Responsible mothers and normal children: Eugenics, nationalism, and welfare in post-revolutionary Mexico, 1920-1940

Journal of Historical Sociology

Volumn 12, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 369-397

  Stern, Alexandra Minna ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0040035047     PISSN: 09521909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-6443.00097     Document Type: Review

References (181)

1. This paper is based on research funded by a Fulbright-Hays Dissertation Fellowship, a Social Science Research Council International Dissertation Research Fellowship, and a University of Chicago Mellon Travel Grant. Several earlier incarnations of this paper were presented at the University of Michigan History of Medicine and Health Colloquium (1998), the Mellon Conference of Latin American History at Harvard University (1998), and the Latin American Studies Workshop at the University of Chicago (1999). I would like to thank all the participants for their insightful comments. I have also benefitted from the knowledge and criticism of three anonymous JHS reviewers, María Teresa Koreck, Marty Pernick, Katherine Bliss, Ricardo Salvatore, Ann Blum, Claudio Lomnitz, Friedrich Katz, Howard Markel, Laura Cházaro, and Laura Súarez.
2. Alfredo M. Saavedra, Eugenesia y Medicina Social (Mexico City, 1934).
3. From 15,160,000 in 1910, Mexico's population dropped to 14,355,000 in 1921. Héctor Aguilar Camin and Lorenzo Meyer, In the Shadow the Mexican Revolution: Contemporary Mexican History, 1910-1989, translated by Luis Alberto Fierro (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993), 71.
4. Aguilar Camin and Meyer, In the Shadow, 72; also see Anthony J. Mazzaferri, Public Health and Social Revolution in Mexico (Ph.D. Dissertation, Kent State University, 1968), esp. chap 8. In the U.S. during the same period this figure was a little over 100 deaths (infant and neonatal) per 1,000 births. See Richard A. Meckel, "Save the Babies": American Public Health Reform and the Prevention of Infant Mortality, 1850-1929 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998 [1990]).
5. Aguilar Camin and Meyer, In the Shadow, 72; also see Anthony J. Mazzaferri, Public Health and Social Revolution in Mexico (Ph.D. Dissertation, Kent State University, 1968), esp. chap 8. In the U.S. during the same period this figure was a little over 100 deaths (infant and neonatal) per 1,000 births. See Richard A. Meckel, "Save the Babies": American Public Health Reform and the Prevention of Infant Mortality, 1850-1929 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998 [1990]).
6. Aguilar Camin and Meyer, In the Shadow, 72; also see Anthony J. Mazzaferri, Public Health and Social Revolution in Mexico (Ph.D. Dissertation, Kent State University, 1968), esp. chap 8. In the U.S. during the same period this figure was a little over 100 deaths (infant and neonatal) per 1,000 births. See Richard A. Meckel, "Save the Babies": American Public Health Reform and the Prevention of Infant Mortality, 1850-1929 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998 [1990]).
7. The leitmotiv of reconstruction frames the historiographical reach and periodization of Alan Knight's insightful article "Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910-1940," Hispanic American Historical Review 74:3 (1994), 393-444.
8. See Aguilar Camin and Meyer, In the Shadow, chap. 3; Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 1994); Enrique Krauze, Reformar desde el origen: Plutarco E. Calles (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1987); Luis Javier Garrido, El Partido de la Revolución Institucionalizada: la Formación del Nuevo Estado en México (1928-1945) 6th ed. (Mexico City: Siglo 21, 1991[1982]).
9. See Aguilar Camin and Meyer, In the Shadow, chap. 3; Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 1994); Enrique Krauze, Reformar desde el origen: Plutarco E. Calles (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1987); Luis Javier Garrido, El Partido de la Revolución Institucionalizada: la Formación del Nuevo Estado en México (1928-1945) 6th ed. (Mexico City: Siglo 21, 1991[1982]).
10. See Aguilar Camin and Meyer, In the Shadow, chap. 3; Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 1994); Enrique Krauze, Reformar desde el origen: Plutarco E. Calles (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1987); Luis Javier Garrido, El Partido de la Revolución Institucionalizada: la Formación del Nuevo Estado en México (1928-1945) 6th ed. (Mexico City: Siglo 21, 1991[1982]).
11. See Aguilar Camin and Meyer, In the Shadow, chap. 3; Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 1994); Enrique Krauze, Reformar desde el origen: Plutarco E. Calles (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1987); Luis Javier Garrido, El Partido de la Revolución Institucionalizada: la Formación del Nuevo Estado en México (1928-1945) 6th ed. (Mexico City: Siglo 21, 1991[1982]).
12. Aguilar Camin and Meyer, In the Shadow, chap. 3.
13. Nancy Leys Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics": Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), 77.
14. José Vasconcelos, La Raza Cósmica: Mision de la Raza Iberoamericana, Argentina y Brasil, 5th ed. (Mexico City: Espasa-Calpe Mexicana, 1977 [1925]). Also see Vasconcelos and Manuel Gamio, Aspects of Mexican Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1926).
15. José Vasconcelos, La Raza Cósmica: Mision de la Raza Iberoamericana, Argentina y Brasil, 5th ed. (Mexico City: Espasa-Calpe Mexicana, 1977 [1925]). Also see Vasconcelos and Manuel Gamio, Aspects of Mexican Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1926).
16. For a fascinating discussion of the role of the "cosmic race" in pan-Mexican politics and culture see J. Jorge Klor de Alva, "The Postcolonization of the (Latin) American Experience: A Reconsideration of 'Colonialism,' 'Postcolonialism,' and 'Mestizaje,'" Gyan Prakash, ed., After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Postcolonial Displacements (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 241-278. See also Suzanne Oboler, Ethnic labels, Latino Lives: Identity and the Politics of (re)presentation in the United States (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Elsewhere I discuss the shifting racial politics of the 1900-1950 period; see Alexandra Minna Stern, "Mestizophilia, Biotypology, and Eugenics in Post-revolutionary Mexico: Towards a History of Science and the State, 1920-1960," Working Paper #4, Mexican Studies Program, Center for Latin American Studies, University of Chicago, 1999. I argue that during the 1920s and 1930s, the popularity of the cult of the mestizo, the inclusionary and universal rhetoric of the 1917 Constitution, and a general rejection of brands of biological determinism which revolved around the superiority of the Nordic or Anglo "race," allowed the logical tensions inherent in the theory of a "cosmic race" to remain largely submerged. Veneration of the mestizo as the ideal citizen characterized state formation throughout much of Latin America in the early twentieth century. See, for example, A. Kim Clark, "Race, 'Culture,' and Mestizaje: The Statistical Construction of the Ecuadorian Nation, 1930-1950," Journal of Historical Sociology 11:2 (June 1998), 185-211.
17. For a fascinating discussion of the role of the "cosmic race" in pan-Mexican politics and culture see J. Jorge Klor de Alva, "The Postcolonization of the (Latin) American Experience: A Reconsideration of 'Colonialism,' 'Postcolonialism,' and 'Mestizaje,'" Gyan Prakash, ed., After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Postcolonial Displacements (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 241-278. See also Suzanne Oboler, Ethnic labels, Latino Lives: Identity and the Politics of (re)presentation in the United States (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Elsewhere I discuss the shifting racial politics of the 1900-1950 period; see Alexandra Minna Stern, "Mestizophilia, Biotypology, and Eugenics in Post-revolutionary Mexico: Towards a History of Science and the State, 1920-1960," Working Paper #4, Mexican Studies Program, Center for Latin American Studies, University of Chicago, 1999. I argue that during the 1920s and 1930s, the popularity of the cult of the mestizo, the inclusionary and universal rhetoric of the 1917 Constitution, and a general rejection of brands of biological determinism which revolved around the superiority of the Nordic or Anglo "race," allowed the logical tensions inherent in the theory of a "cosmic race" to remain largely submerged. Veneration of the mestizo as the ideal citizen characterized state formation throughout much of Latin America in the early twentieth century. See, for example, A. Kim Clark, "Race, 'Culture,' and Mestizaje: The Statistical Construction of the Ecuadorian Nation, 1930-1950," Journal of Historical Sociology 11:2 (June 1998), 185-211.
