Organizing against globalization: The case of ATTAC in France

Politics and Society

Volumn 30, Issue 3, 2002, Pages

  Ancelovici, Marcos ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0038792734     PISSN: 00323292     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0032329202030003003     Document Type: Review

References (149)

1. Suzanne Berger, "Globalization and Politics," Annual Review of Political Science 3 (2000): 44.
2. B. Crossette, "Making Room for the Poor in a Global Economy," New York Times, 16 April 2000.
3. For arguments about a cultural backlash, see Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996); and Philip H. Gordon and Sophie Meunier, "Globalization and French Cultural Identity," French Politics, Culture & Society 19, no. 1 (2001): 22-41.
4. For arguments about a cultural backlash, see Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996); and Philip H. Gordon and Sophie Meunier, "Globalization and French Cultural Identity," French Politics, Culture & Society 19, no. 1 (2001):
5. For examples of the application of neoclassical trade models, see Ronald Rogowski, Commerce and Coalitions: How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); and Jeffry A. Frieden, "Invested Interests: The Politics of National Economic Policies in a World of Global Finance," International Organization 45, no. 4 (1991): 425-51. For the countermovement hypothesis, the classic reference is Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Toronto, Farrar & Rinehart, 1944; reprint, Boston: Beacon, 1957). For authors that explicitly or implicitly endorse Polanyi's theory, see, among others, Ethan B. Kapstein, "Workers and the World Economy," Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (May/June 1996): 16-37; Manuel Castells, The Information Age, Vol. 2: The Power of Identity (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1997); and Dani Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far? (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1997).
6. For examples of the application of neoclassical trade models, see Ronald Rogowski, Commerce and Coalitions: How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); and Jeffry A. Frieden, "Invested Interests: The Politics of National Economic Policies in a World of Global Finance," International Organization 45, no. 4 (1991): 425-51. For the countermovement hypothesis, the classic reference is Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Toronto, Farrar & Rinehart, 1944; reprint, Boston: Beacon, 1957). For authors that explicitly or implicitly endorse Polanyi's theory, see, among others, Ethan B. Kapstein, "Workers and the World Economy," Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (May/June 1996): 16-37; Manuel Castells, The Information Age, Vol. 2: The Power of Identity (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1997); and Dani Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far? (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1997).
7. For examples of the application of neoclassical trade models, see Ronald Rogowski, Commerce and Coalitions: How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); and Jeffry A. Frieden, "Invested Interests: The Politics of National Economic Policies in a World of Global Finance," International Organization 45, no. 4 (1991): 425-51. For the countermovement hypothesis, the classic reference is Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Toronto, Farrar & Rinehart, 1944; reprint, Boston: Beacon, 1957). For authors that explicitly or implicitly endorse Polanyi's theory, see, among others, Ethan B. Kapstein, "Workers and the World Economy," Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (May/June 1996): 16-37; Manuel Castells, The Information Age, Vol. 2: The Power of Identity (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1997); and Dani Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far? (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1997).
8. For examples of the application of neoclassical trade models, see Ronald Rogowski, Commerce and Coalitions: How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); and Jeffry A. Frieden, "Invested Interests: The Politics of National Economic Policies in a World of Global Finance," International Organization 45, no. 4 (1991): 425-51. For the countermovement hypothesis, the classic reference is Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Toronto, Farrar & Rinehart, 1944; reprint, Boston: Beacon, 1957). For authors that explicitly or implicitly endorse Polanyi's theory, see, among others, Ethan B. Kapstein, "Workers and the World Economy," Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (May/June 1996): 16-37; Manuel Castells, The Information Age, Vol. 2: The Power of Identity (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1997); and Dani Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far? (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1997).
9. For examples of the application of neoclassical trade models, see Ronald Rogowski, Commerce and Coalitions: How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); and Jeffry A. Frieden, "Invested Interests: The Politics of National Economic Policies in a World of Global Finance," International Organization 45, no. 4 (1991): 425-51. For the countermovement hypothesis, the classic reference is Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Toronto, Farrar & Rinehart, 1944; reprint, Boston: Beacon, 1957). For authors that explicitly or implicitly endorse Polanyi's theory, see, among others, Ethan B. Kapstein, "Workers and the World Economy," Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (May/June 1996): 16-37; Manuel Castells, The Information Age, Vol. 2: The Power of Identity (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1997); and Dani Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far? (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1997).
