"Tending" and "intending" a nation: Conflicting visions of American national identity

Polity

Volumn 31, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 558-586

  Fox, Russell Arben ^a  

^a CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0040293784     PISSN: 00323497     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3235236     Document Type: Article

References (147)

1. The literature on this debate is voluminous, and surveys of the debate are plentiful. For a good general introduction to the debate, see James P. Young, Reconsidering American Liberalism: The Troubled Odyssey of the Liberal Idea (Boulder: Westview Press, 1996), 41-54.
2. Asher Horowitz and Richard K. Matthews, "'Narcissism of the Minor Differences': What is at Issue and What is at Stake in the Civic Humanism Question," Polity 30 (Fall 1997): 7-9.
3. Horowitz and Matthews, "Narcissism," 12.
4. Sheldon S. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution: Bicentennial Misgivings," in The Presence of the Past: Essays on the State and the Constitution (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 82.
5. Gordon S. Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage Books, 1991), 7.
6. John M. Murrin, "A Roof Without Walls: The Dilemma of American National Identity," in Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity, ed. Richard Beeman, et al. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987), 344.
7. Luther Martin, in The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, rev. ed., 4 vols., ed. Max Farrand (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1937), 1:340-41. On the Anti-Federalists' commitment to localism, see Wilson Carey McWilliams, "Democracy and the Citizen: Community, Dignity and the Crisis of Contemporary Politics in America," in How Democratic is the Constitution?, ed. Robert A. Goldwin and William A. Schambra (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1980), 79-101.
8. Luther Martin, in The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, rev. ed., 4 vols., ed. Max Farrand (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1937), 1:340-41. On the Anti-Federalists' commitment to localism, see Wilson Carey McWilliams, "Democracy and the Citizen: Community, Dignity and the Crisis of Contemporary Politics in America," in How Democratic is the Constitution?, ed. Robert A. Goldwin and William A. Schambra (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1980), 79-101.
9. Christopher M. Duncan, The Anti-Federalists and Early American Political Thought (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1995), 128.
10. Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 3-4.
11. Greenfeld, Nationalism, 491.
12. See Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991); Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," in The Morality of Nationalism, ed. Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 31-55.
13. See Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991); Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," in The Morality of Nationalism, ed. Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 31-55.
14. See Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991); Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," in The Morality of Nationalism, ed. Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 31-55.
15. This is Anderson's composite definition. See Imagined Communities, 6.
16. See Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," 36-37, and Greenfeld, Nationalism, 10-11. It should be noted that Greenfeld's close identification of nationalism and democracy is somewhat narrow; she puts forward the Anglo-American tradition as a "truer" example of the development of national identity while at best slighting, and sometimes attacking, the national conceptions developed in France, Germany and Russia. Her use of history in this regard has been both praised and challenged. Some perceptive reviews of her work include Michael Francis, " Nationalism's Roots and Current Faces," Review of Politics 56 (Spring 1994): 363-68; Bernard Yack, "Reconciling Liberalism and Nationalism," Political Theory 23 (February 1995): 166-182; and Will Kymlicka, "Misunderstanding Nationalism," Dissent (Winter 1995): 130-37.
17. See Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," 36-37, and Greenfeld, Nationalism, 10-11. It should be noted that Greenfeld's close identification of nationalism and democracy is somewhat narrow; she puts forward the Anglo-American tradition as a "truer" example of the development of national identity while at best slighting, and sometimes attacking, the national conceptions developed in France, Germany and Russia. Her use of history in this regard has been both praised and challenged. Some perceptive reviews of her work include Michael Francis, " Nationalism's Roots and Current Faces," Review of Politics 56 (Spring 1994): 363-68; Bernard Yack, "Reconciling Liberalism and Nationalism," Political Theory 23 (February 1995): 166-182; and Will Kymlicka, "Misunderstanding Nationalism," Dissent (Winter 1995): 130-37.
