Fascism, National Socialism and conservatives in Europe, 1914-1945: Issues for comparativists

Contemporary European History

Volumn 8, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 97-126

  Levy, Carl ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0038927810     PISSN: 09607773     EISSN: 14692171     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0960777399000156     Document Type: Article

References (210)

1. Two general surveys not covered in this article are Roger Eatwell, Fascism (London: Chatto, 1995)
2. and Walter Laqueur, Fascism: Past, Present and Future (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
3. Some of the leading early works are Eugen Weber, Varieties of Fascism (New York: Van Nostrand, 1964);
4. Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds., The European Right (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966);
5. Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism and National Socialism (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1965);
6. Stuart Woolf, ed., European Fascism (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1968 (and new edn.: Fascism in Europe (London: Methuen, 1981));
7. Walter Laqueur (ed.), Fascism. A Reader's Guide (London: Wildwood House, 1976);
8. Renzo De Felice, Interpretations of Fascism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977);
9. S. U. Larsen, B. Hagtvet and J. P. Myklebust, eds., Who Were the Fascists? Social Roots of European Fascism (Bergen: Scandinavian University Press, 1980);
10. Stanley Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980);
11. D. Mühlberger, ed., The Social Basis of European Fascist Movements (London: Croom Helm, 1987);
12. Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London: Routledge, 1993).
13. An excellent historical sociology of European ethnic cleansing is found in Rogers Brubaker's recent work. See, Nationalism Reframed. Nationalism and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). Part II of this monograph is especially interesting. Here Brubaker compares the earlier episodes of ethnic cleansing between 1919 and 1945 with those after 1989.
14. For the comparability of the Holocaust with other episodes of genocide see, Alan S. Rosenbaum, ed., Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocide (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996).
15. Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History, the Holocaust and German Identity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988);
16. Richard J. Evans, In Hitler's Shadow: West German Historians and the Attempt to Escape from the Nazi Past (London: I.B. Tauris, 1989);
17. Richard J. Bosworth, Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima: History Writing and the Second World War 1945-1990 (London: Routledge, 1993);
18. Ian Buruma, Wages of Guilt. Memories of War in Germany and Japan (London: Vintage, 1995);
19. Stefan Berger, 'Historians and Nation-Building in Germany after Reunification', Past and Present, no. 148 (1995), 187-222;
20. Omer Bartov, Murder in Our Midst. The Holocaust, Industrial Killing, and Representation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), chs. 3-6;
21. Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory. The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).
22. Abbott Gleason, Totalitarianism. The Inner History of the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995);
23. Mark Von Hagen, 'Stalinism and the Politics of Post-Soviet History', in Ian Kershaw and Moshe Lewin, eds., Stalinism and Nazism. Dictatorships in Comparison (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 285-310;
24. Herf, Divided Memory.
25. Michael Mann, 'The Contradictions of Continuous Revolution', in Kershaw and Lewin, eds., Stalinism and Nazism, 138.
26. Their latest contributions will dominate much of this article. See Roger Griffin, ed., Fascism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995)
27. and Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 (London: UCL Press, 1996).
28. I will also discuss at length Mark Neocleous's short, but helpful, Fascism (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1997).
29. Griffin, Fascism, 387-9.
30. For good overviews of neo-fascism and right-wing populism in post-1945 Europe see Hans-Georg Betz, Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994);
31. Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson and Michalina Vaughan, eds., The Far Right in Western and Eastern Europe (London: Longman, 1995).
32. Zeev Sternhell with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri, trans. David Maisel, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
33. Also see A. James Gregor, Young Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979);
34. David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition in Italian Fascism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1979);
35. Paul Masgaj, Action Française and Revolutionary Syndicalism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979).
36. The most balanced account of the ideological origins of Italian Fascism is still Emilio Gentile, Le origini dell'ideologia fascista (Bari: Laterza, 1975).
