Diversifying the Uniform? The Participation of Minority Ethnic Personnel in the British Armed Services

Armed Forces and Society

Volumn 29, Issue 4, 2003, Pages

  Dandeker, Christopher ^a   Mason, David ^b  

^a KING'S COLLEGE LONDON   (United Kingdom)

^b UNIVERSITY OF PLYMOUTH   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0344196720     PISSN: 0095327X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0095327X0302900402     Document Type: Review

References (105)

1. This point is acknowledged by the U.K. government's Strategic Defence Review 1998, The Strategic Defence Review (Cm 3999, July 1998). Hereafter SDR. See also C. Dandeker and L. Freedman, "The British Armed Services," Political Quarterly 73, 4 (October 2002): 465-475.
2. This point is acknowledged by the U.K. government's Strategic Defence Review 1998, The Strategic Defence Review (Cm 3999, July 1998). Hereafter SDR. See also C. Dandeker and L. Freedman, "The British Armed Services," Political Quarterly 73, 4 (October 2002): 465-475.
3. See, for example, http://www.army.mod.uk/servingsoldier/usefulinfo/equality/ss_hrpers_eq_w.html (accessed 06 September 2002).
4. We are conscious that it might be objected that a number of institutions and organizations that have dragged their feet on equality issues have frequently disclaimed responsibility for their own inaction, blaming either the victims of their exclusionary policies or the wider society. We are, it should be clear, not endorsing such positions. For many organizations, relatively small changes in recruitment and selection practices can have significant effects on their employment profiles. We contend, however, that the British armed services face particular difficulties because of the centrality of issues of national identity to their very constitution and raison d'être. It is precisely because they are called upon to represent the nation in both practical and symbolic ways that we believe that the armed services cannot, by themselves, be expected to address and solve deep-rooted problems about the nature of British national identity in the twenty-first century. Without a resolution of those problems, however, we contend that it is difficult to see how they can realistically deliver current government commitments. This is not, however, an argument for inertia and inaction. There is clear scope for further effort in pursuit of current goals. The armed services still have some way to go in convincing the public that they have effectively addressed past exclusionary policies and practices. It is also arguable that there is plenty of scope for increasing the numerical representation of minority ethnic groups so that it approaches, more closely than hitherto, current numerical targets.
5. If there is a parallel in Britain to this U.S. experience, it is in the conditional inclusion and differential treatment of Britain's imperial subjects in the colonial armed forces. However, as we state below, this heritage has specific, and rather different, implications for the British case.
6. D. Mason, Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 21.
7. The key government documents here are: on domestic strife, "Building Cohesive Communities: A Report of the Ministerial Group on Public Order and Community Cohesion," http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/; for the international context, "Secure Borders, Safe Haven - Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain," Nationality, Immigration & Asylum White Paper 07/02/2002, downloadable from http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk http://wood.ccta.gov.uk/homeoffice/hopress.nsf. Accessed 12 February 2002. For a thoughtful journalist's comment, see Melanie Phillips, "They CAN be both Moslem and British," The Daily Mail (London, Monday 10 December 2001), 10.
8. The key government documents here are: on domestic strife, "Building Cohesive Communities: A Report of the Ministerial Group on Public Order and Community Cohesion," http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/; for the international context, "Secure Borders, Safe Haven - Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain," Nationality, Immigration & Asylum White Paper 07/02/2002, downloadable from http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk http://wood.ccta.gov.uk/homeoffice/hopress.nsf. Accessed 12 February 2002. For a thoughtful journalist's comment, see Melanie Phillips, "They CAN be both Moslem and British," The Daily Mail (London, Monday 10 December 2001), 10.
9. The key government documents here are: on domestic strife, "Building Cohesive Communities: A Report of the Ministerial Group on Public Order and Community Cohesion," http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/; for the international context, "Secure Borders, Safe Haven - Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain," Nationality, Immigration & Asylum White Paper 07/02/2002, downloadable from http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk http://wood.ccta.gov.uk/homeoffice/hopress.nsf. Accessed 12 February 2002. For a thoughtful journalist's comment, see Melanie Phillips, "They CAN be both Moslem and British," The Daily Mail (London, Monday 10 December 2001), 10.
10. D. Coleman and J. Salt (eds.) Ethnicity in the 1991 Census, vol. 1, Demographic Characteristics of the Ethnic Minority Populations (London: HMSO, 1996), 9-10. The 2001 Census contained a revised question that did offer respondents selecting "white" a further subset of choices and other new categories did permit greater opportunities for recording mixed origins and for affirming "hybrid" identities. There is to date, however, little evidence that these revisions have been reflected in a more sophisticated understanding of ethnic diversity in most policy-making circles, although we understand that the MOD'S Defence Analytical Services Agency (DASA) is currently seeking to address these conceptual and categorical issues. (Personal communication).
11. SDR para 41. See also C. Dandeker and D. Mason, "The British Armed Services and the Participation of Minority Ethnic Communities: From Equal Opportunities to Diversity?" Sociological Review 49, 2 (May 2001): 219-233.
12. Dandeker and Mason, "British Armed Services," 220-221.
13. These two logics can be applied to dimensions other than ethnicity, gender for example. See C. Dandeker and M. W Segal, "Gender Integration in Armed Forces: Recent Policy Developments in the United Kingdom," Armed Forces & Society 23 (Fall 1996): 29-47.