18. For a fascinating discussion of the role of the "cosmic race" in pan-Mexican politics and culture see J. Jorge Klor de Alva, "The Postcolonization of the (Latin) American Experience: A Reconsideration of 'Colonialism,' 'Postcolonialism,' and 'Mestizaje,'" Gyan Prakash, ed., After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Postcolonial Displacements (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 241-278. See also Suzanne Oboler, Ethnic labels, Latino Lives: Identity and the Politics of (re)presentation in the United States (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Elsewhere I discuss the shifting racial politics of the 1900-1950 period; see Alexandra Minna Stern, "Mestizophilia, Biotypology, and Eugenics in Post-revolutionary Mexico: Towards a History of Science and the State, 1920-1960," Working Paper #4, Mexican Studies Program, Center for Latin American Studies, University of Chicago, 1999. I argue that during the 1920s and 1930s, the popularity of the cult of the mestizo, the inclusionary and universal rhetoric of the 1917 Constitution, and a general rejection of brands of biological determinism which revolved around the superiority of the Nordic or Anglo "race," allowed the logical tensions inherent in the theory of a "cosmic race" to remain largely submerged. Veneration of the mestizo as the ideal citizen characterized state formation throughout much of Latin America in the early twentieth century. See, for example, A. Kim Clark, "Race, 'Culture,' and Mestizaje: The Statistical Construction of the Ecuadorian Nation, 1930-1950," Journal of Historical Sociology 11:2 (June 1998), 185-211.
19. For a fascinating discussion of the role of the "cosmic race" in pan-Mexican politics and culture see J. Jorge Klor de Alva, "The Postcolonization of the (Latin) American Experience: A Reconsideration of 'Colonialism,' 'Postcolonialism,' and 'Mestizaje,'" Gyan Prakash, ed., After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Postcolonial Displacements (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 241-278. See also Suzanne Oboler, Ethnic labels, Latino Lives: Identity and the Politics of (re)presentation in the United States (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Elsewhere I discuss the shifting racial politics of the 1900-1950 period; see Alexandra Minna Stern, "Mestizophilia, Biotypology, and Eugenics in Post-revolutionary Mexico: Towards a History of Science and the State, 1920-1960," Working Paper #4, Mexican Studies Program, Center for Latin American Studies, University of Chicago, 1999. I argue that during the 1920s and 1930s, the popularity of the cult of the mestizo, the inclusionary and universal rhetoric of the 1917 Constitution, and a general rejection of brands of biological determinism which revolved around the superiority of the Nordic or Anglo "race," allowed the logical tensions inherent in the theory of a "cosmic race" to remain largely submerged. Veneration of the mestizo as the ideal citizen characterized state formation throughout much of Latin America in the early twentieth century. See, for example, A. Kim Clark, "Race, 'Culture,' and Mestizaje: The Statistical Construction of the Ecuadorian Nation, 1930-1950," Journal of Historical Sociology 11:2 (June 1998), 185-211.
20. I take the term mestizophilia from Agustín Basave Benítez, México Mestizo: Análists del Nacionalismo Mexicano en Tomo a la Mestizophilia de Andrés Molina Enríquez (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1992).
21. See Stern, "Mestizophilia, Biotypology, and Eugenics in Post-revolutionary Mexico."
22. On the Mexican census see Luis A. Astorga A., "La Razón Demográfica del Estado," Revista Mexicana de Sociología (Jan.-March 1989), 193-210. For an excellent analysis of the census and state formation in Ecuador see Clark, "Race, 'Culture,' and Mestizaje."
23. On the Mexican census see Luis A. Astorga A., "La Razón Demográfica del Estado," Revista Mexicana de Sociología (Jan.-March 1989), 193-210. For an excellent analysis of the census and state formation in Ecuador see Clark, "Race, 'Culture,' and Mestizaje."
24. On Mexico see the original work of Katherine Bliss, "The Science of Redemption: Syphilis, Sexual Promiscuity, and Reformism in Revolutionary Mexico City," Hispanic American Historical Review 79:1 (Feb. 1999), 1-40 as well as her dissertation, "Prostitution, Revolution, and Social Reform in Mexico City, 1918-1940," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1996. Also see the work of Ann S. Blum who has analyzed the circulation of children, infant feeding regimes, and changing notions of motherhood from the 1870s to the 1940s. See her "Public Welfare and Child Circulation, Mexico City, 1877-1925," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 240-271, as well as her "Medicine and Labor: Infant Feeding Regimens in Mexican Public Welfare, 1870-1940," paper presented at the Boston Area Latin American History Workshop, May 5, 1999. Donna Guy's work on gender, the state, and welfare state in Latin America has been path-breaking. See Guy, "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942: Pan Americanism, Child Reform, and the Welfare State in Latin America," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 272-291; Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family, and Nation in Argentina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); and "Mothers Alive and Dead: Multiple Concepts of Mothering in Buenos Aires," in Daniel Balderston and Donna Guy, eds., Sex and Sexuality in Latin America (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 155-173.
25. On Mexico see the original work of Katherine Bliss, "The Science of Redemption: Syphilis, Sexual Promiscuity, and Reformism in Revolutionary Mexico City," Hispanic American Historical Review 79:1 (Feb. 1999), 1-40 as well as her dissertation, "Prostitution, Revolution, and Social Reform in Mexico City, 1918-1940," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1996. Also see the work of Ann S. Blum who has analyzed the circulation of children, infant feeding regimes, and changing notions of motherhood from the 1870s to the 1940s. See her "Public Welfare and Child Circulation, Mexico City, 1877-1925," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 240-271, as well as her "Medicine and Labor: Infant Feeding Regimens in Mexican Public Welfare, 1870-1940," paper presented at the Boston Area Latin American History Workshop, May 5, 1999. Donna Guy's work on gender, the state, and welfare state in Latin America has been path-breaking. See Guy, "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942: Pan Americanism, Child Reform, and the Welfare State in Latin America," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 272-291; Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family, and Nation in Argentina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); and "Mothers Alive and Dead: Multiple Concepts of Mothering in Buenos Aires," in Daniel Balderston and Donna Guy, eds., Sex and Sexuality in Latin America (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 155-173.
26. On Mexico see the original work of Katherine Bliss, "The Science of Redemption: Syphilis, Sexual Promiscuity, and Reformism in Revolutionary Mexico City," Hispanic American Historical Review 79:1 (Feb. 1999), 1-40 as well as her dissertation, "Prostitution, Revolution, and Social Reform in Mexico City, 1918-1940," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1996. Also see the work of Ann S. Blum who has analyzed the circulation of children, infant feeding regimes, and changing notions of motherhood from the 1870s to the 1940s. See her "Public Welfare and Child Circulation, Mexico City, 1877-1925," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 240-271, as well as her "Medicine and Labor: Infant Feeding Regimens in Mexican Public Welfare, 1870-1940," paper presented at the Boston Area Latin American History Workshop, May 5, 1999. Donna Guy's work on gender, the state, and welfare state in Latin America has been path-breaking. See Guy, "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942: Pan Americanism, Child Reform, and the Welfare State in Latin America," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 272-291; Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family, and Nation in Argentina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); and "Mothers Alive and Dead: Multiple Concepts of Mothering in Buenos Aires," in Daniel Balderston and Donna Guy, eds., Sex and Sexuality in Latin America (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 155-173.
27. On Mexico see the original work of Katherine Bliss, "The Science of Redemption: Syphilis, Sexual Promiscuity, and Reformism in Revolutionary Mexico City," Hispanic American Historical Review 79:1 (Feb. 1999), 1-40 as well as her dissertation, "Prostitution, Revolution, and Social Reform in Mexico City, 1918-1940," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1996. Also see the work of Ann S. Blum who has analyzed the circulation of children, infant feeding regimes, and changing notions of motherhood from the 1870s to the 1940s. See her "Public Welfare and Child Circulation, Mexico City, 1877-1925," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 240-271, as well as her "Medicine and Labor: Infant Feeding Regimens in Mexican Public Welfare, 1870-1940," paper presented at the Boston Area Latin American History Workshop, May 5, 1999. Donna Guy's work on gender, the state, and welfare state in Latin America has been path-breaking. See Guy, "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942: Pan Americanism, Child Reform, and the Welfare State in Latin America," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 272-291; Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family, and Nation in Argentina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); and "Mothers Alive and Dead: Multiple Concepts of Mothering in Buenos Aires," in Daniel Balderston and Donna Guy, eds., Sex and Sexuality in Latin America (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 155-173.