37. Robert O. Paxton, 'Radicals', New York Review of Books, 23 June 1994, 53.
38. Works which place the pre-1914 origins of fascism within the conservative or populist Right include: Arno J. Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution in Europe, 1870-1956 (New York: Harper Row, 1971);
39. Alexander De Grand, The Italian National Association and the Rise of Fascism (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1978);
40. Geoffrey Eley, Reshaping the German Right. Radical Nationalism and Political Change after Bismarck (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980);
41. Eley, From Unification to Nazism (London: Allen and Unwin, 1990).
42. Other works stress the role of modernism in the intellectual origins of fascism. See Modris Eksteins, Rites of Spring: The Great War and the Birth of the Modern Age (New York: Bantam Press, 1989);
43. Walter Adamson, Avant-Garde Florence. From Modernism to Fascism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).
44. Renzo De Felice, Intervista sul fascismo (Bari: Laterza, 1975);
45. Ernst Nolte, Der europäische Bürgerkrieg, 1917-1945: Nationalsozialismus und Bolschewismus (Berlin: Proplyläen Verlag, 1987).
46. For a good summary of the era see Paul Preston, 'The Great Civil War: European Politics, 1914-1945', in Tim Blanning, ed., The Oxford History of Contemporary Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 148-81.
47. Griffin, The Nature, 2.
48. Payne, A History, 14.
49. A forthcoming volume edited by Griffin and S. U. Larsen (Was there Fascism outside Europe?) promises to add to our knowledge of this controversial area of study. Also see the remarks by Eric Hobsbawm in his Age of Extremes. The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991 (London: Michael Joseph, 1994), 131-5.
50. On the other hand, the Nazis themselves recognised that the 'traditional' (in many respects a late-nineteenth century 'tradition') leader worship of the Japanese was impressive. As Ian Buruma notes: In Hitler's Germany, Japan was admired for having achieved, instinctively, what German Nazism aspired to. In the words of one Albrecht Fü rst von Urach, a Nazi propagandist, Japanese emperor worship was 'the most unique fusion in the world of state form, state consciousness, and religious fanaticism.' Fanaticism was, of course, a positive word in the Nazi lexicon. Reading Nazi books on Japan, one might think that German propagandists wished to instil in the German people, through propaganda, a culture like the one that was handed down by the Japanese by their ancient gods. See Buruma, Wages of Guilt, 35. The Japanese invasion of China resulted in the deaths of at least 6 million Chinese.
51. See Rudolph J. Rummel, Democide. Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1992), 20.
52. The Japanese ran a notorious series of camps in Manchuria where they engaged in experiments in biological warfare with prisoners of war, political prisoners and kidnapped civilians. See Sheldon H. Harris, Factories of Death. Japanese Biological Warfare 1932-45 and the American Cover-Up (London: Routledge, 1994).
53. See the very good summaries by Philip Morgan, Italian Fascism 1919-1945 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995), 131-72
54. and John Whittam, Fascist Italy (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), 101-36.
55. And specifically on the myth of Rome, see Romke Visser, 'Fascist Doctrine and the Cult of Romanità', Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 27, No. 1 (1992), 5-22
56. and Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi, Fascist Spectacle. The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 90-5.
57. Two excellent surveys of Nazi Germany are Ian Kershaw, The Nazi Dictatorship, 3rd edn (London: Edward Arnold, 1993)
58. and Klaus P. Fischer, Nazi Germany: A New History (London: Constable, 1995).
59. For a sociological analysis of ethnic cleansing and empire building in central and eastern Europe during the interwar period, see Brubaker, Nationalism.
60. Richard Bessel, Germany after the First World War (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993).
61. This is captured in many of Griffin's excerpts from interwar European fascist writing. See Fascism, 172-226.
62. Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, trans. David Maisel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).
63. Richard J. Overy, War and Economy in the Third Reich (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 12-19.
64. Carl Levy, 'From Fascism to "post-Fascists": Italian Roads to Modernity', in Richard Bessel, ed., Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Comparisons and Contrasts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 172-4;
65. Franklin Hugh Adler, Italian Industrialists from Liberalism to Fascism. The Political Development of the Industrial Bourgeoisie, 1906-1934 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
66. Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The 'Fascist' Style of Rule (London: Routledge, 1995), 50.