14. We do not know enough about the extent to which serving in the armed services provides opportunities for later civilian life and employment. Of the 18,000 who left the armed services in 2001, 13,000 who served five or more years were covered by the official Resettlement Package. Of the remaining 5,000, those who had served for three to five years were eligible for job-seeking assistance, while those with less than three years service received no special assistance. Overall, 85 percent of all leavers get work within six months, but the breakdown by category of leaver is not known. This issue is connected with a broader concern for the health and welfare of ex-service personnel on the part of the U.K. government, which has led to the formation of a new Veterans' Agency and a junior MOD minister who has specific responsibility for this area of service life (personal communications with MOD officials). On current arrangements for resettlement of military personnel into civilian life, including employment, in the case of the British Army - the largest of the armed services - see http://www.army.mod.uk/unitsandorgs/ets-new/Resettlement.htm. Sec also C. Jessup, Breaking Ranks: Social Change in Military Communities (London and Washington: Brassey's, 1996), 194-197. On veterans, see http://www.veteransagency.mod.uk/
15. This figure is derived from the 1991 Census, now more than ten years out of date. Interim population projections by the Office for National Statistics suggest that data from the 2001 Census are likely to reveal a significant increase in the size of the minority ethnic population.
16. It is difficult to be precise about the presence of minority ethnic groups in the military before the late 1980s as "... the services did not practise any formal system of ethnic monitoring in the period 1969-87 and, arguably, only in 1997 began to have a proper understanding of their ethnic composition." "By mid-1996, a comprehensive system of ethnic monitoring in the Regular Army had been introduced." S. Crawford, "Race Relations in the Army," in The British Army: Manpower and Society into the Twenty-First Century, ed. H. Strachan (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000): 140.
17. Figures drawn from the Defence Analytical Services Agency (DASA) http://www.dasa.mod.uk/servstats/tsp2/ns_initframe.htm. accessed 28 January 2002. The figures include trained and untrained regular personnel, excluding "Gurkhas, the Home Service battalions of the Royal Irish Regiment and mobilised Reservists."
18. The Officer (September/October, 2001): 5.
19. See DASA. http://www.dasa.mod.uk/servstats/servstats.html; http://www.dasa.mod.uk/servstats/tsp2/ns_initframe.htm (accessed 21 January 2002). The NATO figures are cited in The Officer (September/October, 2001): 5. See also Vicki Nielsen, NATO Review: Women in Uniform, Web edition 49, 2 (Summer 2001.): 26-27, http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2001/0102-09.htm. accessed 20 January 2002.
20. See DASA. http://www.dasa.mod.uk/servstats/servstats.html; http://www.dasa.mod.uk/servstats/tsp2/ns_initframe.htm (accessed 21 January 2002). The NATO figures are cited in The Officer (September/October, 2001): 5. See also Vicki Nielsen, NATO Review: Women in Uniform, Web edition 49, 2 (Summer 2001.): 26-27, http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2001/0102-09.htm. accessed 20 January 2002.
21. Defence Committee, Second Report, The Strategic Defence Review: Policy for People, 1: Report and Proceedings of the Committee, Session, 2000-01, printed 14 February 2001, Defence Committee, para 42, xxii.
22. Defence Committee, para 43, xxii.
23. SDR para 39.
24. SDR para 41.
25. On the history of debates on equal opportunities in Britain see the review in J. Edwards, When Race Counts: The Morality of Racial Preference in Britain and the United States (London: Routledge, 1995). See also D. Mason, "Equality, Opportunity and Difference: The Limits of the Diversity Paradigm" in The Changing Politics of Gender Equality in Britain, ed. E. Breitenbach, A. Brown, F. Mackay, and J. Webb (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), 83-101.
26. On the history of debates on equal opportunities in Britain see the review in J. Edwards, When Race Counts: The Morality of Racial Preference in Britain and the United States (London: Routledge, 1995). See also D. Mason, "Equality, Opportunity and Difference: The Limits of the Diversity Paradigm" in The Changing Politics of Gender Equality in Britain, ed. E. Breitenbach, A. Brown, F. Mackay, and J. Webb (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), 83-101.
27. N. Jewson and D. Mason, "The Theory and Practice of Equal Opportunities Policies: Liberal and Radical Approaches," Sociological Review 34, 2 (May 1986): 307-334; N. Jewson and D. Mason, "'Race,' Employment and Equal Opportunities: Towards a Political Economy and an Agenda for the 1990s," Sociological Review 42, 4 (November 1994): 591-617; N. Jewson et al., Formal Equal Opportunities Policies and Employment Best Practice (Department for Education and Employment Research Series No. 69, 1995).
28. N. Jewson and D. Mason, "The Theory and Practice of Equal Opportunities Policies: Liberal and Radical Approaches," Sociological Review 34, 2 (May 1986): 307-334; N. Jewson and D. Mason, "'Race,' Employment and Equal Opportunities: Towards a Political Economy and an Agenda for the 1990s," Sociological Review 42, 4 (November 1994): 591-617; N. Jewson et al., Formal Equal Opportunities Policies and Employment Best Practice (Department for Education and Employment Research Series No. 69, 1995).
29. N. Jewson and D. Mason, "The Theory and Practice of Equal Opportunities Policies: Liberal and Radical Approaches," Sociological Review 34, 2 (May 1986): 307-334; N. Jewson and D. Mason, "'Race,' Employment and Equal Opportunities: Towards a Political Economy and an Agenda for the 1990s," Sociological Review 42, 4 (November 1994): 591-617; N. Jewson et al., Formal Equal Opportunities Policies and Employment Best Practice (Department for Education and Employment Research Series No. 69, 1995).