18. See Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," 36-37, and Greenfeld, Nationalism, 10-11. It should be noted that Greenfeld's close identification of nationalism and democracy is somewhat narrow; she puts forward the Anglo-American tradition as a "truer" example of the development of national identity while at best slighting, and sometimes attacking, the national conceptions developed in France, Germany and Russia. Her use of history in this regard has been both praised and challenged. Some perceptive reviews of her work include Michael Francis, " Nationalism's Roots and Current Faces," Review of Politics 56 (Spring 1994): 363-68; Bernard Yack, "Reconciling Liberalism and Nationalism," Political Theory 23 (February 1995): 166-182; and Will Kymlicka, "Misunderstanding Nationalism," Dissent (Winter 1995): 130-37.
19. See Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," 36-37, and Greenfeld, Nationalism, 10-11. It should be noted that Greenfeld's close identification of nationalism and democracy is somewhat narrow; she puts forward the Anglo-American tradition as a "truer" example of the development of national identity while at best slighting, and sometimes attacking, the national conceptions developed in France, Germany and Russia. Her use of history in this regard has been both praised and challenged. Some perceptive reviews of her work include Michael Francis, " Nationalism's Roots and Current Faces," Review of Politics 56 (Spring 1994): 363-68; Bernard Yack, "Reconciling Liberalism and Nationalism," Political Theory 23 (February 1995): 166-182; and Will Kymlicka, "Misunderstanding Nationalism," Dissent (Winter 1995): 130-37.
20. See Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," 36-37, and Greenfeld, Nationalism, 10-11. It should be noted that Greenfeld's close identification of nationalism and democracy is somewhat narrow; she puts forward the Anglo-American tradition as a "truer" example of the development of national identity while at best slighting, and sometimes attacking, the national conceptions developed in France, Germany and Russia. Her use of history in this regard has been both praised and challenged. Some perceptive reviews of her work include Michael Francis, " Nationalism's Roots and Current Faces," Review of Politics 56 (Spring 1994): 363-68; Bernard Yack, "Reconciling Liberalism and Nationalism," Political Theory 23 (February 1995): 166-182; and Will Kymlicka, "Misunderstanding Nationalism," Dissent (Winter 1995): 130-37.
21. Greenfeld, Nationalism, 24.
22. See, for instance, "A [Maryland] Farmer," in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 7 vols., ed. Herbert J. Storing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 5:10; Adams, letter to Abigail Adams, in Adams Family Correspondence, ed. Lyman H. Butterfield, et al. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), 2:28.
23. See, for instance, "A [Maryland] Farmer," in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 7 vols., ed. Herbert J. Storing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 5:10; Adams, letter to Abigail Adams, in Adams Family Correspondence, ed. Lyman H. Butterfield, et al. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), 2:28.
24. Murrin, "A Roof Without Walls: The Dilemma of American National Identity," 333, 346-48.
25. Greenfeld, Nationalism, 424.
26. Henry, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 5:215; Smith, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 6:150; see also Abraham Kupersmith, "Montesquieu and the Ideological Strain in Antifederalist Thought," in The Federalists, the Antifederalists and the American Political Tradition, ed. Wilson Carey McWilliams and Michael T. Gibbons (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992).
27. Henry, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 5:215; Smith, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 6:150; see also Abraham Kupersmith, "Montesquieu and the Ideological Strain in Antifederalist Thought," in The Federalists, the Antifederalists and the American Political Tradition, ed. Wilson Carey McWilliams and Michael T. Gibbons (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992).
28. Henry, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 5:215; Smith, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 6:150; see also Abraham Kupersmith, "Montesquieu and the Ideological Strain in Antifederalist Thought," in The Federalists, the Antifederalists and the American Political Tradition, ed. Wilson Carey McWilliams and Michael T. Gibbons (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992).
29. Mason, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 1:110-111
30. Norman Jacobson, "Political Science and Political Education," American Political Science Review 57 (September 1963), 561, 563. Writing 25 years before Wolin, Jacobson anticipated his division between the "tending" and "intending" viewpoints, except that he called them "two varieties of political thought," one a hopeful trust in the political education of individuals, the other a pessimistic reliance on impersonal political science. The similarities between Jacobson and Wolin are noted in Richard K. Matthews, If Men Were Angels: James Madison and the Heartless Empire of Reason (Lawrence, KA: The University Press of Kansas, 1995), 12-13.
