"Narcissism of the minor differences": What is at issue and What is at stake in the civic humanism question

Polity

Volumn 30, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 1-27

  Horowitz, Asher ^a   Matthews, Richard K ^b  

^a YORK UNIVERSITY   (Canada)

^b LEHIGH UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 8344231544     PISSN: 00323497     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3235318     Document Type: Article

References (80)

1. See Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 41, where he discusses the "Bicentennial Myth" and casually points out that "The problem is this: the stories lawyers tell" have important political consequences. The stories from historians and political scientists, from Ackerman's legal perspective, are insignificant until lawyers start to pay attention and begin to create their own tales. For a few examples see James Gray Pope, "Republican Moments: The Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order," University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 139 (Dec. 1990): 287-368; Mark Tushnet, Red, White, and Blue: A Critical Analysis of Constitutional Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); Cass R. Sunstein, "Interest Groups in American Public Law," Stanford Law Review, 38 (Nov. 1985): 29-87; Suzanna Sherry, "Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in Constitutional Adjudication," Virginia Law Review, 72 (April, 1986): 543-616; and Richard H. Fallon, Jr., "What is Republicanism and Is It Worth Reviving?" Harvard Law Review, 102 (May 1989): 1695-1735.
2. See Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 41, where he discusses the "Bicentennial Myth" and casually points out that "The problem is this: the stories lawyers tell" have important political consequences. The stories from historians and political scientists, from Ackerman's legal perspective, are insignificant until lawyers start to pay attention and begin to create their own tales. For a few examples see James Gray Pope, "Republican Moments: The Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order," University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 139 (Dec. 1990): 287-368; Mark Tushnet, Red, White, and Blue: A Critical Analysis of Constitutional Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); Cass R. Sunstein, "Interest Groups in American Public Law," Stanford Law Review, 38 (Nov. 1985): 29-87; Suzanna Sherry, "Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in Constitutional Adjudication," Virginia Law Review, 72 (April, 1986): 543-616; and Richard H. Fallon, Jr., "What is Republicanism and Is It Worth Reviving?" Harvard Law Review, 102 (May 1989): 1695-1735.
3. See Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 41, where he discusses the "Bicentennial Myth" and casually points out that "The problem is this: the stories lawyers tell" have important political consequences. The stories from historians and political scientists, from Ackerman's legal perspective, are insignificant until lawyers start to pay attention and begin to create their own tales. For a few examples see James Gray Pope, "Republican Moments: The Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order," University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 139 (Dec. 1990): 287-368; Mark Tushnet, Red, White, and Blue: A Critical Analysis of Constitutional Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); Cass R. Sunstein, "Interest Groups in American Public Law," Stanford Law Review, 38 (Nov. 1985): 29-87; Suzanna Sherry, "Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in Constitutional Adjudication," Virginia Law Review, 72 (April, 1986): 543-616; and Richard H. Fallon, Jr., "What is Republicanism and Is It Worth Reviving?" Harvard Law Review, 102 (May 1989): 1695-1735.
4. See Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 41, where he discusses the "Bicentennial Myth" and casually points out that "The problem is this: the stories lawyers tell" have important political consequences. The stories from historians and political scientists, from Ackerman's legal perspective, are insignificant until lawyers start to pay attention and begin to create their own tales. For a few examples see James Gray Pope, "Republican Moments: The Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order," University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 139 (Dec. 1990): 287-368; Mark Tushnet, Red, White, and Blue: A Critical Analysis of Constitutional Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); Cass R. Sunstein, "Interest Groups in American Public Law," Stanford Law Review, 38 (Nov. 1985): 29-87; Suzanna Sherry, "Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in Constitutional Adjudication," Virginia Law Review, 72 (April, 1986): 543-616; and Richard H. Fallon, Jr., "What is Republicanism and Is It Worth Reviving?" Harvard Law Review, 102 (May 1989): 1695-1735.