10. For examples of the application of neoclassical trade models, see Ronald Rogowski, Commerce and Coalitions: How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); and Jeffry A. Frieden, "Invested Interests: The Politics of National Economic Policies in a World of Global Finance," International Organization 45, no. 4 (1991): 425-51. For the countermovement hypothesis, the classic reference is Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Toronto, Farrar & Rinehart, 1944; reprint, Boston: Beacon, 1957). For authors that explicitly or implicitly endorse Polanyi's theory, see, among others, Ethan B. Kapstein, "Workers and the World Economy," Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (May/June 1996): 16-37; Manuel Castells, The Information Age, Vol. 2: The Power of Identity (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1997); and Dani Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far? (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1997).
11. Mark I. Lichbach and Paul Almeida, "Global Order and Local Resistance: The Neoliberal Institutional Trilemma and the Battle of Seattle" (Department of Political Science, University of California, Riverside, February 2002), 11.
12. For a discussion, see Sidney Tarrow, "From Lumping to Splitting: Inside 'Globalization' and 'Resistance,' " in Globalization and Resistance, ed. J. Smith and H. Johnston (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, forthcoming).
13. Ibid., 9. On the importance of studying the causes of collective action rather than assuming the impact of globalization on that action, see Deborah J. Yashar, "Globalization and Collective Action: A Review Essay," Comparative Politics (forthcoming).
14. Ibid., 9. On the importance of studying the causes of collective action rather than assuming the impact of globalization on that action, see Deborah J. Yashar, "Globalization and Collective Action: A Review Essay," Comparative Politics (forthcoming).
15. See Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield, and Ron Pagnucco, eds., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Donatella della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Dieter Rucht, eds., Social Movements in a Globalizing World (New York: St. Martin's, 1999); and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics: Contention and Institutions in International Politics," Annual Review of Political Science 4 (2001): 1-20.
16. See Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield, and Ron Pagnucco, eds., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Donatella della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Dieter Rucht, eds., Social Movements in a Globalizing World (New York: St. Martin's, 1999); and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics: Contention and Institutions in International Politics," Annual Review of Political Science 4 (2001): 1-20.
17. See Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield, and Ron Pagnucco, eds., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Donatella della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Dieter Rucht, eds., Social Movements in a Globalizing World (New York: St. Martin's, 1999); and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics: Contention and Institutions in International Politics," Annual Review of Political Science 4 (2001): 1-20.
18. See Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield, and Ron Pagnucco, eds., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Donatella della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Dieter Rucht, eds., Social Movements in a Globalizing World (New York: St. Martin's, 1999); and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics: Contention and Institutions in International Politics," Annual Review of Political Science 4 (2001): 1-20.
19. See Doug McAdam and William H. Sewell Jr., "It's about Time: Temporality in the Study of Social Movements and Revolutions," in Silence and Voice in the Study of Contentious Politics, ed. R. R. Aminzade et al. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 118-19.
20. Many opponents of globalization dislike the label "antiglobalization" and point out that they are not against globalization as such but against neoliberal or corporate globalization. They stress that this distinguishes them from nationalists. Nonetheless, in this article I will use the term "antiglobalization" because these groups are opposed to globalization as it is taking place today, although they may also support other, alternative forms of globalization.
21. Sondages CSA, "Les Français et la taxe Tobin," retrieved 17 September 2001 from http://www.csa-tmo.fr/fra/dataset/data2001/opi20010912b.htm. The Tobin Tax refers to a tax on capital mobility that was proposed by the late Yale professor and Nobel laureate of economics James Tobin in the 1970s. Although he proposed this tax, Tobin was a Keynesian liberal in favor of free trade. Interestingly enough, those most opposed to the Tobin Tax in France are at the far-Right of the political spectrum, indicating that nationalist opponents of globalization hold different sets of demands.
22. Quoted in Elie Cohen, La Tentation hexagonale: La souveraineté à l'Épreuve de la mondialisation (Paris: Fayard, 1996), 117.
23. See Jill Lovecy, "The End of French Exceptionalism?" West European Politics 22, no. 4 (October 1999): 205-24.
24. A. Beuve-Mery and C. Monnot, "L'OMC devient la cible du combat contre la mondialisation financière," Le Monde, 26 October 1999.