28. On Mexico see the original work of Katherine Bliss, "The Science of Redemption: Syphilis, Sexual Promiscuity, and Reformism in Revolutionary Mexico City," Hispanic American Historical Review 79:1 (Feb. 1999), 1-40 as well as her dissertation, "Prostitution, Revolution, and Social Reform in Mexico City, 1918-1940," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1996. Also see the work of Ann S. Blum who has analyzed the circulation of children, infant feeding regimes, and changing notions of motherhood from the 1870s to the 1940s. See her "Public Welfare and Child Circulation, Mexico City, 1877-1925," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 240-271, as well as her "Medicine and Labor: Infant Feeding Regimens in Mexican Public Welfare, 1870-1940," paper presented at the Boston Area Latin American History Workshop, May 5, 1999. Donna Guy's work on gender, the state, and welfare state in Latin America has been path-breaking. See Guy, "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942: Pan Americanism, Child Reform, and the Welfare State in Latin America," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 272-291; Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family, and Nation in Argentina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); and "Mothers Alive and Dead: Multiple Concepts of Mothering in Buenos Aires," in Daniel Balderston and Donna Guy, eds., Sex and Sexuality in Latin America (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 155-173.
29. On Mexico see the original work of Katherine Bliss, "The Science of Redemption: Syphilis, Sexual Promiscuity, and Reformism in Revolutionary Mexico City," Hispanic American Historical Review 79:1 (Feb. 1999), 1-40 as well as her dissertation, "Prostitution, Revolution, and Social Reform in Mexico City, 1918-1940," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1996. Also see the work of Ann S. Blum who has analyzed the circulation of children, infant feeding regimes, and changing notions of motherhood from the 1870s to the 1940s. See her "Public Welfare and Child Circulation, Mexico City, 1877-1925," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 240-271, as well as her "Medicine and Labor: Infant Feeding Regimens in Mexican Public Welfare, 1870-1940," paper presented at the Boston Area Latin American History Workshop, May 5, 1999. Donna Guy's work on gender, the state, and welfare state in Latin America has been path-breaking. See Guy, "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942: Pan Americanism, Child Reform, and the Welfare State in Latin America," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 272-291; Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family, and Nation in Argentina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); and "Mothers Alive and Dead: Multiple Concepts of Mothering in Buenos Aires," in Daniel Balderston and Donna Guy, eds., Sex and Sexuality in Latin America (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 155-173.
30. On Mexico see the original work of Katherine Bliss, "The Science of Redemption: Syphilis, Sexual Promiscuity, and Reformism in Revolutionary Mexico City," Hispanic American Historical Review 79:1 (Feb. 1999), 1-40 as well as her dissertation, "Prostitution, Revolution, and Social Reform in Mexico City, 1918-1940," Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1996. Also see the work of Ann S. Blum who has analyzed the circulation of children, infant feeding regimes, and changing notions of motherhood from the 1870s to the 1940s. See her "Public Welfare and Child Circulation, Mexico City, 1877-1925," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 240-271, as well as her "Medicine and Labor: Infant Feeding Regimens in Mexican Public Welfare, 1870-1940," paper presented at the Boston Area Latin American History Workshop, May 5, 1999. Donna Guy's work on gender, the state, and welfare state in Latin America has been path-breaking. See Guy, "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942: Pan Americanism, Child Reform, and the Welfare State in Latin America," Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), 272-291; Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family, and Nation in Argentina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); and "Mothers Alive and Dead: Multiple Concepts of Mothering in Buenos Aires," in Daniel Balderston and Donna Guy, eds., Sex and Sexuality in Latin America (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 155-173.
31. Dr. Isidro Espinosa de los Reyes, "Apuntes sobre Puericultura Intrauterina," Memoria del Primer Congreso Mexicano del Niño (Mexico City, 1921), 29-33, 29.
32. Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," 78.
33. Domingo F. Ramos, a Cuban eugenicist, defined homiculture as "the science which has as its object the research and application of knowledge concerning the reproduction, conservation and improvement of the human species." See his "Homiculture in its Relations to Eugenics in Cuba," in Scientific Papers of the Second International Congress of Eugenics, Vol. 2, Eugenics in Race and State (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins Co., 1923), 432-434, 432.
34. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
35. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
36. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
37. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
38. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
39. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
40. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
41. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
42. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," chap. 3. The importance of neo-Lamarckism in the U.S. eugenics movement has been downplayed, especially in relation to Progressive-era concerns with child welfare and maternity. For a discussion of the decline of neo-Lamarckism's popularity in the U.S. see Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1983). A rich literature on eugenics in the U.S. exists and is ever-expanding. The two best general works are Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865 to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995) and Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). For an excellent analysis of the complexity of eugenics in the U.S., as well as its relationship to euthanasia, see Martin S. Pernick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). On eugenics in other countries see Mark B. Adams, ed., The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1996); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1990).
43. See Stern, "Mestizophilia, Biotypology, and Eugenics;" as well as Stern, "Unraveling the History of Eugenics in Mexico," The Mendel Newsletter, New Series No. 8 (Jan. 1999), 1-10.
44. See Stern, "Mestizophilia, Biotypology, and Eugenics;" as well as Stern, "Unraveling the History of Eugenics in Mexico," The Mendel Newsletter, New Series No. 8 (Jan. 1999), 1-10.
45. The Mexican Congresses of the Child represented the nationalist dimension of a growing hemispheric child welfare movement. The development of the Pan American Child Congresses, which began in 1916, is astutely explored by Guy in her "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942."
46. No proceedings were published from the Second Mexican Congress of the Child. Detailed accounts of sessions and themes appear in the daily edited by Palavicini, El Universal, from January 1-8, 1923.
47. See J. Joaquín Izquierdo, "Breve Reseña Genealógica de la Familia Izquierdo," Scientific Papers of the Second International Congress of Eugenics, Vol. 1, Eugenics, Genetics, and the Family (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins Co., 1923), 348-373.
48. Hygienic regulations for schools were first promulgated at the Pedagogical Hygiene Congress in 1882 and revised and expanded during the close of the nineteenth century. Medical inspections did not begin, however, until 1896 when the General Direction of Primary Instruction of the Federal District and Territories was created and did not become comprehensive until 1908 when the first school hygiene regulation was passed and the general medical inspection mandated by the Ministry of Public Instruction and Fine Arts. See Anales de Higiene Escolar vol. 1 (July 1911-June 1912) and Untitled Reports, Archivo Histórico de la Secretaría de Educación Pública (hereafter AHSEP), Fondo: Departamento de Psicopedagogía e Higiene (hereafter DPH), Box 5112, Folder 47. The first school hygiene manual appeared in 1910. See Dr. Jose de Jesús González, Higiene Escolar (Leon, 1910).
49. Hygienic regulations for schools were first promulgated at the Pedagogical Hygiene Congress in 1882 and revised and expanded during the close of the nineteenth century. Medical inspections did not begin, however, until 1896 when the General Direction of Primary Instruction of the Federal District and Territories was created and did not become comprehensive until 1908 when the first school hygiene regulation was passed and the general medical inspection mandated by the Ministry of Public Instruction and Fine Arts. See Anales de Higiene Escolar vol. 1 (July 1911-June 1912) and Untitled Reports, Archivo Histórico de la Secretaría de Educación Pública (hereafter AHSEP), Fondo: Departamento de Psicopedagogía e Higiene (hereafter DPH), Box 5112, Folder 47. The first school hygiene manual appeared in 1910. See Dr. Jose de Jesús González, Higiene Escolar (Leon, 1910).
50. Memoria del Primer Congreso, 7-26.
51. Espinosa de los Reyes, "Untitled," Archivo Histórico de la Secretaría de Salubridad y Asistencia (hereafter AHSSA), Fondo: Salubridad Pública (hereafter SP), Sección: Higiene Infantil (hereafter HI), Box 4, Folder 21.
52. "Decreto por el Cual Se Crea el Servicio de Higiene Infantil," AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 4, Folder 22.
53. Espinosa de los Reyes, "Untitled," AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 4, Folder 21, p. 30. Saavedra repeatedly stressed the important connection between knowledge of puericulture and decreasing infant mortality. See Saavedra, "La Natalidad y Mortalidad Infantil en México," Pasteur 7:2:4 (Oct. 1934), 95-96, 107-110.
54. Espinosa de los Reyes, "Untitled," AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 4, Folder 21, p. 30. Saavedra repeatedly stressed the important connection between knowledge of puericulture and decreasing infant mortality. See Saavedra, "La Natalidad y Mortalidad Infantil en México," Pasteur 7:2:4 (Oct. 1934), 95-96, 107-110.
55. Ibid, 34.
56. "Informe de Puericultura," AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 3, Folder 1. For an insightful discussion of the role of visiting nurses in the formation of the Costa Rican liberal state of the 1920s and 1930s see Steven Palmer, "Confinement, Policing, and the Emergence of Social Policy in Costa Rica, 1880-1935" in Ricardo D. Salvatore and Carlos Aguirre, eds., The Birth of the Penitentiary in Latin America: Essays on Criminology, Prison Reform, and Social Control, 1830-1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996), 224-253.