5. See Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 41, where he discusses the "Bicentennial Myth" and casually points out that "The problem is this: the stories lawyers tell" have important political consequences. The stories from historians and political scientists, from Ackerman's legal perspective, are insignificant until lawyers start to pay attention and begin to create their own tales. For a few examples see James Gray Pope, "Republican Moments: The Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order," University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 139 (Dec. 1990): 287-368; Mark Tushnet, Red, White, and Blue: A Critical Analysis of Constitutional Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); Cass R. Sunstein, "Interest Groups in American Public Law," Stanford Law Review, 38 (Nov. 1985): 29-87; Suzanna Sherry, "Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in Constitutional Adjudication," Virginia Law Review, 72 (April, 1986): 543-616; and Richard H. Fallon, Jr., "What is Republicanism and Is It Worth Reviving?" Harvard Law Review, 102 (May 1989): 1695-1735.
6. See Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 41, where he discusses the "Bicentennial Myth" and casually points out that "The problem is this: the stories lawyers tell" have important political consequences. The stories from historians and political scientists, from Ackerman's legal perspective, are insignificant until lawyers start to pay attention and begin to create their own tales. For a few examples see James Gray Pope, "Republican Moments: The Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order," University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 139 (Dec. 1990): 287-368; Mark Tushnet, Red, White, and Blue: A Critical Analysis of Constitutional Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); Cass R. Sunstein, "Interest Groups in American Public Law," Stanford Law Review, 38 (Nov. 1985): 29-87; Suzanna Sherry, "Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in Constitutional Adjudication," Virginia Law Review, 72 (April, 1986): 543-616; and Richard H. Fallon, Jr., "What is Republicanism and Is It Worth Reviving?" Harvard Law Review, 102 (May 1989): 1695-1735.
7. Robert Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart (London: Hutchinson, 1985). In chapter 2 the authors identify three major strands of culture in the United States: the "biblical," the "republican," and the individualist; the last is further subdivided into a utilitarian and an expressive strain. A good deal of the book laments the progressive weakening of the older "cultures" and their replacement by one or other or both strains of individualism. Again and again the authors call for a rehabilitation of "biblical and republican thought," almost as though these form a solid alliance, if not a unity; see, e.g.,pp. 48, 50, 143, 144, 150, 155, 253-54, 281, 285, 292, 295-96. At one point they go so far as to assert that there are two languages spoken in the U.S., the first and primary language being one of "unencumbered" individualism, and the second a more submerged language of traditions and commitments (p. 154). A little later on it becomes apparent that this second language, which they believe ought again to become the first, is the language of the "civic republican tradition" (p. 251).
8. Gordon Wood, "The fundamentalists and the Constitution," New York Review of Books, Feb. 18, 1988, p. 35; Peter S. Onuf, "Reflections on the Founding," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (April 1989): 341-75; Colin Gordon, "Crafting a Usable Past: Consensus, Ideology and Historians of the American Revolution," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (Oct. 1989): 671-96; Richard K. Matthews, "Liberalism, Civic Humanism, and the American Political Tradition: Understanding Genesis," Journal of Politics, 49 (1987): 1127-53; Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
9. Gordon Wood, "The fundamentalists and the Constitution," New York Review of Books, Feb. 18, 1988, p. 35; Peter S. Onuf, "Reflections on the Founding," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (April 1989): 341-75; Colin Gordon, "Crafting a Usable Past: Consensus, Ideology and Historians of the American Revolution," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (Oct. 1989): 671-96; Richard K. Matthews, "Liberalism, Civic Humanism, and the American Political Tradition: Understanding Genesis," Journal of Politics, 49 (1987): 1127-53; Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