30. Jewson and Mason, "Theory and Practice"; D. Mason, "Competing Conceptions of 'Fairness' and the Formulation and Implementation of Equal Opportunities Policies," in Race and Local Politics, ed. W. Ball and J. Solomos (Macmillan, 1990): 45-61.
31. Jewson and Mason, "Theory and Practice"; D. Mason, "Competing Conceptions of 'Fairness' and the Formulation and Implementation of Equal Opportunities Policies," in Race and Local Politics, ed. W. Ball and J. Solomos (Macmillan, 1990): 45-61.
32. Jewson and Mason, "Theory and Practice."Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies"; P. Iganski et al., Recruiting Minority Ethnic Groups into Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting (English National Board for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting, Researching Professional Education Series, Number 7, 1998).
33. Jewson et al., Ethnic Monitoring Policy and Practice: A Study of Employers' Experiences (Employment Department Research Paper No. 89, 1992); Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies"; P. Iganski et al., Recruiting Minority Ethnic Groups into Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting (English National Board for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting, Researching Professional Education Series, Number 7, 1998).
34. Jewson et al., Ethnic Monitoring Policy and Practice: A Study of Employers' Experiences (Employment Department Research Paper No. 89, 1992); Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies"; P. Iganski et al., Recruiting Minority Ethnic Groups into Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting (English National Board for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting, Researching Professional Education Series, Number 7, 1998).
35. Jewson et al., Ethnic Monitoring Policy and Practice: A Study of Employers' Experiences (Employment Department Research Paper No. 89, 1992); Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies"; P. Iganski et al., Recruiting Minority Ethnic Groups into Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting (English National Board for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting, Researching Professional Education Series, Number 7, 1998).
36. N. Jewson et al., Ethnic Minorities and Employment Practice: A Study of Six Organisations (Employment Department Research Paper no. 76, 1990); Jewson et al., "Ethnic Monitoring Policy"; Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies." It is lawful to target resources to help members of disadvantaged groups - for example, to increase their educational preparedness - as part of an attempt to increase their representation in an occupational sector. It is also lawful to establish targets for that representation, and management procedures to check progress against such targets. It is not lawful (or socially acceptable) to practice positive discrimination to ensure quotas of minority groups are met in an occupation.
37. N. Jewson et al., Ethnic Minorities and Employment Practice: A Study of Six Organisations (Employment Department Research Paper no. 76, 1990); Jewson et al., "Ethnic Monitoring Policy"; Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies." It is lawful to target resources to help members of disadvantaged groups - for example, to increase their educational preparedness - as part of an attempt to increase their representation in an occupational sector. It is also lawful to establish targets for that representation, and management procedures to check progress against such targets. It is not lawful (or socially acceptable) to practice positive discrimination to ensure quotas of minority groups are met in an occupation.
38. N. Jewson et al., Ethnic Minorities and Employment Practice: A Study of Six Organisations (Employment Department Research Paper no. 76, 1990); Jewson et al., "Ethnic Monitoring Policy"; Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies." It is lawful to target resources to help members of disadvantaged groups - for example, to increase their educational preparedness - as part of an attempt to increase their representation in an occupational sector. It is also lawful to establish targets for that representation, and management procedures to check progress against such targets. It is not lawful (or socially acceptable) to practice positive discrimination to ensure quotas of minority groups are met in an occupation.
39. See C. Bourne and J. Whitmore, Anti-Discrimination Law in Britain, 3rd. ed. (London: Sweet and Maxwell, 1996); UK Employment Department, Equal Opportunities Ten Point Plan for Employers (London, ED, 1991).
40. See C. Bourne and J. Whitmore, Anti-Discrimination Law in Britain, 3rd. ed. (London: Sweet and Maxwell, 1996); UK Employment Department, Equal Opportunities Ten Point Plan for Employers (London, ED, 1991).
41. Jewson et al., "Ethnic Monitoring Policy"; Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies."
42. Jewson et al., "Ethnic Monitoring Policy"; Jewson et al., "Formal Equal Opportunities Policies."
43. Compare P. Iganski and D. Mason, Ethnicity, Equality of Opportunity and the British National Health Service (Aldershot: Ashgate Publications, 2002), 151.
44. See the discussion in Dandeker and Mason, "British Armed Services."
45. See Dandeker and Segal, "Gender Integration in Armed Forces."
46. It is important to remember the distinction between management targets and quotas. See endnote 26.
47. See, for example, C. Dandeker and A. Strachan, "Soldier Recruitment to the British Army: A Spatial and Social Methodology for Analysis and Monitoring," Armed Forces & Society 19, 2 (Winter, 1993): 279-290; and Hew Strachan, "Reassessing Recruitment Strategies for the Armed Services" in New People Strategies for the British Armed Forces, ed. A. Alexandrou, R. Bartle, and R. Holmes (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2002), 100-115. But see A. Hussain and M. Ishaq, "British Pakistani Muslims' Perceptions of the Armed Forces," Armed Forces & Society 28, 4.