57. "Informe de Puericultura," AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 3, Folder 1. For an insightful discussion of the role of visiting nurses in the formation of the Costa Rican liberal state of the 1920s and 1930s see Steven Palmer, "Confinement, Policing, and the Emergence of Social Policy in Costa Rica, 1880-1935" in Ricardo D. Salvatore and Carlos Aguirre, eds., The Birth of the Penitentiary in Latin America: Essays on Criminology, Prison Reform, and Social Control, 1830-1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996), 224-253.
58. Rafael Carrillo, "Centro de Higiene ' Manuel Domingúez' 4a. Violeta No. 96, Historia," AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 1, Folder 14.
59. See form letter of invitation signed by Espinosa de los Reyes, May 7, 1929, AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 4, Folder 13.
60. Peña authored what appears to be the first tract published by the Mexican Eugenics Society. See her Conceptos Eugénicos, Nuevas Orientaciones: La Enseñanza Sexual y la Religión, Pensamientos de Médicos, Filósofos y Sociólogos Mundiales (Mexico City, 1931).
61. Guy argues that a maternalist concept of the mother-child dyad dominated the Pan American child welfare movement in the first half of the century; after the signing of the 1948 Pan American Children's Code welfare activities became more concerned with both non-governmental social agencies and children themselves. See Guy, "The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916 to 1942."
62. Adrian Correa, "La Eugenesia y su Importancia," Pasteur 9:2:4 (October 1936), 73-76, 74.
63. Rafael Carrillo, "Aspecto Médico Social de la Maternidad Consciente," Revista Mexicana de Puericultura 3:35 (Sep. 1933), 367-378, 369.
64. "Principles que Profesa el Departamento de Salubridad Pública en Favor de la Infancia. Protección a Mujeres y Niños," quoted in José Alvarez Amezquita, Miguel E. Bustamante, Antonio López Picazos, and Francisco Fernández del Castillo, Historia de la Salubridad y de la Asistencia en México, Vol 2, (Mexico City: Secretaria de Salubridad y Asistencia), 385.
65. See Paul Rabinow, ed., Michel Foucault: Ethics, Subjectivity, and Truth (New York: The New Press, 1997), part 1; Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1. An Introduction (New York: Vintage Books, 1980).
66. See Paul Rabinow, ed., Michel Foucault: Ethics, Subjectivity, and Truth (New York: The New Press, 1997), part 1; Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1. An Introduction (New York: Vintage Books, 1980).
67. Victoria de Grazia, How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).
68. The theory of governmentality comes most directly out of the work of Michel Foucault, for whom the term defines both the concrete process of the gradual emergence, since the sixteenth century, of the administrative or bureaucratic state and the often subtle dynamics of power which operate through an interconnected matrix of institutions, discourses, and behaviors. See Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller, eds., The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 102-103.
69. Departamento de Salubridad, "El Niño," AHSSA, SP, Congresos y Convenciones (hereafter CC), Box 15, Folder 8. This manual was part of a package of exhibits child hygienists took to display at the Sixth Panamerican Congress of the Child, held in Santiago, Chile in 1924. See Bliss on the ways in which state physicians conceptualized and monitored working class living space in Mexico City (Bliss, "The Science of Redemption.")
70. Departamento de Salubridad, "El Niño," AHSSA, SP, Congresos y Convenciones (hereafter CC), Box 15, Folder 8. This manual was part of a package of exhibits child hygienists took to display at the Sixth Panamerican Congress of the Child, held in Santiago, Chile in 1924. See Bliss on the ways in which state physicians conceptualized and monitored working class living space in Mexico City (Bliss, "The Science of Redemption.")
71. Programming Notes, AHSEP, Obra de Extension Educativa por Radio (hereafter OEER), Box 9477, Folder 3. The first traces of Saavedra's career, in fact, emerge in the late 1920s, when he was employed as a lecturer (conferencista) by the Public Health Department's Propaganda and Education Section.
72. The nationalization of women unfolded differently than in Italy, however, where fascists "condemned all practices customarily connected with the emancipation of women - from the vote and female participation in the labor force to family planning." (See de Grazia, How Fascism Ruled Women, 2).
73. Dra. Antonio L. Ursúa, "Problema Mental del Niño en la Edad Preescolar," Eugenesia, 2d. series, 2:17 (March 1941), 1-9.
74. See Soto, Emergence, 118.
75. Leonor Martínez de Cervera, "El Eugenismo," Mujer (August 1928), 8.
76. Saavedra, Eugenesia y Medicina Social, 40. On ideas about the dangers of syphilitic men in Victorian England see Mary Spongberg, Feminizing Venereal Disease: The Body of the Prostitute in Nineteenth-Century Medical Discourse (New York: New York University Press, 1997).
77. Saavedra, Eugenesia y Medicina Social, 40. On ideas about the dangers of syphilitic men in Victorian England see Mary Spongberg, Feminizing Venereal Disease: The Body of the Prostitute in Nineteenth-Century Medical Discourse (New York: New York University Press, 1997).
78. Ibid, 42.
79. Ibid, 47.
80. See Shirlene Ann Soto, Emergence of the Modern Mexican Woman: Her Participation in Revolution and Struggle for Equality, 1910-1940 (Denver: Arden Press, 1990). Soto identifies Palavicini as a conservative who nonetheless supported women's suffrage. Viewing his ideas through the lens of eugenics and new doctrines of paternity demonstrates the inapplicability of many of the conventional conservative/progressive categories for explaining post-revolutionary Mexico. Also see Anna Macías, Against all Odds: The Feminist Movement in Mexico to 1940 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982).
81. See Shirlene Ann Soto, Emergence of the Modern Mexican Woman: Her Participation in Revolution and Struggle for Equality, 1910-1940 (Denver: Arden Press, 1990). Soto identifies Palavicini as a conservative who nonetheless supported women's suffrage. Viewing his ideas through the lens of eugenics and new doctrines of paternity demonstrates the inapplicability of many of the conventional conservative/progressive categories for explaining post-revolutionary Mexico. Also see Anna Macías, Against all Odds: The Feminist Movement in Mexico to 1940 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982).
82. Felix F. Palavicini, "La Liberación Feminina," Eurindia 2:2:5 (Sep.-Oct. 1931), 198-203, 199.
83. Jacques Donzelot, The Policing of Families (New York: Pantheon Press, 1979), 89. On maternalist eugenics and child welfare in France see Alisa Klaus, "Every Child a Lion": The Origins of Maternal and Infant Health Policy in the United States and France, 1890-1925 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); also see William H. Schneider, Quality and Quantity: The Quest for Biological Regeneration in Twentieth-Century France (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
84. Jacques Donzelot, The Policing of Families (New York: Pantheon Press, 1979), 89. On maternalist eugenics and child welfare in France see Alisa Klaus, "Every Child a Lion": The Origins of Maternal and Infant Health Policy in the United States and France, 1890-1925 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); also see William H. Schneider, Quality and Quantity: The Quest for Biological Regeneration in Twentieth-Century France (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
85. Jacques Donzelot, The Policing of Families (New York: Pantheon Press, 1979), 89. On maternalist eugenics and child welfare in France see Alisa Klaus, "Every Child a Lion": The Origins of Maternal and Infant Health Policy in the United States and France, 1890-1925 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); also see William H. Schneider, Quality and Quantity: The Quest for Biological Regeneration in Twentieth-Century France (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
86. What Ana María Alonso has perceptively called "rationalizing patriarchy," - the supersession of patrimonial and personalistic forms of male power by juridical codes that simultaneously empowered male and female subjects within the limits of expanding patriarchal liberal state -reaches back to the mid-nineteenth century. See her article "Rationalizing Patriarchy: Gender, Domestic Violence, and Law in Mexico," Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 2:1-2 (Sep. 1995), 29-47. Silvia Arrom has analyzed this gendered rearticulation with respect to citizenship and marriage laws and argues that the 1870 and 1884 Civil Codes increased the power of the state and lessened that of the traditional male patriarch or father/husband. See Silvia M. Arrom, "Changes in Mexican Family Law in the Nineteenth Century: the Civil Codes of 1870 and 1884," Journal of Family History 10:3 (Fall 1985), 305-317.