25. Sofres, "Les références idéologiques des Français," retrieved July 2000 from http://www.sofres.fr/etudes/pol/130700_references_r.htm.
26. Sofres, "Les Français et la régulation du capitalisme à l'Heure de la mondialisation," retrieved July 2000 from http://www.sofres.fr/etudes/pol/070700_regulation_n.htm.
27. Eddy Fougier, "Perceptions de la mondialisation en France et aux Etats-Unis," Politique étrangère no. 3 (July-September 2001): 569-85.
28. By "social movement," I mean "collective challenges, based on common purposes and social solidarities, in sustained interaction with elites, opponents, and authorities" Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 2d ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 4.
29. Although political parties are different from social movement organizations, they can nonetheless be related to them through informal networks and participate in protest events, thereby blurring the line between institutionalized and noninstitutionalized politics.
30. Berger, "Globalization and Politics," 58. See also Suzanne Berger, "French Democracy without Borders?" French Politics, Culture & Society (forthcoming).
31. Berger, "Globalization and Politics," 58. See also Suzanne Berger, "French Democracy without Borders?" French Politics, Culture & Society (forthcoming).
32. Sophie Meunier, "France, Globalization and Global Protectionism," Center for European Studies, Harvard University, working paper Series 71, February 2000, 3. However, traditional protectionism is not about to disappear, as President Bush's recent decision to increase tariffs to protect the American steel industry indicates.
33. McAdam and Sewell, "It's about Time," 119
34. Meunier, "France, Globalization and Global Protectionism," 5-6. It should nonetheless be noted that European integration also entails a high level of political integration and thereby opens new paths for regulation.
35. Juppé's reform was related to financial requirements of the Maastricht Treaty and to the establishment of the Euro and directly contradicted the promises made by Chirac a few months earlier during the presidential campaign.
36. Several people talked of strike by proxy (grève par procuration), and the number of people participating in marches (around two million) exceeded by far the number of workers actually on strike (seven hundred thousand). Sophie Béroud, René Mouriaux, and Michel Vakaloulis, Le Mouvement social en France: Essai de sociologie politique (Paris: La Dispute, 1998), 115.
37. David A. Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51, no. 4 (August 1986): 464-81; David A. Snow and Robert D. Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movements across Cultures, ed. B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1988). In spite of its usefulness, the concept of frame suffers from some limitations and is not always clearly distinguished from related concepts such as ideology and discourse. See Robert D. Benford, "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective," Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (November 1997): 409-30; Marc W. Steinberg, "Tilting the Frame: Considerations on Collective Action Framing from a Discursive Turn," Theory and Society 27, no. 6 (December 1998): 845-72; Daniel Cefaï and Danny Trom, eds., Les Formes de l 'Action collective: Mobilisations dans des arène s publiques (Paris: Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 2001).
38. David A. Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51, no. 4 (August 1986): 464-81; David A. Snow and Robert D. Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movements across Cultures, ed. B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1988). In spite of its usefulness, the concept of frame suffers from some limitations and is not always clearly distinguished from related concepts such as ideology and discourse. See Robert D. Benford, "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective," Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (November 1997): 409-30; Marc W. Steinberg, "Tilting the Frame: Considerations on Collective Action Framing from a Discursive Turn," Theory and Society 27, no. 6 (December 1998): 845-72; Daniel Cefaï and Danny Trom, eds., Les Formes de l 'Action collective: Mobilisations dans des arène s publiques (Paris: Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 2001).
39. David A. Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51, no. 4 (August 1986): 464-81; David A. Snow and Robert D. Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movements across Cultures, ed. B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1988). In spite of its usefulness, the concept of frame suffers from some limitations and is not always clearly distinguished from related concepts such as ideology and discourse. See Robert D. Benford, "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective," Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (November 1997): 409-30; Marc W. Steinberg, "Tilting the Frame: Considerations on Collective Action Framing from a Discursive Turn," Theory and Society 27, no. 6 (December 1998): 845-72; Daniel Cefaï and Danny Trom, eds., Les Formes de l 'Action collective: Mobilisations dans des arène s publiques (Paris: Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 2001).