10. Gordon Wood, "The fundamentalists and the Constitution," New York Review of Books, Feb. 18, 1988, p. 35; Peter S. Onuf, "Reflections on the Founding," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (April 1989): 341-75; Colin Gordon, "Crafting a Usable Past: Consensus, Ideology and Historians of the American Revolution," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (Oct. 1989): 671-96; Richard K. Matthews, "Liberalism, Civic Humanism, and the American Political Tradition: Understanding Genesis," Journal of Politics, 49 (1987): 1127-53; Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
11. Gordon Wood, "The fundamentalists and the Constitution," New York Review of Books, Feb. 18, 1988, p. 35; Peter S. Onuf, "Reflections on the Founding," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (April 1989): 341-75; Colin Gordon, "Crafting a Usable Past: Consensus, Ideology and Historians of the American Revolution," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (Oct. 1989): 671-96; Richard K. Matthews, "Liberalism, Civic Humanism, and the American Political Tradition: Understanding Genesis," Journal of Politics, 49 (1987): 1127-53; Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
12. Gordon Wood, "The fundamentalists and the Constitution," New York Review of Books, Feb. 18, 1988, p. 35; Peter S. Onuf, "Reflections on the Founding," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (April 1989): 341-75; Colin Gordon, "Crafting a Usable Past: Consensus, Ideology and Historians of the American Revolution," William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (Oct. 1989): 671-96; Richard K. Matthews, "Liberalism, Civic Humanism, and the American Political Tradition: Understanding Genesis," Journal of Politics, 49 (1987): 1127-53; Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
13. J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975), pp. 543-55, 548.
14. Michael Sandel, Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1996), pp. 5-6. The closest Sandel comes to giving a precise time frame for the transition from republicanism to liberalism appears to be the late nineteenth to early twentieth century: "With the acceptance of wage labor as a permanent condition came a shift in American legal and political discourse from the civic to the voluntarist conception of freedom. . . . It thus marked a decisive moment in America's transition. . . . As the twentieth century began, however, the procedural [liberal] republic was still in formation; the political economy of citizenship had not wholly given way. . ." (p. 200). To support the case for the presence of civic humanism in New England, Sandel relies on Tocqueville's description in his 1835 Democracy in America. A contrasting view of Tocqueville's America based on his 1831 "Fortnight in the Wilderness," where liberalism is everywhere and civic humanism is nowhere to be found, is presented in Richard K. Matthews, "Paradise Lost or Paradise Found? Virtue, Corruption, and Self-interest in Tocqueville's Frontier," in Virtue, Corruption and Self-interest: Political Values in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Richard K. Matthews (Bethlehem: Lehigh University Press, 1994), pp. 297-313.
15. Michael Sandel, Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1996), pp. 5-6. The closest Sandel comes to giving a precise time frame for the transition from republicanism to liberalism appears to be the late nineteenth to early twentieth century: "With the acceptance of wage labor as a permanent condition came a shift in American legal and political discourse from the civic to the voluntarist conception of freedom. . . . It thus marked a decisive moment in America's transition. . . . As the twentieth century began, however, the procedural [liberal] republic was still in formation; the political economy of citizenship had not wholly given way. . ." (p. 200). To support the case for the presence of civic humanism in New England, Sandel relies on Tocqueville's description in his 1835 Democracy in America. A contrasting view of Tocqueville's America based on his 1831 "Fortnight in the Wilderness," where liberalism is everywhere and civic humanism is nowhere to be found, is presented in Richard K. Matthews, "Paradise Lost or Paradise Found? Virtue, Corruption, and Self-interest in Tocqueville's Frontier," in Virtue, Corruption and Self-interest: Political Values in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Richard K. Matthews (Bethlehem: Lehigh University Press, 1994), pp. 297-313.