87. What Ana María Alonso has perceptively called "rationalizing patriarchy," - the supersession of patrimonial and personalistic forms of male power by juridical codes that simultaneously empowered male and female subjects within the limits of expanding patriarchal liberal state - reaches back to the mid-nineteenth century. See her article "Rationalizing Patriarchy: Gender, Domestic Violence, and Law in Mexico," Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 2:1-2 (Sep. 1995), 29-47. Silvia Arrom has analyzed this gendered rearticulation with respect to citizenship and marriage laws and argues that the 1870 and 1884 Civil Codes increased the power of the state and lessened that of the traditional male patriarch or father/husband. See Silvia M. Arrom, "Changes in Mexican Family Law in the Nineteenth Century: the Civil Codes of 1870 and 1884," Journal of Family History 10:3 (Fall 1985), 305-317.
88. Stepan, "In the Hour of Eugenics," 56; "El Feminismo Eugénico," El Diario, December 21, 1911; Macías, Against all Odds. Birth control was hotly debated amongst Mexican eugenicists; its rejection, however, had more to do with pronatalism than residual Catholic beliefs. It should be noted that several women, such as Peña, co-founded the Mexican Eugenics Society and that female physicians were published with fair regularity. Moreover, the Society often found itself pitted against "conservative" Catholic political parties and civic groups which denounced any form of female equality or approaches to citizenship. Saavedra's daughter, who considers herself a feminist and edited a volume of Mexican women's poetry, emphasized in an interview with the author that her father "had done so much to liberate Mexican women." (interview with Aurora Marya Saavedra, October 5, 1997). See Aurora Marya Saavedra Las Divinas Mutantes: Carta de Relación del Itinerario de la Poesía Femenina en México (Mexico City: UNAM, 1996).
89. Stepan, "In the Hour of Eugenics," 56; "El Feminismo Eugénico," El Diario, December 21, 1911; Macías, Against all Odds. Birth control was hotly debated amongst Mexican eugenicists; its rejection, however, had more to do with pronatalism than residual Catholic beliefs. It should be noted that several women, such as Peña, co-founded the Mexican Eugenics Society and that female physicians were published with fair regularity. Moreover, the Society often found itself pitted against "conservative" Catholic political parties and civic groups which denounced any form of female equality or approaches to citizenship. Saavedra's daughter, who considers herself a feminist and edited a volume of Mexican women's poetry, emphasized in an interview with the author that her father "had done so much to liberate Mexican women." (interview with Aurora Marya Saavedra, October 5, 1997). See Aurora Marya Saavedra Las Divinas Mutantes: Carta de Relación del Itinerario de la Poesía Femenina en México (Mexico City: UNAM, 1996).
90. Stepan, "In the Hour of Eugenics," 56; "El Feminismo Eugénico," El Diario, December 21, 1911; Macías, Against all Odds. Birth control was hotly debated amongst Mexican eugenicists; its rejection, however, had more to do with pronatalism than residual Catholic beliefs. It should be noted that several women, such as Peña, co-founded the Mexican Eugenics Society and that female physicians were published with fair regularity. Moreover, the Society often found itself pitted against "conservative" Catholic political parties and civic groups which denounced any form of female equality or approaches to citizenship. Saavedra's daughter, who considers herself a feminist and edited a volume of Mexican women's poetry, emphasized in an interview with the author that her father "had done so much to liberate Mexican women." (interview with Aurora Marya Saavedra, October 5, 1997). See Aurora Marya Saavedra Las Divinas Mutantes: Carta de Relación del Itinerario de la Poesía Femenina en México (Mexico City: UNAM, 1996).
91. Stepan, "In the Hour of Eugenics," 56; "El Feminismo Eugénico," El Diario, December 21, 1911; Macías, Against all Odds. Birth control was hotly debated amongst Mexican eugenicists; its rejection, however, had more to do with pronatalism than residual Catholic beliefs. It should be noted that several women, such as Peña, co-founded the Mexican Eugenics Society and that female physicians were published with fair regularity. Moreover, the Society often found itself pitted against "conservative" Catholic political parties and civic groups which denounced any form of female equality or approaches to citizenship. Saavedra's daughter, who considers herself a feminist and edited a volume of Mexican women's poetry, emphasized in an interview with the author that her father "had done so much to liberate Mexican women." (interview with Aurora Marya Saavedra, October 5, 1997). See Aurora Marya Saavedra Las Divinas Mutantes: Carta de Relación del Itinerario de la Poesía Femenina en México (Mexico City: UNAM, 1996).
92. While the marriage laws focused on regulating heterosexual unions, eugenicists and criminologists were just as concerned with monitoring same-sex acts and pathologizinggay men and lesbians. See Robert Buffington, "Los Jotos: Contested Visions of Homosexuality in Modern Mexico," in Balderston and Guy, Sex and Sexuality in Latin America, 118-132.
93. Amezquita et al, Historia de la Salubridad, vol. 2, 43.
94. Código Sanitario de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. 1st ed. (Mexico City: Herrero Hermanos Sucesores, 1926), 44. Medical certificates first appeared as a requirement for marriage in the U.S. with the passage of the law in Connecticut in 1896 prohibiting the "unfit" from matrimony; by 1914 about 30 states had passed such laws or revamped existing ones. See Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics, 99. Mexico was the first country in Latin America to enact a marriage law; Brazil did not do so until 1934 and Argentina three years later. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," 122-128.
95. Código Sanitario de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. 1st ed. (Mexico City: Herrero Hermanos Sucesores, 1926), 44. Medical certificates first appeared as a requirement for marriage in the U.S. with the passage of the law in Connecticut in 1896 prohibiting the "unfit" from matrimony; by 1914 about 30 states had passed such laws or revamped existing ones. See Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics, 99. Mexico was the first country in Latin America to enact a marriage law; Brazil did not do so until 1934 and Argentina three years later. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," 122-128.
96. Código Sanitario de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. 1st ed. (Mexico City: Herrero Hermanos Sucesores, 1926), 44. Medical certificates first appeared as a requirement for marriage in the U.S. with the passage of the law in Connecticut in 1896 prohibiting the "unfit" from matrimony; by 1914 about 30 states had passed such laws or revamped existing ones. See Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics, 99. Mexico was the first country in Latin America to enact a marriage law; Brazil did not do so until 1934 and Argentina three years later. See Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," 122-128.
97. On the criminalization of venereal diseases and prostitution during the Cárdenas regime see Bliss, "The Science of Redemption," 35-39.
98. Everando Landa, "Condiciones en que Deben Estar los Esposos para Tener Hijos Sanos," Boletín de la Beneficiencia Pública del Distrito Federal 12 (Dec. 1921), 33-38.
99. Theories of atavistic syphilis were not uncommon. Starting in the late nineteenth century, the National Academy of Medicine's official journal, the Gaceta Médica de México, began to carry several articles a year on various aspects of heredo-syphilis. It should also be mentioned that syphilis's peculiar disease cycle - which is characterized by "three consecutive clinical stages, each stage separated by a latent period with no visible signs of infection" - and the fact it can be transmitted transplancentally, probably did much to encourage such theories. See "Syphilis" in Kenneth F. Kiple, ed. The Cambridge World History of Human Disease (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1993), 1025-1033). Also see Allan M. Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Claude Quétel, History of Syphilis, trans. by Judith Braddock and Brian Pike (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); and Elizabeth Lomax, "Infantile Syphilis as an Example of Nineteenth Century Belief in the Inheritance of Acquired Characteristics," Journal of the History of Medicine 34:1 (Jan. 1979), 23-39).
100. Theories of atavistic syphilis were not uncommon. Starting in the late nineteenth century, the National Academy of Medicine's official journal, the Gaceta Médica de México, began to carry several articles a year on various aspects of heredo-syphilis. It should also be mentioned that syphilis's peculiar disease cycle - which is characterized by "three consecutive clinical stages, each stage separated by a latent period with no visible signs of infection" - and the fact it can be transmitted transplancentally, probably did much to encourage such theories. See "Syphilis" in Kenneth F. Kiple, ed. The Cambridge World History of Human Disease (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1993), 1025-1033). Also see Allan M. Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Claude Quétel, History of Syphilis, trans. by Judith Braddock and Brian Pike (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); and Elizabeth Lomax, "Infantile Syphilis as an Example of Nineteenth Century Belief in the Inheritance of Acquired Characteristics," Journal of the History of Medicine 34:1 (Jan. 1979), 23-39).
101. Theories of atavistic syphilis were not uncommon. Starting in the late nineteenth century, the National Academy of Medicine's official journal, the Gaceta Médica de México, began to carry several articles a year on various aspects of heredo-syphilis. It should also be mentioned that syphilis's peculiar disease cycle - which is characterized by "three consecutive clinical stages, each stage separated by a latent period with no visible signs of infection" - and the fact it can be transmitted transplancentally, probably did much to encourage such theories. See "Syphilis" in Kenneth F. Kiple, ed. The Cambridge World History of Human Disease (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1993), 1025-1033). Also see Allan M. Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Claude Quétel, History of Syphilis, trans. by Judith Braddock and Brian Pike (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); and Elizabeth Lomax, "Infantile Syphilis as an Example of Nineteenth Century Belief in the Inheritance of Acquired Characteristics," Journal of the History of Medicine 34:1 (Jan. 1979), 23-39).