40. David A. Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51, no. 4 (August 1986): 464-81; David A. Snow and Robert D. Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movements across Cultures, ed. B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1988). In spite of its usefulness, the concept of frame suffers from some limitations and is not always clearly distinguished from related concepts such as ideology and discourse. See Robert D. Benford, "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective," Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (November 1997): 409-30; Marc W. Steinberg, "Tilting the Frame: Considerations on Collective Action Framing from a Discursive Turn," Theory and Society 27, no. 6 (December 1998): 845-72; Daniel Cefaï and Danny Trom, eds., Les Formes de l'Action collective: Mobilisations dans des arène s publiques (Paris: Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 2001).
41. David A. Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51, no. 4 (August 1986): 464-81; David A. Snow and Robert D. Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movements across Cultures, ed. B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1988). In spite of its usefulness, the concept of frame suffers from some limitations and is not always clearly distinguished from related concepts such as ideology and discourse. See Robert D. Benford, "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective," Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (November 1997): 409-30; Marc W. Steinberg, "Tilting the Frame: Considerations on Collective Action Framing from a Discursive Turn," Theory and Society 27, no. 6 (December 1998): 845-72; Daniel Cefaï and Danny Trom, eds., Les Formes de l'Action collective: Mobilisations dans des arène s publiques (Paris: Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 2001).
42. Some authors associate this civilization with the welfare state. For example, in a speech he delivered at the Gare de Lyon in Paris during the 1995 strikes, Pierre Bourdieu stated, I am here to express our support for those who have been fighting for three weeks against the destruction of a civilization, associated with the existence of the public service, the Republican equality of rights, rights to education, health, culture, research, arts, and, above all, work. Bourdieu, Contre-feux: Propos pour servir à la résistance contre l'Invasion néo-libérale (Paris: Liber-Raisons d'Agir, 1998), 30. All translations from the French are mine.
43. Jürgen Gerhards and Dieter Rucht, "Mesomobilization: Organizing and Framing in Two Protest Campaigns in West Germany," American Journal of Sociology 98, no. 3 (November 1992): 576.
44. For a discussion of French antiliberalism, see Thierry Leterre, La Gauche et la peur libérale (Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2000).
45. Tarrow, Power in Movement, 122.
46. For an in-depth analysis - although biased in favor of the strikes - of the role of intellectuals during the 1995 strikes, see Julien Duval et al., Le "décembre" des intellectuels français (Paris: Liber-Raisons d'Agir, 1998).
47. David A. Snow and Robert D. Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. A. D. Morris and C. McClurg Mueller (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), 138.
48. The defense of the "public service," which was at the heart of the 1995 strikes and is one of the main - if not the main - symbols invoked by French opponents of globalization, is a powerful reference that cuts across the political spectrum. For example, right before the 1995 strikes, Rally for the Republic leader Philippe Séguin declared in a parliamentary report that the public service is an integral part of French culture. The values that are related to it, such as the solidarity among the French and the different parts of the territory, are at the basis of the social cohesion of our country and of its founding "Republican pact." Frank Borotra, Faut-il défendre le service public?, Rapport d'Information no. 2260 (National Assembly, 6 October 1995), quoted in Cohen, La Tentation hexagonale, 180. See also Alistair Cole, "The Service Public under Stress," West European Politics 22, no. 4 (October 1999): 166-84.
49. The defense of the "public service," which was at the heart of the 1995 strikes and is one of the main - if not the main - symbols invoked by French opponents of globalization, is a powerful reference that cuts across the political spectrum. For example, right before the 1995 strikes, Rally for the Republic leader Philippe Séguin declared in a parliamentary report that the public service is an integral part of French culture. The values that are related to it, such as the solidarity among the French and the different parts of the territory, are at the basis of the social cohesion of our country and of its founding "Republican pact." Frank Borotra, Faut-il défendre le service public?, Rapport d'Information no. 2260 (National Assembly, 6 October 1995), quoted in Cohen, La Tentation hexagonale, 180. See also Alistair Cole, "The Service Public under Stress," West European Politics 22, no. 4 (October 1999): 166-84.
50. The defense of the "public service," which was at the heart of the 1995 strikes and is one of the main - if not the main - symbols invoked by French opponents of globalization, is a powerful reference that cuts across the political spectrum. For example, right before the 1995 strikes, Rally for the Republic leader Philippe Séguin declared in a parliamentary report that the public service is an integral part of French culture. The values that are related to it, such as the solidarity among the French and the different parts of the territory, are at the basis of the social cohesion of our country and of its founding "Republican pact." Frank Borotra, Faut-il défendre le service public?, Rapport d'Information no. 2260 (National Assembly, 6 October 1995), quoted in Cohen, La Tentation hexagonale, 180. See also Alistair Cole, "The Service Public under Stress," West European Politics 22, no. 4 (October 1999): 166-84.