31. Norman Jacobson, "Political Science and Political Education," American Political Science Review 57 (September 1963), 561, 563. Writing 25 years before Wolin, Jacobson anticipated his division between the "tending" and "intending" viewpoints, except that he called them "two varieties of political thought," one a hopeful trust in the political education of individuals, the other a pessimistic reliance on impersonal political science. The similarities between Jacobson and Wolin are noted in Richard K. Matthews, If Men Were Angels: James Madison and the Heartless Empire of Reason (Lawrence, KA: The University Press of Kansas, 1995), 12-13.
32. Morris, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 1:552.
33. "The Federal Farmer," in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 2:281
34. David F. Ericson, The Shaping of American Liberalism: The Debates over Ratification, Nullification and Slavery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 25.
35. Greenfield, Nationalism, 431.
36. Paine, "The American Crisis," in The Writings of Thomas Paine, ed. M.D. Conway (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1984), 1:374, italics added; Henry, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 5:235.
37. Paine, "The American Crisis," in The Writings of Thomas Paine, ed. M.D. Conway (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1984), 1:374, italics added; Henry, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 5:235.
38. Murrin, "A Roof Without Walls," 340-41.
39. See Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1789 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1969), 108-11; see also Pauline Maier, "John Wilkes and American Disillusionment with Britain," William and Mary Quarterly 20 (1963): 373-95, for a review of the grievances which led many Americans to see Britain in a conspiratorial, oppressive light.
40. See Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1789 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1969), 108-11; see also Pauline Maier, "John Wilkes and American Disillusionment with Britain," William and Mary Quarterly 20 (1963): 373-95, for a review of the grievances which led many Americans to see Britain in a conspiratorial, oppressive light.
41. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 86.
42. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 87.
43. See Ericson, The Shaping of American Liberalism, 49, on the different "logics" employed by the defenders and opponents of the Constitution - the Federalists philosophical, deductive and idealistic, the Anti-Federalists sociological, inductive and pragmatic.
44. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 84. See John P. Roche, "The Founding Fathers: A Reform Caucus in Action," American Political Science Review 55 (December 1961): 799-816, for an argument against finding too much consistency in what was in some ways a "patchwork" creation.
45. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 84. See John P. Roche, "The Founding Fathers: A Reform Caucus in Action," American Political Science Review 55 (December 1961): 799-816, for an argument against finding too much consistency in what was in some ways a "patchwork" creation.
46. The term "liberal republicanism" is not new; perhaps the closest use to the one suggested here is Eduaro A. Velasquez, "Rethinking America's Modernity: Natural Law, Natural Rights and the Character of James Wilson's Liberal Republicanism," Polity 29 (Winter 1996): 193-220. A similar variation is "transitional republicanism," suggested by Michael Lienesch, New Order of the Ages: Time, the Constitution, and the Making of Modern American Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 54-60.
47. The term "liberal republicanism" is not new; perhaps the closest use to the one suggested here is Eduaro A. Velasquez, "Rethinking America's Modernity: Natural Law, Natural Rights and the Character of James Wilson's Liberal Republicanism," Polity 29 (Winter 1996): 193-220. A similar variation is "transitional republicanism," suggested by Michael Lienesch, New Order of the Ages: Time, the Constitution, and the Making of Modern American Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 54-60.
48. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 98. Quotes from Madison, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 3:143; Federalist no. 16 [Hamilton], in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Isaac Kramnick (London: Penguin Books, 1988), 154.
49. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 98. Quotes from Madison, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 3:143; Federalist no. 16 [Hamilton], in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Isaac Kramnick (London: Penguin Books, 1988), 154.
50. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 98. Quotes from Madison, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 3:143; Federalist no. 16 [Hamilton], in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Isaac Kramnick (London: Penguin Books, 1988), 154.
51. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 98. Quotes from Madison, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 3:143; Federalist no. 16 [Hamilton], in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Isaac Kramnick (London: Penguin Books, 1988), 154.
52. Editorial quoted in Catherine Dinker Bowen, Miracle at Philadelphia (Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1966), 232.
53. Madison, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 1:135; see the important article by Martin Diamond, "Democracy and The Federalist A Reconsideration of the Framers' Intent," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 52-68.
54. Madison, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 1:135; see the important article by Martin Diamond, "Democracy and The Federalist A Reconsideration of the Framers' Intent," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 52-68.
55. Gordon Wood, "Democracy and the Constitution," in How Democratic Is the Constitution? 7.
56. See Gordon Wood, "Interests and Disinterestedness in the Making of the Constitution," in Beyond Confederation, 70-72 and passim.
57. See, for instance, G. Livingston, in The Debates of the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution, 2nd ed., 5 vols., ed. Jonathan Elliot (Philadelphia: J.P. Lippincott, 1861), 2:287.
58. Alexander Hamilton, in The Works of Alexander Hamilton, 12 vols., ed. Henry Cabot Lodge (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1904), 8:431.
59. Alexander Hamilton, in The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, 27 vols., ed. Harold C. Syrett, et al. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), 4:11.
60. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 89. Quote from Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. George Lawrence, ed. J.P. Mayer (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 44.
61. Wolin, "Tending and Intending a Constitution," 89. Quote from Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. George Lawrence, ed. J.P. Mayer (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 44.
62. This sort of American communalism was best expressed by Barry Alan Shain, The Myth of American Individualism: The Protestant Origins of American Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 50, quoting Robert H. Wiebe: "Americans assumed that each segment of the population from the larger whole would enjoy 'autonomy in its domain . . . and the right to fulfill its destiny without interference' from external elites."
63. This sort of American communalism was best expressed by Barry Alan Shain, The Myth of American Individualism: The Protestant Origins of American Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 50, quoting Robert H. Wiebe: "Americans assumed that each segment of the population from the larger whole would enjoy 'autonomy in its domain . . . and the right to fulfill its destiny without interference' from external elites."
64. Though Wolin himself is sympathetic to a "feudal" interpretation of early American society; see Sheldon S. Wolin, "E Pluribus Unum: The Representation of Difference and Reconstitution of Collectivity," in Presence of the Past, 120-36.
65. See Richard E. Ellis, The Jeffersonian Crisis: Courts and Politics in the Young Republic (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 250-84. In the face of the Federalist claim that the "science of politics" had improved to such a degree that republican forms of government could now be imagined on a broader stage than ever before, one faithful tendment politician did in fact engage in reactionary overkill: "I will venture," wrote A [Maryland] Farmer, "that if every political institution is not fully explained by Aristotle and other ancient writers, yet that there is no new discovery in this the most important of all sciences, for ten centuries back." Obviously there were some premoderns out there. Farmer, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 5:17, italics added.
66. See Richard E. Ellis, The Jeffersonian Crisis: Courts and Politics in the Young Republic (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 250-84. In the face of the Federalist claim that the "science of politics" had improved to such a degree that republican forms of government could now be imagined on a broader stage than ever before, one faithful tendment politician did in fact engage in reactionary overkill: "I will venture," wrote A [Maryland] Farmer, "that if every political institution is not fully explained by Aristotle and other ancient writers, yet that there is no new discovery in this the most important of all sciences, for ten centuries back." Obviously there were some premoderns out there. Farmer, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 5:17, italics added.
67. See Wood, "Interests and Disinterestedness," 77-81, 92-93.
68. Lance Banning, "Some Second Thoughts on 'Virtue'," paper read at Folger Shakespeare Library, 1987, cited in Christopher Lasch, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1991), 174.
69. Lance Banning, "Some Second Thoughts on 'Virtue'," paper read at Folger Shakespeare Library, 1987, cited in Christopher Lasch, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1991), 174.