67. Falasca-Zamponi, Fascist Spectacle, 129.
68. Jonathan Morris, 'Retailing, Fascism and the Origins of the Social Protection of Shopkeepers in Italy', Contemporary European History, Vol.5, no. 3 (1996), pp. 285-318.
69. Neocleous, Fascism, 4, 9, 11;
70. Emilio Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996);
71. 'The Aesthetics of Fascism', ed. Jeffrey T. Schnapp, Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 31, No. 2 (1996).
72. For the question of succession in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany see respectively Paolo Pombeni, Demagogia e Tirannide. Uno studio sulla forma-partito del fascismo (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1984)
73. and Hans Mommsen, 'Cumulative Radicalisation and Progressive Self-Destruction as the Structural Determinants of the Nazi Dictatorship', in Kershaw and Lewin, Stalinism and Nazism, 80-1.
74. Emilio Gentile, 'La nazione del fascismo. Alle origini della crisi dello Stato nazionale in Italia', Storia Contemporanea, Vol. 24, no. 6 (1993), 857-8.
75. Payne is very good on Romanian fascism. See, A History, 277-89.
76. Saul Friedländer, Nazi Germany and The Jews. Volume I. The Years of Persecution 1933-39 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1997), 87.
77. Mabel Berezin, Making the Fascist Self. The Political Culture of Interwar Italy (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997), 248.
78. Paul Brooker, The Faces of Fraternalism. Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 289-315 (esp. 314).
79. Martin Conway, Catholic Politics in Europe 1918-1945 (London: Routledge, 1997).
80. I evaluate Gregor in Levy, 'From Fascists'.
81. Mark Roseman evaluates Zitelmann and other advocates of the modernisation thesis in 'National Socialism and Modernisation', Bessel, Fascist Italy, 197-229.
82. Ulrich Herbert, 'Labour and Extermination: Economic Interest and the Primacy of Weltanschauung in National Socialism', Past and Present, no. 138 (1993), 144-95;
83. Hitler's Foreign Workers. Enforced Foreign Labour in Germany Under the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
84. For working-class cultures in Germany, see the excellent review of the literature by Mary Nolan, 'Work, Gender and Everyday Life: Reflections on Continuity, Normality and Agency in Twentieth-Century Germany', in Kershaw and Lewin, Stalinism and Nazism, 311-42.
85. Tobias Abse, 'Italian Workers and Italian Fascism', in Bessel, Fascist Italy, 40-60.
86. The unintended effects of industrial mobilisation for war are stressed by De Grand in Fascist Italy, 57-63.
87. The most up-to-date accounts of women under fascism are Gabriele Czarnowski, 'The Value of Marriage for Volksgemeinschaft': Policies towards Women and Marriage under National Socialism', Fascist Italy, 61-77;
88. and Perry R. Willson, 'Women in Fascist Italy', in Bessel, Fascist Italy, 78-93.
89. Also see Victoria De Grazia, How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).
90. For comprehensive accounts of Mussolini's demographic campaign see David G. Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian Modernity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994)
91. and Carl Ipsen, Dictating Demography: The Problem of Population in Fascist Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
92. Falasca-Zamponi and Berezin (Making the Fascist Self ) have stressed the important part that symbols, myths and spectacle played in developing a unique fascist identity in Italy.
93. But as Falasca-Zamponi adds, Italian Fascism 'developed much in advance of National Socialism and presented a model for Hitler's own elaboration of political style' (Fascist Spectacle, 7).
94. Richard Bessel makes two important points concerning the German case: 1. Most war veterans were not members of Nazi or right-wing front organisations. 2. Young men in the early 1930s recruited into the Nazi movement were attracted by the myths and style of the earlier front generation pioneers of the 1920s. See his excellent chapter, Richard Bessel, 'The "Front Generation" and the Politics of Weimar Germany', in Mark Roseman, ed., Generations in Conflict. Youth Movements and Generation Formation in Germany 1770-1968 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
95. For the Italian case see Bruno Wanrooij, 'The Rise and Fall of Italian Fascism as a Generational Revolt,' Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 22, no. 3 (1987), 401-18.