16. It rarely is a matter of questioning the political character of civic republicanism, of criticizing or defending it as political theory, past or present. Some notable exceptions are Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism; John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), and "Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography," American Historical Review, 90 (June 1985): 614-38; as well as Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (Jan. 1986): 20-34. See also the essays collected in the special issue "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," ed. Joyce Appleby, American Quarterly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-598 and her "What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson?" William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (April 1982): 287-304; and "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic," Journal of American History, 68 (March 1982): 833-49 and Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1780s (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
17. It rarely is a matter of questioning the political character of civic republicanism, of criticizing or defending it as political theory, past or present. Some notable exceptions are Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism; John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), and "Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography," American Historical Review, 90 (June 1985): 614-38; as well as Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (Jan. 1986): 20-34. See also the essays collected in the special issue "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," ed. Joyce Appleby, American Quarterly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-598 and her "What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson?" William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (April 1982): 287-304; and "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic," Journal of American History, 68 (March 1982): 833-49 and Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1780s (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
18. It rarely is a matter of questioning the political character of civic republicanism, of criticizing or defending it as political theory, past or present. Some notable exceptions are Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism; John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), and "Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography," American Historical Review, 90 (June 1985): 614-38; as well as Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (Jan. 1986): 20-34. See also the essays collected in the special issue "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," ed. Joyce Appleby, American Quarterly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-598 and her "What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson?" William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (April 1982): 287-304; and "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic," Journal of American History, 68 (March 1982): 833-49 and Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1780s (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
19. It rarely is a matter of questioning the political character of civic republicanism, of criticizing or defending it as political theory, past or present. Some notable exceptions are Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism; John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), and "Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography," American Historical Review, 90 (June 1985): 614-38; as well as Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (Jan. 1986): 20-34. See also the essays collected in the special issue "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," ed. Joyce Appleby, American Quarterly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-598 and her "What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson?" William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (April 1982): 287-304; and "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic," Journal of American History, 68 (March 1982): 833-49 and Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1780s (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
20. It rarely is a matter of questioning the political character of civic republicanism, of criticizing or defending it as political theory, past or present. Some notable exceptions are Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism; John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), and "Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography," American Historical Review, 90 (June 1985): 614-38; as well as Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (Jan. 1986): 20-34. See also the essays collected in the special issue "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," ed. Joyce Appleby, American Quarterly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-598 and her "What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson?" William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (April 1982): 287-304; and "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic," Journal of American History, 68 (March 1982): 833-49 and Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1780s (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
21. It rarely is a matter of questioning the political character of civic republicanism, of criticizing or defending it as political theory, past or present. Some notable exceptions are Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism; John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), and "Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography," American Historical Review, 90 (June 1985): 614-38; as well as Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (Jan. 1986): 20-34. See also the essays collected in the special issue "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," ed. Joyce Appleby, American Quarterly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-598 and her "What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson?" William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (April 1982): 287-304; and "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic," Journal of American History, 68 (March 1982): 833-49 and Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1780s (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
22. It rarely is a matter of questioning the political character of civic republicanism, of criticizing or defending it as political theory, past or present. Some notable exceptions are Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism; John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), and "Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography," American Historical Review, 90 (June 1985): 614-38; as well as Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (Jan. 1986): 20-34. See also the essays collected in the special issue "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," ed. Joyce Appleby, American Quarterly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-598 and her "What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson?" William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (April 1982): 287-304; and "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic," Journal of American History, 68 (March 1982): 833-49 and Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1780s (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
23. It rarely is a matter of questioning the political character of civic republicanism, of criticizing or defending it as political theory, past or present. Some notable exceptions are Thomas Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism; John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), and "Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography," American Historical Review, 90 (June 1985): 614-38; as well as Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (Jan. 1986): 20-34. See also the essays collected in the special issue "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," ed. Joyce Appleby, American Quarterly, 37 (Fall 1985): 461-598 and her "What is Still American in the Political Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson?" William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (April 1982): 287-304; and "Commercial Farming and the 'Agrarian Myth' in the Early Republic," Journal of American History, 68 (March 1982): 833-49 and Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1780s (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
24. Isaac Kramnick, "Republican Revisionism Revisited," American Historical Review, 87 (June 1982): 629-30.
25. Kramnick, "Republican Revisionism Revisited," p. 661.
26. Appleby, Capitalism, p. ix; and "Republicanism," pp. 461-598.
27. Appleby, Capitalism, p. ix; and "Republicanism," pp. 461-598.
28. Diggins, Lost Soul, is as a result friendlier to the Hartzian interpretation of American political thought than most revisionists or anti-revisionists. See, e.g., pp. 103-04.