70. Wilson, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 1:413.
71. The best reason to use this term to describe those who held to a tendment philosophy is that they ultimately called themselves that. As various supporters of the Anti-Federal tending position accommodated themselves to the post-1787 world, many (though certainly not all) turned to Jefferson's Democratic-Republicans. See Richard E. Ellis, "The Persistence of Antifederalism after 1789," in Beyond Confederation, 295-314.
72. These divisions in thought are well described in Forrest McDonald, Novus Ordo Seclorum: The Intellectual Origins of the Constitution (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1985), 70-77.
73. Washington, letter to John Bannister, cited in The Revolutionary Histories: Contemporary Narratives of the American Revolution, ed. Lester Cohen (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1980), 273.
74. See Wood, Radicalism, 174; Murrin, "A Roof Without Walls," 338-40.
75. See Wood, Radicalism, 174; Murrin, "A Roof Without Walls," 338-40.
76. Benjamin Hichborn, in Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America, ed. Hezekiah Niles (Baltimore: William Ogden Niles, 1822), 47.
77. James Morone, The Democratic Wish: Popular Participation and the Limas of American Government (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 5. The similarity of Wolin's "tending" ideal and Morone's analysis of America's democratic longings is noted in Young, Reconsidering American Liberalism, 305.
78. James Morone, The Democratic Wish: Popular Participation and the Limas of American Government (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 5. The similarity of Wolin's "tending" ideal and Morone's analysis of America's democratic longings is noted in Young, Reconsidering American Liberalism, 305.
79. Virginia Declaration of Rights, in The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters and Other Organic Laws of the United States, 2nd edition, 2 vols., ed. Benjamin Perley Poore (New York: Burt Franklin, 1972), 2:1908. A fine investigation of the devotion of most eighteenth-century Americans to group rather than individual liberty is Shain, The Myth of American Individualism, 241-88.
80. Virginia Declaration of Rights, in The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters and Other Organic Laws of the United States, 2nd edition, 2 vols., ed. Benjamin Perley Poore (New York: Burt Franklin, 1972), 2:1908. A fine investigation of the devotion of most eighteenth-century Americans to group rather than individual liberty is Shain, The Myth of American Individualism, 241-88.
81. Wood, Creation of the American Republic, 162-3 and Radicalism, 188-89, 245.
82. Wood, Creation of the American Republic, 162-3 and Radicalism, 188-89, 245.
83. Farmer, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 2:298.
84. Morone, The Democratic Wish, 55, 58.
85. Thomas Jefferson, in The Adams-Jefferson Letters, 2 vols., ed. Lester J. Cappon (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1971), 2:391.
86. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, ed. William Peden (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1954), 164-65.
87. Thomas Jefferson, in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 20 vols., ed. Albert Ellery Burgh (Washington, DC: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903), 6:521.
88. Matthews, The Radical Politics of Thomas Jefferson, 35.
89. A good discussion of this plan, and also the various capitalist and pre-capitalist elements of Jefferson's thought can be found in Garrett Ward Sheldon, The Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 72-78.
90. David H. Flaherty, "Law and the Enforcement of Morals in Early America," Perspectives in American History 5 (1971), 248. On the spiritual roots of early American democracy and its gradual secularization, see Shain, The Myth of American Individualism, 52-61.
91. David H. Flaherty, "Law and the Enforcement of Morals in Early America," Perspectives in American History 5 (1971), 248. On the spiritual roots of early American democracy and its gradual secularization, see Shain, The Myth of American Individualism, 52-61.
92. Richard Vetterli and Gary Bryner, In Search of the Republic: Public Virtue and the Roots of American Government (Savage: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1987), 205, 208; quote from Cotton Mather, A Christian at His Calling (Boston: B Green and J. Allen, 1701), 38, italics in the original.
93. Richard Vetterli and Gary Bryner, In Search of the Republic: Public Virtue and the Roots of American Government (Savage: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1987), 205, 208; quote from Cotton Mather, A Christian at His Calling (Boston: B Green and J. Allen, 1701), 38, italics in the original.