48. See, for example, C. Dandeker and A. Strachan, "Soldier Recruitment to the British Army: A Spatial and Social Methodology for Analysis and Monitoring," Armed Forces & Society 19, 2 (Winter, 1993): 279-290; and Hew Strachan, "Reassessing Recruitment Strategies for the Armed Services" in New People Strategies for the British Armed Forces, ed. A. Alexandrou, R. Bartle, and R. Holmes (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2002), 100-115. But see A. Hussain and M. Ishaq, "British Pakistani Muslims' Perceptions of the Armed Forces," Armed Forces & Society 28, 4.
49. See, for example, C. Dandeker and A. Strachan, "Soldier Recruitment to the British Army: A Spatial and Social Methodology for Analysis and Monitoring," Armed Forces & Society 19, 2 (Winter, 1993): 279-290; and Hew Strachan, "Reassessing Recruitment Strategies for the Armed Services" in New People Strategies for the British Armed Forces, ed. A. Alexandrou, R. Bartle, and R. Holmes (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2002), 100-115. But see A. Hussain and M. Ishaq, "British Pakistani Muslims' Perceptions of the Armed Forces," Armed Forces & Society 28, 4.
50. T. Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities (London: Policy Studies Institute, 1993); T. Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities in Britain (London: Policy Studies Institute, 1997).
51. T. Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities (London: Policy Studies Institute, 1993); T. Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities in Britain (London: Policy Studies Institute, 1997).
52. P. Iganski and G. Payne, "Declining Racial Disadvantage in the British Labour Market," Ethnic and Racial Studies 19, 1 (1996): 113-134; P. Iganski and G. Payne, "Socio-Economic Re-Structuring and Employment: The Case of Minority Ethnic Groups," British Journal of Sociology 50, 2 (1999): 195-216.
53. P. Iganski and G. Payne, "Declining Racial Disadvantage in the British Labour Market," Ethnic and Racial Studies 19, 1 (1996): 113-134; P. Iganski and G. Payne, "Socio-Economic Re-Structuring and Employment: The Case of Minority Ethnic Groups," British Journal of Sociology 50, 2 (1999): 195-216.
54. P. Iganski and G. Payne, "Social Exclusion and Social Inclusion: Britain's Minority Ethnic Groups." Paper presented to the Cambridge Stratification Seminar, Claire College, Cambridge, 19-21 September 2000.
55. Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities.
56. C. Brown, Black and While Britain: The Third PSI Survey (Aldershot: Gower, 1984); UK Department of Education and Science, Education for All: The Report of a Committee of Inquiry in the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups, Cmnd 9453 (London: HMSO, 1985); D. Drew, 'Race,' Education and Work: The Statistics of Inequality (Aldershot: Avebury, 1992); Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities.
57. C. Brown, Black and While Britain: The Third PSI Survey (Aldershot: Gower, 1984); UK Department of Education and Science, Education for All: The Report of a Committee of Inquiry in the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups, Cmnd 9453 (London: HMSO, 1985); D. Drew, 'Race,' Education and Work: The Statistics of Inequality (Aldershot: Avebury, 1992); Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities.
58. C. Brown, Black and While Britain: The Third PSI Survey (Aldershot: Gower, 1984); UK Department of Education and Science, Education for All: The Report of a Committee of Inquiry in the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups, Cmnd 9453 (London: HMSO, 1985); D. Drew, 'Race,' Education and Work: The Statistics of Inequality (Aldershot: Avebury, 1992); Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities.
59. C. Brown, Black and While Britain: The Third PSI Survey (Aldershot: Gower, 1984); UK Department of Education and Science, Education for All: The Report of a Committee of Inquiry in the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups, Cmnd 9453 (London: HMSO, 1985); D. Drew, 'Race,' Education and Work: The Statistics of Inequality (Aldershot: Avebury, 1992); Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities.
60. Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities, 32; Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities; T. Modood and T. Ackland, Race and Higher Education (London: Policy Studies, Institute, 1998); T. Modood and M. Shiner, Ethnic Minorities and Higher Education: Why Are There Differential Rates of Admission? (London: Policy Studies Institute, 1994).
61. Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities, 32; Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities; T. Modood and T. Ackland, Race and Higher Education (London: Policy Studies, Institute, 1998); T. Modood and M. Shiner, Ethnic Minorities and Higher Education: Why Are There Differential Rates of Admission? (London: Policy Studies Institute, 1994).
62. Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities, 32; Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities; T. Modood and T. Ackland, Race and Higher Education (London: Policy Studies, Institute, 1998); T. Modood and M. Shiner, Ethnic Minorities and Higher Education: Why Are There Differential Rates of Admission? (London: Policy Studies Institute, 1994).
63. Jones, Britain's Ethnic Minorities, 32; Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities; T. Modood and T. Ackland, Race and Higher Education (London: Policy Studies, Institute, 1998); T. Modood and M. Shiner, Ethnic Minorities and Higher Education: Why Are There Differential Rates of Admission? (London: Policy Studies Institute, 1994).
64. T. Modood, "Ethnic Minorities' Drive for Qualifications," in Modood and Ackland, Race and Higher Education.
65. The Policy Studies Institute, and its predecessor, Political and Economic Planning, has carried out a series of surveys of the minority ethnic populations of Great Britain dating back to the mid-1960s. These represent the single most complete, and detailed, longitudinal data set on the situations of Britain's minority ethnic citizens.
66. Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities.