96. Ian Kershaw has examined the Hitler myth in detail see, The 'Hitler Myth': Image and Reality in the Third Reich (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
97. For Italy see Luisa Passerini, Mussolini immaginario. Storia di una biografia 1915-1939 (Bari: Laterza, 1991)
98. Larry Eugen Jones, 'The Greatest Stupidity of My Life: Alfred Hugenberg and the Formation of the Hitler Cabinet, January 1933', Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 27, no. 1 (1992), 63-87;
99. Henry Asby Turner Jr, Hitler's Thirty Days to Power: January 1933 (New York: Addison-Wesley, 1996);
100. Morgan, Italian Fascism, 40-78;
101. Whittam, Fascist Italy, 41-57.
102. Hitler's role is summarised in two excellent short biographies, see Ian Kershaw, Hitler (London: Longman, 1991)
103. and Dick Geary, Hitler (London: Routledge, 1993).
104. We still await a new concise biography of Mussolini. But see Denis Mack Smith, Mussolini (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1981)
105. and more recently Martin Blinkhorn, Mussolini and Fascist Italy, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 1994).
106. For an evaluation of Renzo De Felice's seven-volume biography of Mussolini see MacGregor Knox, 'The Fascist Regime, its Foreign Policy and its Wars: An "Anti-Anti-Fascist Orthodoxy?", Contemporary European History, vol. 4, no. 3 (1995), 347-65
107. and Carl Levy, 'Historians and the "First Republic": Italy Fifty Years After 1945', in Stefan Berger, Mark Donovan and Kevin Passmore, eds., Writing National Histories. Western Europe since 1800 (London: Routledge, 1999).
108. Ian Kershaw, ' "Working towards the Fü hrer": Reflections on the Nature of the Hitler Dictatorship', in Kershaw and Lewin, Stalinism, 88-106.
109. William D. Rubinstein, The Myth of Rescue. Why the Democracies Could Not Have Saved More Jews From the Nazis (London: Routledge, 1997), 74.
110. Emilio Gentile, Storia del Partito Fascista 1919-1922: Movimento e Milizia (Bari: Laterza, 1989).
111. Friedländer, Nazi Germany, 41-72.
112. Rubinstein, The Myth, 200-3.
113. Mann, 'The Contradictions', 140.
114. Paul Preston, The Politics of Revenge. Fascism and the Military in Twentieth-century Spain (London: Routledge, 1995).
115. Martin Blinkhorn, ed., Fascists and Conservatives (London: Allen & Unwin, 1990).
116. Paul Preston, Franco (London: HarperCollins, 1993; Fontana Press, 1995), 343-481 (cited from latter).
117. Preston, The Politics, xv.
118. Gregory M. Luebbert, Liberalism, Fascism or Social Democracy. Social Class and the Political Origins of Regimes in Interwar Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991);
119. Ulf Lindström, Fascism in Scandinavia (Stockholm: Universitetsförlaget, 1985);
120. David Kirby, The Baltic World 1772-1993. Europe's Northern Periphery in an Age of Change (London: Longman, 1995), 317-33.
121. Detlev J. K. Peukert, The Weimar Republic (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991), 270-1;
122. Shelley Baronowski, 'East Elbian Landed Elites and Germany's Turn to Fascism: The Sonderweg Controversy Revisited', European History Quarterly, Vol. 26, no. 2 (1996), 209-40.
123. Payne, The History, 252-3.
124. MacGregor Knox, Mussolini Unleashed, 1939-1941 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982);
125. MacGregor Knox, 'Conquest, Foreign and Domestic in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany', Journal of Modern History, Vol. 56, no. 1 (1984), 1-57. The only objection I have to De Grand's excellent comparative treatment (Fascist Italy) is that he ends in 1939.
126. De Grand evaluates the totalitarian potential of Mussolini's regime in Alexander De Grand, ' "Cracks in the Façade": The Failure of Fascist Totalitarianism in Italy (1935/1939)', European History Quarterly, Vol. 21, no. 4 (1991), 515-35.