94. Richard Baxter, A Christian Directory: A Body of Practical Divinity, and Cases of Conscience, 2 vols. (London: Richard Edwards, 1825), 2:583.
95. Herbert J. Storing, What Anti-Federalists Were For (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 23.
96. Massachusetts writer quoted in Clinton Rossiter, Political Thought of the American Revolution (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1963), 204-206; see also A. Singletary, in The Debates of the Several State Conventions, 2:44.
97. Massachusetts writer quoted in Clinton Rossiter, Political Thought of the American Revolution (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1963), 204-206; see also A. Singletary, in The Debates of the Several State Conventions, 2:44.
98. The Federalist, no. 68 [Hamilton], 395.
99. Benjamin Rush, in The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, 15 vols., ed. John Kaminski and Caspare J. Saladino (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), 13:47.
100. Wood, Radicalism, 177, 245 and passim.
101. Writers quoted in Bernard Friedman, "The Shaping of the Radical Consciousness in Provincial New York," Journal of American History 56 (1970), 789.
102. Wood, Radicalism, 332-33.
103. See, for instance, Charles Turner, Due Glory to be Given to God, A Discourse (Boston: T & J Fleet, 1783), 13, and John Warren, An Oration, Delivered July 4th, 1783 (Boston: John Gill, 1783), 20.
104. See, for instance, Charles Turner, Due Glory to be Given to God, A Discourse (Boston: T & J Fleet, 1783), 13, and John Warren, An Oration, Delivered July 4th, 1783 (Boston: John Gill, 1783), 20.
105. Farmer, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 2:224.
106. Wood, Radicalism, 308.
107. The Federalist no. 10 [Madison], 128.
108. Wood, "Interests and Disinterestedness," 73-76.
109. McDonald, Novus Ordo Seclorum, 164-165.
110. Morone, The Democratic Wish, 58-59.
111. The Federalist no. 15 [Hamilton], 146.
112. Morone, The Democratic Wish, 66.
113. Wood, "Interests and Disinterestedness," 93.
114. Agrippa, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 4:81-82.
115. Hamilton, in The Records of the Federal Convention, 1:432.
116. George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796, in The Writings of George Washington, 37 vols., ed. John C. Fitzpatrick (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1931), 35:224
117. Wood, Radicalism, 72, 139-41.
118. McDonald, Novus Ordo Seclorum, 137.
119. Wood, Radicalism, 164.
120. Consider the intendment character of a recent "conservative" call for energetic government programs, in David Brooks, "A Return to National Greatness: A Manifesto for a Lost Creed," The Weekly Standard, 1997 March 3, 16-21; or the tendment style of an equally recent "liberal" argument for local, cooperative service alternatives, in Barbara Ehrenreich, "When Government Gets Mean: Confessions of a Recovering Statist," The Nation, 1997 November 17, 1-3.
121. Consider the intendment character of a recent "conservative" call for energetic government programs, in David Brooks, "A Return to National Greatness: A Manifesto for a Lost Creed," The Weekly Standard, 1997 March 3, 16-21; or the tendment style of an equally recent "liberal" argument for local, cooperative service alternatives, in Barbara Ehrenreich, "When Government Gets Mean: Confessions of a Recovering Statist," The Nation, 1997 November 17, 1-3.
122. For examples of contemporary tendment and intendment thinkers, consider Wendell Berry, esp. Sex, Economy, Freedom and Community (New York: Pantheon Books, 1992) and Michael Lind, esp. The Next American Nation (New York: Free Press, 1995), respectively.
123. For examples of contemporary tendment and intendment thinkers, consider Wendell Berry, esp. Sex, Economy, Freedom and Community (New York: Pantheon Books, 1992) and Michael Lind, esp. The Next American Nation (New York: Free Press, 1995), respectively.
124. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 606.
125. See Franco Venturi, Utopia and Reform in the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 71 and passim.
126. Jefferson, in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 3:319.
127. See Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 503-6 and passim.
128. Wood, Radicalism, 232.
129. See Shain, The Myth of American Individualism, 276-88, and the essays in Covenant in the Nineteenth Century: The Decline of an American Political Tradition, ed. Daniel J. Elazar (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1994). Both Shain and the Elazar collection focus primary on the fate of the Reformed Protestant component in late eighteenth-century American republicanism, but their arguments are relevant to the whole body of thought.