67. See the discussion in Mason, Race and Ethnicity.
68. Hussain and Ishaq, "British Pakistani Muslims' Perceptions."
69. R. Kandola and J. Fullerton, Diversity in Action: Managing the Mosaic (London: Institute of Personnel and Development, 1998); R. Kandola et al., "Managing Diversity: Succeeding Where Equal Opportunities Have Failed," Equal Opportunities Review 59 (January/February, 1995): 31-36.
70. R. Kandola and J. Fullerton, Diversity in Action: Managing the Mosaic (London: Institute of Personnel and Development, 1998); R. Kandola et al., "Managing Diversity: Succeeding Where Equal Opportunities Have Failed," Equal Opportunities Review 59 (January/February, 1995): 31-36.
71. Kandola and Fullerton, Diversity in Action; Kandola et al., "Managing Diversity"; R. R. Thomas Jr., Beyond Race and Gender: Unleashing the Power of Your Total Workforce by Managing Diversity (New York: AMACOM, American Management Association, 1991).
72. Kandola and Fullerton, Diversity in Action; Kandola et al., "Managing Diversity"; R. R. Thomas Jr., Beyond Race and Gender: Unleashing the Power of Your Total Workforce by Managing Diversity (New York: AMACOM, American Management Association, 1991).
73. Kandola and Fullerton, Diversity in Action; Kandola et al., "Managing Diversity"; R. R. Thomas Jr., Beyond Race and Gender: Unleashing the Power of Your Total Workforce by Managing Diversity (New York: AMACOM, American Management Association, 1991).
74. See C. Dandeker and J. Gow, "Strategic Peacekeeping and Military Culture," in Peace Operations Between War and Peace, ed. E. A. Schmidl (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000): 58-79. See also S. R. Crawford "Racial Integration in the Army - An Historical Perspective," British Army Review 111 (December 1995): 24-28; and S. Crawford, "Race Relations in the Army," in The British Army: Manpower and Society into the Twenty-First Century, ed. Hew Strachan (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000), 139-155.
75. See C. Dandeker and J. Gow, "Strategic Peacekeeping and Military Culture," in Peace Operations Between War and Peace, ed. E. A. Schmidl (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000): 58-79. See also S. R. Crawford "Racial Integration in the Army - An Historical Perspective," British Army Review 111 (December 1995): 24-28; and S. Crawford, "Race Relations in the Army," in The British Army: Manpower and Society into the Twenty-First Century, ed. Hew Strachan (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000), 139-155.
76. See C. Dandeker and J. Gow, "Strategic Peacekeeping and Military Culture," in Peace Operations Between War and Peace, ed. E. A. Schmidl (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000): 58-79. See also S. R. Crawford "Racial Integration in the Army - An Historical Perspective," British Army Review 111 (December 1995): 24-28; and S. Crawford, "Race Relations in the Army," in The British Army: Manpower and Society into the Twenty-First Century, ed. Hew Strachan (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000), 139-155.
77. Strategic Defence Review, Supporting Essay 9, para 17.
78. K. O. Dunivin, "Military Culture: Change and Continuity," Armed Forces & Society 20, 4 (Summer 1994): 531-547.
79. On Scotland, see M. Fry, The Scottish Empire (Tuckwell, 2002).
80. See T. Gould, Imperial Warriors: Britain and the Gurkhas (London: Granta Books, 1999). On Empire and British culture, see D. Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (London: Penguin Alien Lane, 2001).
81. See T. Gould, Imperial Warriors: Britain and the Gurkhas (London: Granta Books, 1999). On Empire and British culture, see D. Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (London: Penguin Alien Lane, 2001).
82. British citizenship is defined by the British Nationality Act of 1981, which supplanted all previous nationality laws and came into effect on 1 January 1983. Under the Act, three separate kinds of citizenship were created, in place of citizenship of the United Kingdom and Colonies. These are: "1. British Citizenship, for people closely connected with the United Kingdom, the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man 2. British Dependent Territories Citizenship, for people connected with the dependencies [including territories such as Anguila, Bermuda, the Falkland Islands] 3. British Overseas citizenship, for those citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies without connections with either the United Kingdom or the dependencies." (Immigration and Nationality Directorate). The key point concerning British Citizenship is that such citizens are defined as being "closely connected with the United Kingdom, including the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man ... [They] have the right to live permanently and are free to leave and re-enter the United Kingdom at any time." It is possible to become a British citizen in one of two ways. The first is by registration when, for example, those who became British Dependent territories citizens can apply to register as British Citizens so long as they have lived in the United Kingdom for five years. It is also possible for foreign nationals (and this includes citizens of the Common-wealth and the Republic of Ireland) to apply for naturalization. Applicants must "be 18 or over, not be of unsound mind, be of good character, have sufficient knowledge of English, Welsh or Scottish Gaelic ... and stay closely connected with the United Kingdom" [emphasis added]. (See Home Office UK, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, http://194.203.40.90/default.asp?pageid=16). These citizenship rules determine who can join the armed services. There is a difference regarding those who can join the enlisted ranks and those who apply to become officers of the British Army. Current rules exclude from the officers' corps those who are not born in the UK or its territories (or who have not been resident in the UK for at least five years), whereas for the enlisted ranks the rules state that if "applicants reside outside the United Kingdom, they will only be eligible to enlist if they are exempt from immigration control: that is to say they have been given indefinite leave to reside and work in the United Kingdom under Immigration rules" (from www.army.mod.uk/careers/enquiry/sol/_entry_require.htm). As with the rules for citizenship, reviewed above, the material point is the connection with the United Kingdom. The armed services (especially the Army) actively recruit from the Commonwealth, for example from Fiji, South Africa, Kenya, the Caribbean, Australia, and New Zealand. It is possible that, given the current shortages in the armed services (approximately 8,500 overall, with most in the Army), there will be even greater efforts to recruit from overseas.