29. Thomas Pangle, "The Classical Challenge to the American Constitution," Chicago-Kent Law Review, 24 (1990): 158.
30. Pangle, "Classical Challenge," p. 172.
31. Pangle, Spirit, p. 25-27.
32. Pangle, "Classical Challenge," p. 173.
33. Jack Greene, "The Concept of Virtue in Late Colonial British America," in Richard K. Matthews, ed., Virtue, Corruption and Self-Interest, p. 38.
34. Greene, "Concept of Virtue," p. 48.
35. Isaac Kramnick, "The 'Great National Discussion': The Discourse of Politics in 1787," William and Mary Quarterly, 45 (1988): 4.
36. Kramnick, "The 'Great National Discussion,'" p. 4.
37. Kramnick, "The 'Great National Discussion,'" " p. 12.
38. Forrest McDonald, Novus Ordo Seclorum (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1985), p. viii.
39. J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History: Essays on Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 8-10, 13, 58; see his earlier, even more questionable assertion: "Men cannot do what they have no means of saying they have done; and what they do must in part be what they can say and conceive that it is," in "Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 3 (Summer 1972): 122.
40. J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History: Essays on Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 8-10, 13, 58; see his earlier, even more questionable assertion: "Men cannot do what they have no means of saying they have done; and what they do must in part be what they can say and conceive that it is," in "Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 3 (Summer 1972): 122.
41. James T. Kloppenburg, "The Virtues of Liberalism: Christianity, Republicanism and Ethics in Early American Political Discourse," The Journal of American History, 14 (June 1987): 9.
42. Kramnick, "Discourse of Politics," p. 32.
43. Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America, 2nd ed. (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovitch, 1991), p. 101.
44. Diggins, Lost Soul, p. 105. See his "methodological appendix" for a more detailed critique of the ideology school.
45. For a characterization of "logical types" and the explanatory and logical conundra that result from their conflation, see Gregory Bateson, Mind and Nature: A Necessary Unity (New York: Bantam Books, 1980), esp. pp. 122-35.
46. See H. Mark Roelofs, "The American Polity: A Systematic Ambiguity," Review of Politics, 48 (Summer 1986): 344-45, where he points out that "Pocock's focus, like that of his authorities, chiefly Bailyn . . . and Wood . . . is on the rhetoric of pamphleteers, and not on the detailed provisions of the federal constitution of 1787 or the practical political processes which emanated from its inauguration."
47. See Pocock, "Virtue and Commerce," p. 134, where in a most revealing comment he states: "To a newcomer [himself] during the 1960s, the American psyche, if not the governing structure, suggested less a nation of pragmatic Lockeans than one of tormented saints. The clamor of jeremiads, sick jokes, and enquiries as to what became of the dream at times became deafening and obsessive. And it seemed evident that the eighteenth-century quarrel between virtue and commerce, citizen and government, republic and empire was still going on in the twentieth century, and that historiography and political philosophy were still much involved in it."
48. Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue, 2nd ed. (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984), esp. pp. 262-63.
49. See, e.g., Don Herzog, "Some Questions for Republicans," Political Theory, 14 (1986): 473-93.
50. J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce and History: Essays on Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 7-8.
51. J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, Language, Time: Essays on Political Thought and History (New York: Athenaeum, 1971), p. 23ff.
52. Anthony Giddens, New Rules of Sociological Method (London: Hutchinson, 1976), p. 158.
53. There is a good brief discussion of the historicality of understanding in Richard E. Palmer, Hermeneutics: Interpretation Theory in Schleiermacher, Dilthey, Heidegger and Gadamer (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1969), pp. 176ff. For a recent overview of developments and debates within philosophical hermeneutics, see Brice R. Wachterhauser, ed., Hermeneutics and Modern Philosophy (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986).