130. See Shain, The Myth of American Individualism, 276-88, and the essays in Covenant in the Nineteenth Century: The Decline of an American Political Tradition, ed. Daniel J. Elazar (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1994). Both Shain and the Elazar collection focus primary on the fate of the Reformed Protestant component in late eighteenth-century American republicanism, but their arguments are relevant to the whole body of thought.
131. Rush quoted in David Freeman Hawke, Benjamin Rush: Revolutionary Gadfly (Indianapolis: University of Indiana Press, 1971), 107; Centinel, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 1:119.
132. Rush quoted in David Freeman Hawke, Benjamin Rush: Revolutionary Gadfly (Indianapolis: University of Indiana Press, 1971), 107; Centinel, in The Complete Anti-Federalist, 1:119.
133. David Ramsay, An Oration on the Advantages of American Independence, 1778, in David Ramsay, 1749-1815: Selections from His Writings, ed. Robert L. Brunhouse (American Philosophical Society, 1965), 183.
134. David Ramsay, An Oration on the Advantages of American Independence, 1778, in David Ramsay, 1749-1815: Selections from His Writings, ed. Robert L. Brunhouse (American Philosophical Society, 1965), 183.
135. Duncan, The Anti-Federalists, xiv-xix.
136. Sheldon S. Wolin, "Montesquieu and Publius: The Crisis of Reason and The Federalist Papers," in The Presence of the Past, 100-119; quote from Federalist no. 9 [Hamilton], 120.
137. Sheldon S. Wolin, "Montesquieu and Publius: The Crisis of Reason and The Federalist Papers," in The Presence of the Past, 100-119; quote from Federalist no. 9 [Hamilton], 120.
138. Wolin, "Montesquieu and Publius," 103.
139. The literature on the contemporary civic republican or communitarian revival is even more voluminous than that on the historiographic liberal-republican debate. A good summary of current arguments for republican community and their connection with the debate over the American revolution and founding, see Robert Booth Fowler, The Dance With Community: The Contemporary Debate in American Political Thought (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991), 63-79.
140. Christopher M. Duncan alluded to this problem with slavery in his otherwise strong defense of what this paper calls the Anti-Federalists's tendment vision in an early article, but dropped the issue out when he incorporated the article into a later book. See Duncan, "Men of a Different Faith: The Anti-Federalist Ideal in Early American Political Thought," Polity 26 (Spring 1994), 403; compare with Duncan, The Anti-Federalists, 162-63.
141. Christopher M. Duncan alluded to this problem with slavery in his otherwise strong defense of what this paper calls the Anti-Federalists's tendment vision in an early article, but dropped the issue out when he incorporated the article into a later book. See Duncan, "Men of a Different Faith: The Anti-Federalist Ideal in Early American Political Thought," Polity 26 (Spring 1994), 403; compare with Duncan, The Anti-Federalists, 162-63.
142. See Ericson, The Shaping of American Liberalism, 75-86.
143. Abraham Lincoln, The Gettysburg Address (1863), in Abraham Lincoln: Speeches and Writings, 2 vols., ed. Don E. Fehrenbacher (New York: Library of America, 1989), 536.
144. The romantic, liberal character of the Gettysburg Address is best analyzed in Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words the Remade America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992); see also Rowland A. Sherrill, "The Americanization of the Covenant," in The Covenant in the Nineteenth Century, 125-42.
145. The romantic, liberal character of the Gettysburg Address is best analyzed in Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words the Remade America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992); see also Rowland A. Sherrill, "The Americanization of the Covenant," in The Covenant in the Nineteenth Century, 125-42.
146. See, for example, Willmoore Kendall, The Conservative Affirmation (New York: Henry Regency, 1963), 252 and passim.
147. Morone, The Democratic Wish, 1.