83. L. Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992).
84. see Hussain and Ishaq, "British Pakistani Muslims' Perceptions."
85. Responses to these questions vary a good deal by region and age with, for example, those over sixty-five being most proud of the Monarchy and the Welsh being more proud of the nationality than anywhere else in the UK. Interestingly, it is the Welsh who are most positive about the armed forces (91 percent), along with people aged over sixty-five (91 percent), over half of whom are extremely proud. Finally, of the institutions that respondents said they were proud and ashamed of, the survey asked them to select their top three. The importance of the family (80 percent) far outranked anything else and although nationality (40 percent) came second, it scored only half as much as family. Armed forces (16 percent) came third. Public transport (34 percent), the government (27 percent) and the NHS (18 percent) were ranked in the top three of which the nation is most ashamed. (See Nationwide Building Society Survey, http://www.nationwide.co.uk/mediacentre/PressRelease.asp?ID=329) Furthermore, according to recent poll data, the armed services rate quite highly in terms of the degree to which they attract the confidence of the general public. For example, in a survey of parents' attitudes toward the examination system in British education, 84 percent "have 'a great deal' or 'a fair amount' of confidence in the exam system - more than those who have confidence in the armed forces (81 percent), the police (77 percent) and the legal system (60 percent)." Yet the figure of 81 percent is quite high and the contrast with the legal system is significant (http://www.mori.com/polls/2001/edexcel.shtml). As for the issue of the armed forces as a prospective career, in a survey of ten- to sixteen-year-old school children in England and Wales in 1996, 1998, and 2001, MORI found that while an average of 13 percent placed Army/Navy as a preferred choice of career (the other most desired categories were professional sports (18 percent), vet (15 percent), law (15 percent), teacher (13 percent), and police (9 percent). However, in 1996, Army/Navy rated highly in the two occupations they would least like to do (19 percent), followed by dentistry (17 percent), yet this figure rose significantly to 32 percent in 2001. There are no data on breakdown by gender or minority ethnic communities, although "the data are weighted by age, sex and region to Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) and Welsh Office data." http://www.mori.com/polls/2001/emta-topline.shtml. The breakdown by gender on some of the questions asked, e.g., knowledge of occupations such as engineering, are at http://www.mori.com/polls/2001/emta.shtml.
86. See the Website version at: http://www.mod.uk/wewerethere/. Accessed 22 March 2002.
87. In fact, the armed services are far less class-based than they once were and less than the public often thinks. The great majority of Sandhurst cadets, for example, now come from state schools. This is not to deny the persistence of social exclusion in the more traditional regiments such as the Cavalry. See R. G. L. Von Zugbach and M. Ishaq, "Officer Recruitment: The Decline in Social Eliteness in the Senior Ranks of the British Army," in British Army and Society, ed. H. Strachan (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000), 75-86. On class and the armed forces, see also Eric Joyce, Armed Forces and the Man - Renewing the Armed Services (London: Fabian Society, 1997).
88. In fact, the armed services are far less class-based than they once were and less than the public often thinks. The great majority of Sandhurst cadets, for example, now come from state schools. This is not to deny the persistence of social exclusion in the more traditional regiments such as the Cavalry. See R. G. L. Von Zugbach and M. Ishaq, "Officer Recruitment: The Decline in Social Eliteness in the Senior Ranks of the British Army," in British Army and Society, ed. H. Strachan (London and Portland, OR: Cass, 2000), 75-86. On class and the armed forces, see also Eric Joyce, Armed Forces and the Man - Renewing the Armed Services (London: Fabian Society, 1997).
89. There is debate in the literature on the extent to which black Americans were overrepresented in the casualties of the Vietnam War. Moskos and Sibley Butler regard this as a myth. See C. C. Moskos and J. Sibley Butler, All That We Can Be: Black Leadership and Racial Integration, The Army Way (New York: Basic Books, 1996): 8-10. D. R. Segal, however, argues that during the Vietnam War, "for the first time in the twentieth century, rather than being underrepresented or excluded from combat, blacks were more likely to be drafted, to be sent to Vietnam, to serve in high-risk combat units and to be killed or wounded in action." See D. R. Segal, Recruiting for Uncle Sam: Citizenship and Military Manpower Policy (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1989), 110, citing M. Binkin, and M. Eitelberg with A. J. Schexnider and M. M. Smith, Blacks in the Military, (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1982), 32. The difference in interpretation may depend on a number of issues, including whether one refers to the period of the war as a whole or to particular years, and whether one is referring to Army casualties or military casualties overall. Thus, while blacks were overrepresented in the Army's combat arms, these arms were underrepresented in the overall casualties, where aviators from Army, Navy, and Air Force (which included few blacks) were overrepresented. All that having been said, African-Americans are overrepresented in the Army relative to their proportion of the wider population. However, they are more overrepresented in the combat support and combat service support branches than in combat arms. If one compares African-American combat units with support units, African Americans are underrepresented in the combat arms. However, if one compares African-American combat troops with the African-American military age population of the United States, they are overrepresented. Black representation in combat units has been declining: they are virtually absent from Special Forces and they are underrepresented in the officer corps. This may raise some questions about the idea that the military is an excellent example of an institution where blacks routinely give orders to whites, as blacks tend to be employed in the lower reaches of the management structure. In making these points, the authors would like to acknowledge and are grateful for personal communications from both Professors Moskos and Segal.