51. In France, it is the opposite claim, namely, that the role of the state should be limited, that sparks controversies and requires a special justification. Except for Démocratie libérale, a small party led by Alain Madelin, not a single French political party dares to openly defend a liberal, promarket and free-trade agenda. Thus, Prime Minister Lionel Jospin triggered a strong public debate when he declared after the Michelin layoffs in 1999 that he would not intervene in this affair and that people should not expect the state to do everything. However, the pressure was strong enough to lead the Socialist Party to propose a law of "social modernization" to tighten the regulation of layoffs.
52. "Frame bridging" refers to "the linkage of two or more ideologically congruent but structurally unconnected frames regarding a particular issue or problem." Snow et al. "Frame Alignment Processes," 467.
53. For a discussion of the corporatist dimension of the opposition to globalization in France, see Jacques Capdevielle, Modernité du corporatisme (Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2000).
54. Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello, Le Nouvel esprit du capitalisme (Paris: Gallimard, 1999), 742, n. 8.
55. See Stephen J. Kobrin, "The MAI and the Clash of Globalizations," Foreign Policy 112 (fall 1998): 97-109.
56. In contrast to the December 1995 strikes, which had been a purely domestic event, this time the mobilization benefited from transnational networks composed of American and Canadian nongovernmental organizations and unions - including among many others, Ralph Nader's Public Citizen, Oxfam, Sierra Club, Amnesty International, Third World Network, the AFL-CIO, and United Steelworkers of America - that had been active in the campaign against the North American Free Trade Agreement and that quickly spread the content of the MAI over the Internet. See Kobrin, "The MAI;" C. de Brie, "Vers une mondialisation de la résistance: Comment l'AMI fut mis en pièces," Le Monde diplomatique, December 1998; and Observatoire de la mondialisation, Lumière sur l'AMI: Le test de Dracula (Paris: L'Esprit frappeur, 1998).
57. Quoted in Observatoire de la mondialisation, Lumière sur l'AMI, 54.
58. Coordination contre l'AMI, "Le Manifeste du 28 Avril 1998," retrieved from http://attac.org.
59. Etats Généraux pour le contrôle citoyen de l'OMC, "Appel pour le contrôle citoyen de l'OMC: L'Internationale du capital triomphe, celle des êtres humains aspire à naître," retrieved from http://www.etats-generaux.ras.eu.org.
60. Doug McAdam, "'Initiator' and 'Spin-off' Movements: Diffusion Processes in Protest Cycles," in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action, ed. M. Traugott (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995).
61. The most prominent associations were Droit au logement (DAL, demanding housing rights), Agir ensemble contre le chômage! (AC!, fighting unemployment), and Droits devant! (DD!, demanding social rights in general). For surveys of these groups, see Cécile Péchu, "Quand les 'Exclus' passent à l'Action: La mobilisation des mal-logés," Politix no. 34 (1996): 114-33; Frédéric Royall, "Protestations collectives d'Une minorité socio-économique en France," French Politics, Culture & Society 18, no. 2 (summer 2000): 69-85; Isabelle Sommier, Les Nouveaux movements contestataires à l'Heure de la mondialisation (Paris: Flammarion, 2001).
62. The most prominent associations were Droit au logement (DAL, demanding housing rights), Agir ensemble contre le chômage! (AC!, fighting unemployment), and Droits devant! (DD!, demanding social rights in general). For surveys of these groups, see Cécile Péchu, "Quand les 'Exclus' passent à l'Action: La mobilisation des mal-logés," Politix no. 34 (1996): 114-33; Frédéric Royall, "Protestations collectives d'Une minorité socio-économique en France," French Politics, Culture & Society 18, no. 2 (summer 2000): 69-85; Isabelle Sommier, Les Nouveaux movements contestataires à l'Heure de la mondialisation (Paris: Flammarion, 2001).