102. Theories of atavistic syphilis were not uncommon. Starting in the late nineteenth century, the National Academy of Medicine's official journal, the Gaceta Médica de México, began to carry several articles a year on various aspects of heredo-syphilis. It should also be mentioned that syphilis's peculiar disease cycle - which is characterized by "three consecutive clinical stages, each stage separated by a latent period with no visible signs of infection" - and the fact it can be transmitted transplancentally, probably did much to encourage such theories. See "Syphilis" in Kenneth F. Kiple, ed. The Cambridge World History of Human Disease (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1993), 1025-1033). Also see Allan M. Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Claude Quétel, History of Syphilis, trans. by Judith Braddock and Brian Pike (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); and Elizabeth Lomax, "Infantile Syphilis as an Example of Nineteenth Century Belief in the Inheritance of Acquired Characteristics," Journal of the History of Medicine 34:1 (Jan. 1979), 23-39).
103. Alfredo M. Saavedra, "Sífilis Atávica," Pasteur 3:2:2 (August 1930), 77-80.
104. Memoria de los Trabajos Realizadospor el Departamento de Salubridad Publica, Vol. 2., 1925-28 (Mexico City: Ediciones del DSP, 1928), 257. Bliss analyzes notions of secrecy in terms of transformations of public and private spheres in post-revolutionary Mexico City. See Bliss, "The Science of Redemption." Other slogans included "the medical certificate is the most valuable jewel [a man] can present to his fiancée," "Charlatans can take away your money but not syphilis," and "Don't drink alcoholic beverages; you and the race will degenerate." (See Ibid, 257-258).
105. Memoria de los Trabajos Realizadospor el Departamento de Salubridad Publica, Vol. 2., 1925-28 (Mexico City: Ediciones del DSP, 1928), 257. Bliss analyzes notions of secrecy in terms of transformations of public and private spheres in post-revolutionary Mexico City. See Bliss, "The Science of Redemption." Other slogans included "the medical certificate is the most valuable jewel [a man] can present to his fiancée," "Charlatans can take away your money but not syphilis," and "Don't drink alcoholic beverages; you and the race will degenerate." (See Ibid, 257-258).
106. Memoria de los Trabajos Realizadospor el Departamento de Salubridad Publica, Vol. 2., 1925-28 (Mexico City: Ediciones del DSP, 1928), 257. Bliss analyzes notions of secrecy in terms of transformations of public and private spheres in post-revolutionary Mexico City. See Bliss, "The Science of Redemption." Other slogans included "the medical certificate is the most valuable jewel [a man] can present to his fiancée," "Charlatans can take away your money but not syphilis," and "Don't drink alcoholic beverages; you and the race will degenerate." (See Ibid, 257-258).
107. Memo in letter from Bernando Nuñoz to the Director of the Child Hygiene Service, January 31, 1931, AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 8, Folder 13. As far as I can discern, the overall effect of marriage laws was slight; in the School Hygiene Service's documentation on the "prenuptial campaign" I did find about the names of about 1500 couples who had presented certificates to the Civil Registry. (See AHSSA, SP, HI, Box 9, Folder 1). While some eugenicists argued prenuptial certificates only augmented the problem - by deterring individuals from marriage but not from procreating defective babies -regulations on marriage were generally endorsed.
108. Dr. Manuel González Rivera, ed., Doña Eugenesia y Otros Personajes: Materiales de Educación Higténica Popular (Mexico City, 1943), 14. Also see Alberto Arellano Belloc, Como Enseñar la Puericultura en las Comunidades Rurales de la República (Mexico City, 1936).
109. Dr. Manuel González Rivera, ed., Doña Eugenesia y Otros Personajes: Materiales de Educación Higténica Popular (Mexico City, 1943), 14. Also see Alberto Arellano Belloc, Como Enseñar la Puericultura en las Comunidades Rurales de la República (Mexico City, 1936).
110. As one man attested in the late 1930s, some marriage certificates were obtained through bribery. In a document sent to the Public Health Department's Antl-VD Inspection Service, an anonymous author describes an encounter at the Civil Registry where he was directed to a laboratory advertising Wasserman and Kahn tests. Upon arrival, the physician quoted him a hefty price for the required documents. This author also described a network of coyotes or scalpers who operated on the fringes of the court system selling medical certificates. See Anonymous, "Hasta para Casarse Hay que Pagar Mordida," AHSSA, SP, Inspección Anti-Venérea (hereafter IAV), Box 5, Folder 6.
111. González Rivera, Doña Eugenesia, 21.
112. Ibid, 22.
113. See Cristina Rivera-Garza, "The Masters of the Streets: Bodies, Power and Modernity in Mexico, 1867-1930" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Houston, 1995). Rivera-Garza's dissertation is the first scholarly work to document the emergence of gynecology in Mexico, as well as delineating its connections to state-building and modernity. The first notes and articles on gynecology appeared in the Gaceta Médica in 1877 and increased in number and detail in subsequent decades. Dr. Francisco Fernández del Castillo places the birth of gynecology in Mexico in 1897 when the first successful abdominal hysterectomy was performed at the School of Medicine.
114. See Francisco Fernández del Castillo, Historia de la Academia Nacional de Medicina (Mexico City, 1956), 166-67).
115. Eugenicists also had a strong presence in the National Academy of Medicine, the Medical School, the French-Mexican Medical Association, and in all of Mexico City's hospitals. For much of the 1920s, for example, Genaro Escalona - a member of the Mexican Eugenics Society - directed the country's premier medical institution, the General Hospital. See Dr. Lorenzo Barragan Mercado, Historia del Hospital General de Mexico (Mexico City: Ediciones Lerner, 1968).
116. Untitled Syllabi, Archivo Histórico de la Facultad de Medicina (hereafter AHFM), Escuela Nacional de Medicina (hereafter ENM), Box 206, Folder 9; Box 186, Folder 16; Box 185, Folder 3.
117. AHFM, ENM, Box 264, Folder 1.
118. AHFM, ENM, Box 164, Folder 14; Box 239, Folder 4; Box 206, Folder 9.
119. AHFM, ENM, Box 164, Folder 14.
120. AHFM, ENM, Box 186, Folder 11.
121. Eliseo Ramírez, "El Examen Bacteriológico es Indispensable para Diagnosticar la Naturaleza de los Flujos Vaginales," Gaceta Médica de México 57 (1926), 26-28; El Aparato Genital Femenino (Mexico City: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, 1929).
122. Eliseo Ramírez, "El Examen Bacteriológico es Indispensable para Diagnosticar la Naturaleza de los Flujos Vaginales," Gaceta Médica de México 57 (1926), 26-28; El Aparato Genital Femenino (Mexico City: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, 1929).
123. See his bibliography in Eliseo Ramírez, "Algunos Problemas de Ginecología y de Obstetricia en Relación con la Endocrinología Moderna," Medicina 13: 197 (June 10, 1933), 243-262. For the most part, these appeared in the Gaceta Médica, Medicina, Pasteur and the Revista Mexicana de Puericultura.
124. Rafael Carrillo, "La Inclinación de la Pelvis de la Mujer Mexicana," Revista Mexicana de Puericultura 1:4 (Feb. 1931), 75-86. As with many measurements based on French and U.S. medical studies, Carrillo found that "the inclination of the Mexican pelvis is inferior to that studied by European and North American authors." (Carrillo, "La Inclinación," 85).
125. Rafael Carrillo, "La Inclinación de la Pelvis de la Mujer Mexicana," Revista Mexicana de Puericultura 1:4 (Feb. 1931), 75-86. As with many measurements based on French and U.S. medical studies, Carrillo found that "the inclination of the Mexican pelvis is inferior to that studied by European and North American authors." (Carrillo, "La Inclinación," 85).
126. Stepan, "The Hour of Eugenics," 130. Numerous articles appeared in Eugenesia and Mujer addressing sex education.
127. Rodríguez Cabo, "El Problema Sexual de las Menores Mujeres y su Repercusión en la Delincuencia Juvenil Feminina" in Eugenesia 1:6 (April 1940), 2-9. For an analysis of her comments with regard to prostitution in Mexico see Bliss, "Prostitution, Revolution and Social Reform in Mexico City." Bliss's insightful reading of documents written by prostitutes themselves suggests that they too embraced the doctrine of motherhood and actively called upon the paternal state to assist and redeem them.