54. There is a good brief discussion of the historicality of understanding in Richard E. Palmer, Hermeneutics: Interpretation Theory in Schleiermacher, Dilthey, Heidegger and Gadamer (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1969), pp. 176ff. For a recent overview of developments and debates within philosophical hermeneutics, see Brice R. Wachterhauser, ed., Hermeneutics and Modern Philosophy (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986).
55. Diggins, Lost Soul, p. 10.
56. See Daniel T. Rodgers, "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," The Journal of American History (June 1992): 16, where he suggests that The Machiavellian Moment's difficulty "was so notorious that few actually scaled it. . . . Most American historians . . . confined themselves to the book's last chapter, and still more, . . . stuck with Pocock's earlier essay 'Virtue and Commerce.'" Rodgers distinguishes between the "Harvard Republicanism" of Bailyn and Wood and the "St. Louis Republicanism" of Pocock, Murrin, Banning and McCoy. Finally, he states (p. 24), "Pocock, whose American chapter was second-order reinterpretation of other's research, had scarcely read any primary sources in American history at all."
57. Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1964).
58. Gad Horowitz, Canadian Labour in Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968), p. 4.
59. Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies, pp. 3, 9. Building on de Tocqueville's astute observation in Democracy in America that "born equal" America did not have "to endure a democratic revolution," Hartz insists that his theory of American political-cultural development is a dual-factor analysis of social dynamics: "the absence of feudalism and the presence of the liberal idea." See Hartz, Liberal Tradition, p. 20.
60. Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies, pp. 3, 9. Building on de Tocqueville's astute observation in Democracy in America that "born equal" America did not have "to endure a democratic revolution," Hartz insists that his theory of American political-cultural development is a dual-factor analysis of social dynamics: "the absence of feudalism and the presence of the liberal idea." See Hartz, Liberal Tradition, p. 20.
61. Hartz, New Societies, p. 7. Hartz's theory can account for the presence of a viable socialist movement in Canada and the absence of a similar one in the United States. See Gad Horowitz, "Notes on Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada," Canadian Journal of Political Science, 11 (1978): 383-99 and his Canadian Labour in Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968).
62. Hartz, New Societies, p. 7. Hartz's theory can account for the presence of a viable socialist movement in Canada and the absence of a similar one in the United States. See Gad Horowitz, "Notes on Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada," Canadian Journal of Political Science, 11 (1978): 383-99 and his Canadian Labour in Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968).
63. Hartz, New Societies, p. 7. Hartz's theory can account for the presence of a viable socialist movement in Canada and the absence of a similar one in the United States. See Gad Horowitz, "Notes on Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada," Canadian Journal of Political Science, 11 (1978): 383-99 and his Canadian Labour in Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968).
64. Gordon Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992), p. 6.
65. Hartz, New Societies, p. 44.
66. See Benjamin R. Barber, Jihad versus McWorld (New York: Ballantyne Books, 1995).
67. Diggins, Lost Soul, notes this too, p. 5.
68. See Richard K. Matthews, If Men Were Angels: James Madison and the Heartless Empire of Reason (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995), p. 238.
69. For a fuller exploration of these models as well as others in the history of modern political theory see Asher Horowitz and Gad Horowitz, 'Everywhere they are in Chains': Political Theory from Rousseau to Marx (Toronto: Nelson, 1988). Perhaps Sandel, Democracy's Discontent, could now be added to the list; see pp. 5-6.
70. For a fuller exploration of these models as well as others in the history of modern political theory see Asher Horowitz and Gad Horowitz, 'Everywhere they are in Chains': Political Theory from Rousseau to Marx (Toronto: Nelson, 1988). Perhaps Sandel, Democracy's Discontent, could now be added to the list; see pp. 5-6.
71. Gordon Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969).
72. See, e.g., J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, p. 86.
73. Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, p. 526.
74. Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, p. 525.
75. Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, p. 526.
76. One thinks here of John Adams's platonism, as well as the current followers of Leo Strauss.
77. Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, p. 516.
78. Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, p. 523.
79. Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, pp. 524-25.
80. See A. Horowitz, Rousseau, Nature, and History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987).