127. MacGregor Knox, 'Expansionist Zeal, Fighting Power, and Staying Power in the Italian and German Dictatorships', in Bessel, Fascist Italy, 113-33;
128. For Payne's rather more respectful evaluation of Italian military morale during the Second World War, see The History, 389.
129. Preston, Franco, 348-9, 354-6, 360-73, 378-9, 385-7, 393-4, 398, 414, 425, 439.
130. For the unique Portuguese case see António Costa Pinto, Salazar's Dictatorship and European Fascism. Problems of Interpretation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995). Salazar's Estado Novo was based on a concept of organicist national regeneration stressing corporative Catholic ideology and the myths of Portuguese identity based upon the Christian reconquest of Portugal and its empire in Africa. Portugal was pictured as a small European state but a significant global player. In this respect, although Salazar inherited the nationalist resentment towards the British who threatened Angola before 1914, during the 1930s Salazar was concerned that German or Italian expansion outside Europe might be a greater threat to the African empire.
131. Kirby, The Baltic World, 326.
132. Richard Lamb, War in Italy 1943-1945. A Brutal Story (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1993), 277-81;
133. For the example of Georges Valois who travelled from fascism to the French Resistance and death in a German concentration camp, see A. Douglas, From Fascism to Libertarian Communism: Georges Valois against the French Republic (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).
134. Sternhell, Neither, 1-31.
135. Robert J. Soucy, 'French Fascism and the Croix de Feu: A Dissenting Interpretation', Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 26, no. 1 (1991), 159-88.
136. Also see his two histories of French fascism: French Fascism: The First Wave, 1924-1933 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986)
137. and French Fascism: The Second Wave, 1933-1939 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995).
138. The fascist nature of the Croix de Feu and the PSF has been underlined by Kevin Passmore's local study of Lyon: see From Liberalism to Fascism. The Right in a French Province, 1918-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
139. Robert Paxton has also studied a fascist mass movement in rural France: see French Peasant Fascism. Henry Dorgres' Greenshirts and the Crisis of French Agriculture, 1929-1939 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997).
140. For French Catholic traditionalism in the 1930s, see Conway, Catholic Politics, 72.
141. Sudhir Harareesingh, Political Traditions in Modern France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 144.
142. Also see J. Austin, 'The Conservative Right and the Far Right in France: the Search for Power, 1933-1944', in Blinkhorn, Fascists.
143. Richard Vinen, The Politics of French Business 1935-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 116-37.
144. Philippe Burrin, Living with Defeat. France under the German Occupation, 1940-1944 (London: Arnold, 1996), 49-50; 440.
145. In the spring of 1944 the Italian Resistance and the Salò Republic had equal numbers of Italians in the field. See Levy, 'Historians'.
146. Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain: A History 1918-1985 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987);
147. John Stevenson, 'Conservatism and the Failure of Fascism in Inter-War Britain', in Blinkhorn, Fascists.
148. Madeline Bunting, The Model Occupation. The Channel Islands under German Rule 1940-1945 (London: HarperCollins, 1995).
149. For the best overviews, see Larsen et al., Who Were the Fascists?
150. and Mühlberger, The Social Basis.
151. Conan Fischer's latest survey of the sociology and psephology of Nazism is the most comprehensive and reader-friendly account. It has the virtue of summarising the latest material in English and German: see The Rise of the Nazis (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), 30-1, 37-41, 61, 63, 89, 92-3, 95, 97-101, 107-17, 125.
152. A more detailed account by experts can be found in Conan Fischer, ed., The Working Class and the Rise of National Socialism (Providence: Berghahn, 1996).
153. William Brustein (The Social Origins of the Nazi Party 1925-1933 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996) argues that Weimar's welfare state created a stratum of upwardly mobile and less class-conscious workers attracted to the catch-all politics of the Nazi Party.
154. He exaggerates the factor of rational choice in determining working-class support and underestimates the embeddedness of the racial discourse of Nazi propaganda. It might well be that Hitler toned down his own anti-Semitism in the early 1930s, but his closest circle kept up the pressure in the Party press (see, Friedländer, The Nazis, 103-4).