128. Rodríguez Cabo, "El Problema Sexual de las Menores Mujeres y su Repercusión en la Delincuencia Juvenil Feminina" in Eugenesia 1:6 (April 1940), 2-9. For an analysis of her comments with regard to prostitution in Mexico see Bliss, "Prostitution, Revolution and Social Reform in Mexico City." Bliss's insightful reading of documents written by prostitutes themselves suggests that they too embraced the doctrine of motherhood and actively called upon the paternal state to assist and redeem them.
129. On the ideas of Ceniceros and Garrido and their role in the formulation of the country's penal codes see Robert Buffington, Forging the Fatherland: Criminality and Citizenship in Modern Mexico (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Arizona, 1994).
130. J. Angel Ceniceros and Luis Garrido, La Delincuencia Infantil (Mexico City: Ediciones Bota, 1936), 78.
131. "Proyecto para la Creación de un Instituto Médico Pedagogico para la Atención de Debiles Mentales," AHSSA, HI, Box 5, Folder 31.
132. Rafael Santamarina, "Conocimiento Actual del Niño Mexicano desde el punto de Vista Médico-Pedagógico" Memoria del Primer Congreso, 264-266.
133. On the importance of education, and specifically the activities of the revamped Ministry of Public Education to post-revolutionarynationalism see the excellent and original monographs of Mary Kay Vaughan. See her The State, Education and Social Class in Mexico, 1880-1928 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982) as well as Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930-1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997). Also see Josefina Vázquez de Knauth, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1970); Ernesto Meneses Morales's voluminous Tendencias Educativas Oficiales en México, 1911-1934 (Mexico City: Centro de Estudios Educativos, 1986) ; Engracia Loyo, "Popular Reactions to the Educational Reforms of Cardenismo" in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin, and William E. French, eds., Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Books, 1994), 247-260; Elsie Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930" in Joseph and Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation, 170-208; Knight, "Popular Culture."
134. On the importance of education, and specifically the activities of the revamped Ministry of Public Education to post-revolutionarynationalism see the excellent and original monographs of Mary Kay Vaughan. See her The State, Education and Social Class in Mexico, 1880-1928 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982) as well as Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930-1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997). Also see Josefina Vázquez de Knauth, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1970); Ernesto Meneses Morales's voluminous Tendencias Educativas Oficiales en México, 1911-1934 (Mexico City: Centro de Estudios Educativos, 1986) ; Engracia Loyo, "Popular Reactions to the Educational Reforms of Cardenismo" in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin, and William E. French, eds., Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Books, 1994), 247-260; Elsie Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930" in Joseph and Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation, 170-208; Knight, "Popular Culture."
135. On the importance of education, and specifically the activities of the revamped Ministry of Public Education to post-revolutionarynationalism see the excellent and original monographs of Mary Kay Vaughan. See her The State, Education and Social Class in Mexico, 1880-1928 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982) as well as Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930-1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997). Also see Josefina Vázquez de Knauth, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1970); Ernesto Meneses Morales's voluminous Tendencias Educativas Oficiales en México, 1911-1934 (Mexico City: Centro de Estudios Educativos, 1986) ; Engracia Loyo, "Popular Reactions to the Educational Reforms of Cardenismo" in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin, and William E. French, eds., Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Books, 1994), 247-260; Elsie Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930" in Joseph and Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation, 170-208; Knight, "Popular Culture."
136. On the importance of education, and specifically the activities of the revamped Ministry of Public Education to post-revolutionarynationalism see the excellent and original monographs of Mary Kay Vaughan. See her The State, Education and Social Class in Mexico, 1880-1928 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982) as well as Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930-1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997). Also see Josefina Vázquez de Knauth, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1970); Ernesto Meneses Morales's voluminous Tendencias Educativas Oficiales en México, 1911-1934 (Mexico City: Centro de Estudios Educativos, 1986) ; Engracia Loyo, "Popular Reactions to the Educational Reforms of Cardenismo" in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin, and William E. French, eds., Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Books, 1994), 247-260; Elsie Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930" in Joseph and Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation, 170-208; Knight, "Popular Culture."
137. On the importance of education, and specifically the activities of the revamped Ministry of Public Education to post-revolutionarynationalism see the excellent and original monographs of Mary Kay Vaughan. See her The State, Education and Social Class in Mexico, 1880-1928 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982) as well as Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930-1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997). Also see Josefina Vázquez de Knauth, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1970); Ernesto Meneses Morales's voluminous Tendencias Educativas Oficiales en México, 1911-1934 (Mexico City: Centro de Estudios Educativos, 1986) ; Engracia Loyo, "Popular Reactions to the Educational Reforms of Cardenismo" in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin, and William E. French, eds., Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Books, 1994), 247-260; Elsie Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930" in Joseph and Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation, 170-208; Knight, "Popular Culture."
138. On the importance of education, and specifically the activities of the revamped Ministry of Public Education to post-revolutionarynationalism see the excellent and original monographs of Mary Kay Vaughan. See her The State, Education and Social Class in Mexico, 1880-1928 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982) as well as Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930-1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997). Also see Josefina Vázquez de Knauth, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1970); Ernesto Meneses Morales's voluminous Tendencias Educativas Oficiales en México, 1911-1934 (Mexico City: Centro de Estudios Educativos, 1986) ; Engracia Loyo, "Popular Reactions to the Educational Reforms of Cardenismo" in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin, and William E. French, eds., Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Books, 1994), 247-260; Elsie Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930" in Joseph and Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation, 170-208; Knight, "Popular Culture."
139. On the importance of education, and specifically the activities of the revamped Ministry of Public Education to post-revolutionarynationalism see the excellent and original monographs of Mary Kay Vaughan. See her The State, Education and Social Class in Mexico, 1880-1928 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982) as well as Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930-1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997). Also see Josefina Vázquez de Knauth, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1970); Ernesto Meneses Morales's voluminous Tendencias Educativas Oficiales en México, 1911-1934 (Mexico City: Centro de Estudios Educativos, 1986) ; Engracia Loyo, "Popular Reactions to the Educational Reforms of Cardenismo" in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin, and William E. French, eds., Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Books, 1994), 247-260; Elsie Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930" in Joseph and Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation, 170-208; Knight, "Popular Culture."
140. Monographs and articles have elucidated the centrality of the Ministry of Public Education to the projects of Presidents Calles and Cárdenas and have analyzed the role of school teachers, cultural brigades, textbooks, secularism and vocational training. Only passing mention has been made of the Department of Psychopedagogy and Hygiene.
141. See Anales de Higiene Escolar vol. 1 (July 1911-June 1912); Untitled Reports, AHSEP, DPH, Box 5112, Folder 47); Jesús González, Higiene Escolar; Amezquita et al., Historia de la Salubridad. vol. 1, chaps. 7 and 8.
142. See Anales de Higiene Escolar vol. 1 (July 1911-June 1912); Untitled Reports, AHSEP, DPH, Box 5112, Folder 47); Jesús González, Higiene Escolar; Amezquita et al., Historia de la Salubridad. vol. 1, chaps. 7 and 8.
143. See Anales de Higiene Escolar vol. 1 (July 1911-June 1912); Untitled Reports, AHSEP, DPH, Box 5112, Folder 47); Jesús González, Higiene Escolar; Amezquita et al., Historia de la Salubridad. vol. 1, chaps. 7 and 8.
144. Dr. Manuel Iturbide y Troncoso, "Organización del Servicio Higiénico Escolar en México" Anales de Higiene, vol. 1, p. 86. Although up until the 1920s Mexican anthropometricians mainly emulated the methods of their French counterparts, it is important to emphasize that the field of anthropometries was itself invented by the founder of modern eugenics, the British naturalist and statistician, Francis Galton. In 1884 he established the world's first anthropometric laboratory at the International Health Exhibition in London where he set out to compile the first comprehensive set of data on of human heredity. (See Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics, 1995), 14). For the use of anthropometric data to support his idea of eugenics, especially "positive eugenics" or better breeding, see Francis Galton, Essays in Eugenics (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1909).
145. Dr. Manuel Iturbide y Troncoso, "Organización del Servicio Higiénico Escolar en México" Anales de Higiene, vol. 1, p. 86. Although up until the 1920s Mexican anthropometricians mainly emulated the methods of their French counterparts, it is important to emphasize that the field of anthropometries was itself invented by the founder of modern eugenics, the British naturalist and statistician, Francis Galton. In 1884 he established the world's first anthropometric laboratory at the International Health Exhibition in London where he set out to compile the first comprehensive set of data on of human heredity. (See Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics, 1995), 14). For the use of anthropometric data to support his idea of eugenics, especially "positive eugenics" or better breeding, see Francis Galton, Essays in Eugenics (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1909).