63. The most prominent associations were Droit au logement (DAL, demanding housing rights), Agir ensemble contre le chômage! (AC!, fighting unemployment), and Droits devant! (DD!, demanding social rights in general). For surveys of these groups, see Cécile Péchu, "Quand les 'Exclus' passent à l'Action: La mobilisation des mal-logés," Politix no. 34 (1996): 114-33; Frédéric Royall, "Protestations collectives d'Une minorité socio-économique en France," French Politics, Culture & Society 18, no. 2 (summer 2000): 69-85; Isabelle Sommier, Les Nouveaux movements contestataires à l'Heure de la mondialisation (Paris: Flammarion, 2001).
64. For example, they went from "housing as a workers' right" in the late 1980s to "housing as an individual right" in the early 1990s and finally to "social rights against exclusion" in the mid-1990s; see Péchu, "Quand les 'Exclus' passent."
65. On the idea of "new" citizenship and forms of participation, see Sarah Waters, "New Social Movement Politics in France: The Rise of Civic Forms of Mobilisation," West European Politics 21, no. 3 (July 1998): 170-86; Martine Barthélemy, Associations: Un nouvel âge de la participation? (Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2000).
66. On the idea of "new" citizenship and forms of participation, see Sarah Waters, "New Social Movement Politics in France: The Rise of Civic Forms of Mobilisation," West European Politics 21, no. 3 (July 1998): 170-86; Martine Barthélemy, Associations: Un nouvel âge de la participation? (Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2000).
67. Patrick Hassenteufel, "Pratiques représentatives et construction identitaire: Une approche des coordinations," Revue française de science politique 41, no. 1 (February 1991): 5-27.
68. Charles Tilly, The Contentious French: Four Centuries of Popular Struggle (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1986), 4.
69. Interview with author, 13 March 2002.
70. However, spin-off organizations do not simply adopt existing ideas. As Doug McAdam points out, they are "creative adapters and interpreters." McAdam, "'Initiator' and 'Spin-off' Movements," 229. On multiorganizational fields, see Bert Klandermans, The Social Psychology of Protest (Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1997), chap. 6.
71. I. Ramonet, "Désarmer les marchés," Le Monde diplomatique, December 1997.
72. Association for the Taxation of Financial Transaction for the Aid of Citizens (ATTAC), Tout sur Attac (Paris: Mille et une nuits, 2000), 11.
73. The expression "collective evils" is from J. Craig Jenkins, "Resource Mobilization Theory and the Study of Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 9 (1983): 536.
74. Snow et al. define a "sentiment pool" as an aggregate "of individuals who share common grievances and attributional orientations, but who lack the organizational base for expressing their discontents and for acting in pursuit of their interests." Snow et al. "Frame Alignment Processes," 467.
75. Lichbach and Almeida, "Global Order and Local Resistance," 29.
76. Interview with author, 7 March 2002.
77. ATTAC, "Etat des lieux," December 2001. Legal entities such as unions and civic associations count as one member.
78. Interview with author, 5 December 2000. See also N. Weill, "Ni norme anglo-saxonne ni modèle américain de contestation," Le Monde, 4 June 2000. According to Sylvie Derrien, former coordinator of local committees for ATTAC, about a third of the members are active, in the sense that they regularly attend and participate in events. Interview with author, 5 December 2000.
79. ATTAC, Tout sur Attac, 114-15.
80. Similarly, several American commentators have stressed the low participation of minorities during the anti-World Trade Organization protests in Seattle.
81. It should be noted that in January 2000, ATTAC officially took position in favor of the right to vote of foreigners living in France. See "L'Appel de Morsang," in ATTAC, Agir local, penser global (Paris: Mille et une nuits, 2001), 78.
82. Hanspeter Kriesi et al., New Social Movements in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 14-21. According to Kriesi et al., new social movements emerged in the 1970s and essentially put forward postmaterialist demands (peace, environment, recognition of cultural diversity, minority rights, etc.), as opposed to the redistributive demands of "old" social movements.
83. Donatella della Porta and Mario Diani, Social Movements: An Introduction (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1999), 120-23.
84. On brokerage as a mechanism shaping the dynamics of contention, see Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
85. Although the socialist government of Prime Minister Lionel Jospin has officially rejected the idea of a Tobin Tax (the minister of finance, Laurent Fabius, said it was impossible to implement it for technical reasons), the ATTAC coordination at the National Assembly is dominated by socialists and the coordination at the European parliament is led by a socialist deputy.