155. Earlier studies included: Richard F. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982);
156. Thomas Childers, The Nazi Voter: The Social Foundations of Fascism in Germany, 1919-1933 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983);
157. D. Mühlberger, Hitler's Followers (London: Routledge, 1991).
158. M. Lackó, 'The Social Basis of Hungarian Fascism: the Arrow Cross', in Larsen et al., Who Were the Fascists?.
159. and Marco Revelli, 'Italy', in Mühlberger, The Social Basis, 9-19.
160. Mária M. Kovács, Liberal Professions and Illiberal Politics. Hungary from the Habsburgs to the Holocaust (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994);
161. Zvi Yavetz, 'An Eyewitness Note: Reflections on the Rumanian Iron Guard', Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 26, nos. 3-4 (1991), 597-610.
162. Adrian Lyttelton, 'The "Crisis of Bourgeois Society" and the Origins of Fascism', in Bessel, Fascist Italy, 12-22
163. and Morris, 'Retailing, Fascism and the Origins'; The Political Economy of Shopkeeping in Milan, 1886-1922 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
164. Martin Blinkhorn, 'The Iberian States', in Mühlberger, The Social Basis.
165. Martin Conway, 'The Extreme Right in Inter-War Francophone Belgium: Explanations of a Failure', European History Quarterly, Vol. 26, no. 2 (1996), 267-92;
166. Collaboration in Belgium: Léon Degrelle and the Rexist Movement 1940-1944 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).
167. Y. Jelinek,'Clergy and Fascism: the Hlinka Party in Slovakia and the Croatian Ustasha Movement', in Larsen et al., Who Were the Fascists?, 363-78;
168. R. Vigo, 'Eastern Europe'
169. and H. Poulsen, 'The Nordic States', in Mühlberger, The Social Basis;
170. Roger Griffin presents an exhaustive survey of the relationship between Christian denominations and European fascism. See his 'Fascism' in Encyclopedia of Religion and Politics (Washington DC: Congressional Quarterly Books, 1998).
171. For an excellent overview of the generation effect, see Peter H. Merkl, 'Comparing Fascist Movements', in Larsen et al., Who Were the Fascists?, 732-83.
172. Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wippermann, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991);
173. Bessel, Fascist Italy, 1-11.
174. Renzo De Felice, Le Fascisme: Un Totalitarisme à l'Italienne? (Paris: Presses de la Fondation National des Sciences Politiques, 1988);
175. De Felice, Intervista.
176. Lamb, War in Italy, 34-55.
177. Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance. 'Euthanasia' in Germany c.1900-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 234.
178. Meir Michaelis, Mussolini and the Jews (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978);
179. Susan Zuccotti, The Italians and the Holocaust. Persecution, Rescue and Survival (New York: Basic Books, 1987);
180. Jonathan Steinberg, All or Nothing. The Axis and the Holocaust, 1941-43 (London: Routledge, 1991);
181. Daniele Carpi, Between Mussolini and Hitler. The Jews and the Italian Authorities in France and Tunisia (Boston: Brandeis University Press, 1994).
182. Joel Blatt, 'The Battle of Turin, 1933-36: Carlo Rosselli, 'Giustizia e Libertà, OVRA and the Origins of Mussolini's Antisemitic Campaign', Journal of Modern Italian Studies, Vol. 1, no. 1 (1995), 22-57;
183. Michele Sarfatti, Mussolini contro gli ebrei; cronaca dell'elaborazione delle leggi del 1938 (Turin: Silvio Zamani editore, 1994);
184. Enzo Collotti and Lutz Klinkhammer, Il fascismo e l'Italia in guerra: Una conversazione fra storia e storiografia (Rome: Edizioni Ediesse, 1996).
185. Lutz Kinkhammer, L'occupazione tedesca in Italia 1943-1945 (Turin: Bollati- Boringhieri, 1993).
186. Meir Michaelis, 'Fascism, Totalitarianism and the Holocaust: Reflections on the Current Interpretations of National Socialist Antisemitism', European History Quarterly, Vol. 19, no. 1 (1989), 85-103.