90. There is debate in the literature on the extent to which black Americans were overrepresented in the casualties of the Vietnam War. Moskos and Sibley Butler regard this as a myth. See C. C. Moskos and J. Sibley Butler, All That We Can Be: Black Leadership and Racial Integration, The Army Way (New York: Basic Books, 1996): 8-10. D. R. Segal, however, argues that during the Vietnam War, "for the first time in the twentieth century, rather than being underrepresented or excluded from combat, blacks were more likely to be drafted, to be sent to Vietnam, to serve in high-risk combat units and to be killed or wounded in action." See D. R. Segal, Recruiting for Uncle Sam: Citizenship and Military Manpower Policy (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1989), 110, citing M. Binkin, and M. Eitelberg with A. J. Schexnider and M. M. Smith, Blacks in the Military, (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1982), 32. The difference in interpretation may depend on a number of issues, including whether one refers to the period of the war as a whole or to particular years, and whether one is referring to Army casualties or military casualties overall. Thus, while blacks were overrepresented in the Army's combat arms, these arms were underrepresented in the overall casualties, where aviators from Army, Navy, and Air Force (which included few blacks) were overrepresented. All that having been said, African-Americans are overrepresented in the Army relative to their proportion of the wider population. However, they are more overrepresented in the combat support and combat service support branches than in combat arms. If one compares African-American combat units with support units, African Americans are underrepresented in the combat arms. However, if one compares African-American combat troops with the African-American military age population of the United States, they are overrepresented. Black representation in combat units has been declining: they are virtually absent from Special Forces and they are underrepresented in the officer corps. This may raise some questions about the idea that the military is an excellent example of an institution where blacks routinely give orders to whites, as blacks tend to be employed in the lower reaches of the management structure. In making these points, the authors would like to acknowledge and are grateful for personal communications from both Professors Moskos and Segal.
91. There is debate in the literature on the extent to which black Americans were overrepresented in the casualties of the Vietnam War. Moskos and Sibley Butler regard this as a myth. See C. C. Moskos and J. Sibley Butler, All That We Can Be: Black Leadership and Racial Integration, The Army Way (New York: Basic Books, 1996): 8-10. D. R. Segal, however, argues that during the Vietnam War, "for the first time in the twentieth century, rather than being underrepresented or excluded from combat, blacks were more likely to be drafted, to be sent to Vietnam, to serve in high-risk combat units and to be killed or wounded in action." See D. R. Segal, Recruiting for Uncle Sam: Citizenship and Military Manpower Policy (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1989), 110, citing M. Binkin, and M. Eitelberg with A. J. Schexnider and M. M. Smith, Blacks in the Military, (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1982), 32. The difference in interpretation may depend on a number of issues, including whether one refers to the period of the war as a whole or to particular years, and whether one is referring to Army casualties or military casualties overall. Thus, while blacks were overrepresented in the Army's combat arms, these arms were underrepresented in the overall casualties, where aviators from Army, Navy, and Air Force (which included few blacks) were overrepresented. All that having been said, African-Americans are overrepresented in the Army relative to their proportion of the wider population. However, they are more overrepresented in the combat support and combat service support branches than in combat arms. If one compares African-American combat units with support units, African Americans are underrepresented in the combat arms. However, if one compares African-American combat troops with the African-American military age population of the United States, they are overrepresented. Black representation in combat units has been declining: they are virtually absent from Special Forces and they are underrepresented in the officer corps. This may raise some questions about the idea that the military is an excellent example of an institution where blacks routinely give orders to whites, as blacks tend to be employed in the lower reaches of the management structure. In making these points, the authors would like to acknowledge and are grateful for personal communications from both Professors Moskos and Segal.
92. See D. McCrone and R. Kiely, "Nationalism and Citizenship," Sociology 34, 1 (February 2000): 19-34.
93. V. Bogdanor, "Shouting 'Britain' from the back," Times Literary Supplement (8 February 2002); 28-29.
94. Colley, Britons.
95. C. Kidd, British Identities before Nationalism: Ethnicity and Nationhood in the Atlantic World, 1600-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
96. Quoted in J. Walvin, Passage To Britain: Immigration in British History and Politics (Harmondsworth: Penguin, in association with Belitha Press, 1984), 19.
97. Routes of Racism, by Roger Hewitt (London: Trentham Books, produced jointly for the International Centre for Intercultural Studies, Institute of Education, London, and Greenwich Council's Central Racial Equality Unit and Greenwich Youth Service, 1996). See also I. A. MacDonald, Murder in the Playground: The Burnage Report. Report of the Macdonald Inquiry into Racism and Racial Violence in Manchester Schools (London: Longsight, 1989). For alternative views on the inadequacy of multicultural education, see D. Gillborn, 'Race,' Ethnicity and Education (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); D. Gillborn, Racism and Antiracism in Real Schools (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1995) ; and S. Tomlinson, Multicultural Education in White Schools (London: Batsford, 1990). For a detailed discussion of competing versions of multiculturalism and antiracism, see Critical Multiculturalism: Rethinking Multicultural and Antiracist Education, ed. S. May (London: Palmer Press, 1999).