146. Dr. Manuel Iturbide y Troncoso, "Organización del Servicio Higiénico Escolar en México" Anales de Higiene, vol. 1, p. 86. Although up until the 1920s Mexican anthropometricians mainly emulated the methods of their French counterparts, it is important to emphasize that the field of anthropometries was itself invented by the founder of modern eugenics, the British naturalist and statistician, Francis Galton. In 1884 he established the world's first anthropometric laboratory at the International Health Exhibition in London where he set out to compile the first comprehensive set of data on of human heredity. (See Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics, 1995), 14). For the use of anthropometric data to support his idea of eugenics, especially "positive eugenics" or better breeding, see Francis Galton, Essays in Eugenics (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1909).
147. Dr. Manuel Iturbide y Troncoso, "Informe de los Trabajos Ejecutados por el Servicio Higiénico Escolar durante el Año Fiscal 1909-1910," Anales de Higiene Escolar 1: 2 (Nov. 1911), 127. The first detailed report I have found on anthropometrics in primary schools was written in 1906 by Eugenio Latapi, a school inspector. See AHSEP, DPH, Box 5112, Folder 47.
148. González, Higiene Escolar, 308-311.
149. On Binet and the development of the Binet-Simon and other tests see Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 2d. ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), chap. 5; Paul Davis Chapman, Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 (New York: New York University Press, 1988); on mental retardation in the U.S. see James W. Trent, Inventing the Feeble Mind: A History of Mental Retardation in the United States (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).
150. On Binet and the development of the Binet-Simon and other tests see Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 2d. ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), chap. 5; Paul Davis Chapman, Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 (New York: New York University Press, 1988); on mental retardation in the U.S. see James W. Trent, Inventing the Feeble Mind: A History of Mental Retardation in the United States (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).
151. On Binet and the development of the Binet-Simon and other tests see Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 2d. ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), chap. 5; Paul Davis Chapman, Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 (New York: New York University Press, 1988); on mental retardation in the U.S. see James W. Trent, Inventing the Feeble Mind: A History of Mental Retardation in the United States (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).
152. González, Higiene Escolar, 190.
153. Krauze, Reformar desde el Origen, 124.
154. Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP), Memoria de la SEP (1933), 165.
155. Donzelot, The Policing of Families, 103.
156. A figure of 21,387 was reported in "Sección de Higiene. Estudio Sobre el Desarrollo Mental de Niños Mexicanos," AHSEP, DPH, Box 5119, Folder 78 and 15,535 in Boletín de la SEP, vol. 2, (Feb. 1926), 93-94. Exact figures are difficult to calculate because reports were submitted by several psychometricians and the number of tests administered was much higher than the number of students since one student was often given many or repeated exams.
157. Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994 (1939)), esp. part two, "State Formation and Civilization."
158. Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution," 206; Vaughan also emphasizes the role of tracking and increasing rationalization in the classroom. See Vaughan, The State, Education, chap. 5 where she discusses action pedagogy in the 1920s.
159. Rockwell, "Schools of the Revolution," 206; Vaughan also emphasizes the role of tracking and increasing rationalization in the classroom. See Vaughan, The State, Education, chap. 5 where she discusses action pedagogy in the 1920s.
160. In 1932, 180,673 students were tested (See SEP, Memoria de la SEP (1932), 304); the figure of 93,385 is given by SEP for 1935, but this was after the DPH had been. See SEP, Memoria de la SEP, Vol. 1, (1935), 249-253.
161. In 1932, 180,673 students were tested (See SEP, Memoria de la SEP (1932), 304); the figure of 93,385 is given by SEP for 1935, but this was after the DPH had been. See SEP, Memoria de la SEP, Vol. 1, (1935), 249-253.
162. SEP, "Pruebas Mentales Colectivos [sic] para Realizar una Clasificación Escolar," (Mexico City: Talleres Graficos de la Nación, 1935), AHSEP, DPH, Box 5155, Folder 7.
163. SEP, Memoria de la SEP (1936), 153-163; Memoria de la SEP, Vol. 1, (1935), 249-253.
164. SEP, Memoria de la SEP (1936), 153-163; Memoria de la SEP, Vol. 1, (1935), 249-253.
165. "Proyecto para la Creación de un Instituto Médico Pedagógico para la Atención de Débiles Mentales," AHSSA, HI, Box 5, Folder 31.
166. Roberto Solís Quiroga, "Los Débiles Mentales: Su Importancia Clínica y Social," Memoria del Primer Congreso Mexicano de Pediatría, organizado por la Sociedad Mexicana de Puericultura (Mexico City: Editorial Nipios, 1938), 199-222, 203.
167. Solís Quiroga, "Los Débiles Mentales," 204. For a biological and social explication of Haeckel's theory see Stephen Jay Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977).
168. Solís Quiroga, "Los Débiles Mentales," 204. For a biological and social explication of Haeckel's theory see Stephen Jay Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977).
169. Dr. Ernesto González Tejeda, "Cómo Funciona la Sección Psicológica del Tribunal para Menores," Criminalia 1-12:2 (Oct. 1936), 91-100. Also see Bliss, "Prostitution, Reform, and Revolution."
170. Dr. Ernesto González Tejeda, "Cómo Funciona la Sección Psicológica del Tribunal para Menores," Criminalia 1-12:2 (Oct. 1936), 91-100. Also see Bliss, "Prostitution, Reform, and Revolution."
171. Letters of appointment, Archivo General de la Nación (hereafter AGN), Gobernación (hereafter G), file 2.135.29.39, Box 2, Folder 45.
172. For a history of the juvenile court see Elena Azaola, La Institución Correccional en México: Una Mirada Extraviada (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1990). For an excellent history of criminology see Buffington, Forging the Fatherland.
173. For a history of the juvenile court see Elena Azaola, La Institución Correccional en México: Una Mirada Extraviada (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1990). For an excellent history of criminology see Buffington, Forging the Fatherland.
174. Rafael Santamarina, "Legislación Complementaria de la Prevención Social de la Delincuencia Infantil para la Adaptación y Redención de los Menores Delincuentes," Criminalia 1-12:2 (Oct. 1936), 84-90, 90. The U.S. tests were not introduced in the juvenile courts, probably because in the late 1930s the only such individual test - Santamarina's adaptation of the National Intelligence - was still being recalibrated.
175. Ibid.
176. See Dra. Enelda G. Fox "Finalidades, Organización y Funcionamiento del Departamento de Acción Social y Maternal," Asistencia (Jan. 1942), 15-26; Secretaría de Salubridad y Asistencia, Memoria (1946), 145-155 ; Secretaría de la Asistencia Pública, Informe de Labores presentado al H. Ejecutivo de la Unión por el Dr. Gustavo Baz (Mexico City, 1941), 119-147.
177. See Dra. Enelda G. Fox "Finalidades, Organización y Funcionamiento del Departamento de Acción Social y Maternal," Asistencia (Jan. 1942), 15-26; Secretaría de Salubridad y Asistencia, Memoria (1946), 145-155 ; Secretaría de la Asistencia Pública, Informe de Labores presentado al H. Ejecutivo de la Unión por el Dr. Gustavo Baz (Mexico City, 1941), 119-147.
178. See Dra. Enelda G. Fox "Finalidades, Organización y Funcionamiento del Departamento de Acción Social y Maternal," Asistencia (Jan. 1942), 15-26; Secretaría de Salubridad y Asistencia, Memoria (1946), 145-155 ; Secretaría de la Asistencia Pública, Informe de Labores presentado al H. Ejecutivo de la Unión por el Dr. Gustavo Baz (Mexico City, 1941), 119-147.
179. See Instituto Mexicano de Seguro Social (IMSS), Seguro Social y Asistencia Pública (Mexico City, 1943); also see Dr. Feliciano Sánchez Rios, Tratado de Puericultura (el cuidado del niño sano) 2d. ed. (Mexico City: Publicaciones "Puericultura," 1963).
180. See Instituto Mexicano de Seguro Social (IMSS), Seguro Social y Asistencia Pública (Mexico City, 1943); also see Dr. Feliciano Sánchez Rios, Tratado de Puericultura (el cuidado del niño sano) 2d. ed. (Mexico City: Publicaciones "Puericultura," 1963).
181. "Que es un Consultorio de Salud Hereditaria," Eugenesia 12:115 (Sep. 1951), 5-18.