), 18.
129. Robert D. Putnam, The Comparative Study of Political Elites (Eaglewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1976), 52-53.
130. Clement H. Moore, 'The Single Party as a source of Legitimacy', in Huntington and Moore, Authoritarian Politics, 51.
131. This is, moreover, the generic tendency for all political systems, in fact 'when the parties and the private sector are weak, public and semi-public organisations become natural sources of recruitment'. Cf. Jean Blondel, Government Ministers in the Contemporary World (London: Sage, 1985), 62.
132. See Burrin, Fascisme, 11-47.
133. Kallis, ;'The "regime-model"', 89.