98. Routes of Racism, by Roger Hewitt (London: Trentham Books, produced jointly for the International Centre for Intercultural Studies, Institute of Education, London, and Greenwich Council's Central Racial Equality Unit and Greenwich Youth Service, 1996). See also I. A. MacDonald, Murder in the Playground: The Burnage Report. Report of the Macdonald Inquiry into Racism and Racial Violence in Manchester Schools (London: Longsight, 1989). For alternative views on the inadequacy of multicultural education, see D. Gillborn, 'Race,' Ethnicity and Education (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); D. Gillborn, Racism and Antiracism in Real Schools (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1995) ; and S. Tomlinson, Multicultural Education in White Schools (London: Batsford, 1990). For a detailed discussion of competing versions of multiculturalism and antiracism, see Critical Multiculturalism: Rethinking Multicultural and Antiracist Education, ed. S. May (London: Palmer Press, 1999).
99. Routes of Racism, by Roger Hewitt (London: Trentham Books, produced jointly for the International Centre for Intercultural Studies, Institute of Education, London, and Greenwich Council's Central Racial Equality Unit and Greenwich Youth Service, 1996). See also I. A. MacDonald, Murder in the Playground: The Burnage Report. Report of the Macdonald Inquiry into Racism and Racial Violence in Manchester Schools (London: Longsight, 1989). For alternative views on the inadequacy of multicultural education, see D. Gillborn, 'Race,' Ethnicity and Education (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); D. Gillborn, Racism and Antiracism in Real Schools (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1995) ; and S. Tomlinson, Multicultural Education in White Schools (London: Batsford, 1990). For a detailed discussion of competing versions of multiculturalism and antiracism, see Critical Multiculturalism: Rethinking Multicultural and Antiracist Education, ed. S. May (London: Palmer Press, 1999).
100. Routes of Racism, by Roger Hewitt (London: Trentham Books, produced jointly for the International Centre for Intercultural Studies, Institute of Education, London, and Greenwich Council's Central Racial Equality Unit and Greenwich Youth Service, 1996). See also I. A. MacDonald, Murder in the Playground: The Burnage Report. Report of the Macdonald Inquiry into Racism and Racial Violence in Manchester Schools (London: Longsight, 1989). For alternative views on the inadequacy of multicultural education, see D. Gillborn, 'Race,' Ethnicity and Education (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); D. Gillborn, Racism and Antiracism in Real Schools (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1995) ; and S. Tomlinson, Multicultural Education in White Schools (London: Batsford, 1990). For a detailed discussion of competing versions of multiculturalism and antiracism, see Critical Multiculturalism: Rethinking Multicultural and Antiracist Education, ed. S. May (London: Palmer Press, 1999).
101. Routes of Racism, by Roger Hewitt (London: Trentham Books, produced jointly for the International Centre for Intercultural Studies, Institute of Education, London, and Greenwich Council's Central Racial Equality Unit and Greenwich Youth Service, 1996). See also I. A. MacDonald, Murder in the Playground: The Burnage Report. Report of the Macdonald Inquiry into Racism and Racial Violence in Manchester Schools (London: Longsight, 1989). For alternative views on the inadequacy of multicultural education, see D. Gillborn, 'Race,' Ethnicity and Education (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); D. Gillborn, Racism and Antiracism in Real Schools (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1995) ; and S. Tomlinson, Multicultural Education in White Schools (London: Batsford, 1990). For a detailed discussion of competing versions of multiculturalism and antiracism, see Critical Multiculturalism: Rethinking Multicultural and Antiracist Education, ed. S. May (London: Palmer Press, 1999).
102. Routes of Racism, by Roger Hewitt (London: Trentham Books, produced jointly for the International Centre for Intercultural Studies, Institute of Education, London, and Greenwich Council's Central Racial Equality Unit and Greenwich Youth Service, 1996). See also I. A. MacDonald, Murder in the Playground: The Burnage Report. Report of the Macdonald Inquiry into Racism and Racial Violence in Manchester Schools (London: Longsight, 1989). For alternative views on the inadequacy of multicultural education, see D. Gillborn, 'Race,' Ethnicity and Education (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); D. Gillborn, Racism and Antiracism in Real Schools (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1995) ; and S. Tomlinson, Multicultural Education in White Schools (London: Batsford, 1990). For a detailed discussion of competing versions of multiculturalism and antiracism, see Critical Multiculturalism: Rethinking Multicultural and Antiracist Education, ed. S. May (London: Palmer Press, 1999).
103. These values would have to involve rather more than the following suggestion: "... fortunately the test for Britishness is a perfectly simple one. It consists in wishing to continue to be represented in the United Kingdom Parliament at Westminster and voting for parties which favour such continued representation." V. Bogdanor, "Shouting 'Britain' from the Back," 29. Compare the discussion in B. Parekh, The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (The Parekh Report) (London: Profile Books, 2000).
104. These values would have to involve rather more than the following suggestion: "... fortunately the test for Britishness is a perfectly simple one. It consists in wishing to continue to be represented in the United Kingdom Parliament at Westminster and voting for parties which favour such continued representation." V. Bogdanor, "Shouting 'Britain' from the Back," 29. Compare the discussion in B. Parekh, The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (The Parekh Report) (London: Profile Books, 2000).
105. See Iganski and Mason, Ethnicity, Equality of Opportunity and the British National Health Service.