187. Daniel J. Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (London: Little, Brown and Company, 1996).
188. Maria Sophia Quine, Population Politics in Twentieth-Century Europe (London: Routledge, 1996).
189. A scandal broke out Sweden in the summer of 1997 over the forced sterilisation of between 50,000 and 60,000 female 'defectives' and 'travellers' in Sweden by social democratic governments (the peak years were 1945-47!). Similar policies were carried out by the Norwegian (who targeted Saami people ('Lapps')) and Danish governments. The policies in Sweden were not stopped until 1975. See articles in the Stockholm daily, Dagens Nyheter (especially 22 Aug. 1997, 23 Aug. 1997, 27 Sept. 1997). I would like to thank Dr Elias Berg of Stockholm University (emeritus) for some of the references concerning the Swedish scandal.
190. M. Rintala, 'Finland', in Rogger and Weber, The European Right;
191. Rubinstein, The Myth of Rescue, 146;
192. Mark Mazower, Inside Hitler's Greece. The Experience of Occupation, 1941-44 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 256-61.
193. Recently Mike Hawkins (Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860-1945. Nature as Model and Nature as Threat (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 272-91) has insisted that Nazism is different from Italian Fascism precisely because it, rather than Italian Fascism, was fundamentally social Darwinist.
194. Hawkins argues that Italian Fascism was based on a mixture of Hegelian, Sorelian, Nietzschean and Bergsonian ideas that had little in common with the Nazism's biological racist determinism. I disagree with his reading. First, as Hawkins admits, his sample of Italian Fascist writings is quite limited. Secondly, the connections between the nation's body, race and demography is amply demonstrated in the new literature on Fascism (Horn, Social Bodies;
195. Ipsen, Dictating Demography;
196. Thirdly, Mussolini was more of a racist than Hawkins seems to admit (see Sarfatti, Mussolini). Finally, his definition of social Darwinism seems to exclude the nation-statist approach used by Nationalist and Fascist imperialists who argue their case by mixing geopolitics with social Darwinian theories, namely, the need for young 'proletarian' Italy to overcome the decrepit plutocracies.
197. For the Italian case, see Mario Isnenghi, Il mito della grande guerra da Marinetti a Malaparte (Bari: Laterza, 1970).
198. Jeffrey Herf, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).
199. For the broader context see Eksteins, Rites of Spring and Adamson, Avant-Garde Florence.
200. Roger Griffin describes Italian Fascism as an 'alternative modernity': see 'The Sacred Synthesis: The Ideological Cohesion of Fascist Cultural Policy', Modern Italy, Vol. 3, No. 1 (1998), 5-23.
201. Whereas Mabel Berezin defined Italian Fascism as a competing model of modernity that was 'nonrational but not irrational' (Making the Fascist Self, 245).
202. Bartov, Murder in Our Midst, 5.
203. Ibid., 5. And the Great War also was central to the regeneration of the nation. Thus Falasca-Zamponi writes Many Europeans drew less extreme and more peaceful conclusions from the experience of the Great War: see Jay Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
204. Diethelm Prowe, ' "Classic" Fascism and the New Radical Right in Western Europe: Comparisons and Contrasts', Contemporary European History, vol. 3, no. 3 (1994), 289-313.
205. Dietrich Thränhardt, 'The Political Uses of Xenophobia in England, France and Germany', in Emek M. Uçarer and Bonald J. Puchala, eds., Immigration into Western Societies. Problems and Policies (London, Pinter, 1997), 175-94.
206. Carl Levy, 'Asylum Seekers, Refugees and the Future of Citizenship in the European Union', in Alice Bloch and Carl Levy, eds., Refugees, Citizenship and Social Policy in Europe (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999).
207. Griffin, 'The Sacred Synthesis', 20.
208. Prowe, ' "Classic Fascism" ', 309.
209. Although there were certainly aristocratic elements in the Italian neofascist right and within the 'second state' of the entire postwar period. See, Levy, 'From Fascism'.
210. Conway sees the decisive rupture in Catholic politics not during the Resistance or the immediate postwar era but during the liberal 1960s of Pope John XXIII (Catholic Politics, 98).