86. However, the fact that the Left had won these elections was not necessarily seen as an opportunity by the founders of ATTAC, who depicted their initiative as an alternative to institutional, mainstream politics.
87. ATTAC, "Compte de résultat" (1998, 1999, 2000).
88. Interview with ATTAC'S Web master, Laurent Jesover, 8 March 2002. For a discussion of the role of Internet inside ATTAC, see Flore Trautmann, "Internet au service de la démocratie? Le cas d'ATTAC," Cahiers du Cevipof no. 30, Institute of Political Studies, Paris, 2001.
89. This assessment is based on several months of participant observation in local committees, meetings, and assemblies of ATTAC.
90. Sofres, "Les Français, la politique et la représentation," retrieved September 2000 from http://www.sofres.fr/etudes/pol/130900_ideo_n.htm.
91. Elisabeth Clemens, The People's Lobby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 50, quoted in Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 293.
92. Elisabeth Clemens, The People's Lobby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 50, quoted in Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 293.
93. I call them sister organizations rather than branches because they are completely autonomous and do not receive any funding from ATTAC France.
94. Interview with author, 5 December 2000. ATTAC'S Web site (http://attac.org) offers information in four languages, and some of its documents are translated in thirteen languages. According to its Web master, Laurent Jesover, ATTAC'S Web site gets around 4,000,000 connections from 130 countries per month, about 39,000 documents are down-loaded every day, and more than 80,000 people are subscribed to ATTAC'S weekly e-mail newsletter. Interview with author, 8 March 2002.
95. I am thus suggesting that the Politics against Global Markets frame has become similar to what Snow and Benford call a "master frame." According to them, Master frames are to movement-specific collective action frames as paradigms are to finely tuned theories.... So conceived, master frames can be construed as functioning in a manner analogous to linguistic codes in that they provide a grammar that punctuates and syntactically connects patterns or happenings in the world. Snow and Benford, "Master Frames," 138. For a discussion of the effect of institutionalized ideas, see also Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane, "Ideas and Foreign Policy: An Analytical Framework," in Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions, and Political Change, ed. J. Goldstein and R. O. Keohane (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).
96. I am thus suggesting that the Politics against Global Markets frame has become similar to what Snow and Benford call a "master frame." According to them, Master frames are to movement-specific collective action frames as paradigms are to finely tuned theories.... So conceived, master frames can be construed as functioning in a manner analogous to linguistic codes in that they provide a grammar that punctuates and syntactically connects patterns or happenings in the world. Snow and Benford, "Master Frames," 138. For a discussion of the effect of institutionalized ideas, see also Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane, "Ideas and Foreign Policy: An Analytical Framework," in Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions, and Political Change, ed. J. Goldstein and R. O. Keohane (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).
97. Luc Boltanski, La Souffrance à distance: Morale humanitaire, médias et politique (Paris: Editions Métailié, 1993), 97.
98. Ibid., 98.
99. ATTAC, Tout sur Attac, 16.
100. For a recent critique of the "race-to-the-bottom myth," see Daniel Drezner, "Bottom Feeders," Foreign Policy (November/December 2000): 64-70. See also Elie Cohen's discussion of the reception of the Arthuis Report on "delocalizations" in La Tentation hexagonale, 123-32; Suzanne Berger, "Trade and Identity: The Coming Protectionism?" in Remaking the Hexagone: The New France in the New Europe, ed. G. Flynn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995).
101. For a recent critique of the "race-to-the-bottom myth," see Daniel Drezner, "Bottom Feeders," Foreign Policy (November/December 2000): 64-70. See also Elie Cohen's discussion of the reception of the Arthuis Report on "delocalizations" in La Tentation hexagonale, 123-32; Suzanne Berger, "Trade and Identity: The Coming Protectionism?" in Remaking the Hexagone: The New France in the New Europe, ed. G. Flynn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995).
102. For a recent critique of the "race-to-the-bottom myth," see Daniel Drezner, "Bottom Feeders," Foreign Policy (November/December 2000): 64-70. See also Elie Cohen's discussion of the reception of the Arthuis Report on "delocalizations" in La Tentation hexagonale, 123-32; Suzanne Berger, "Trade and Identity: The Coming Protectionism?" in Remaking the Hexagone: The New France in the New Europe, ed. G. Flynn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995).
103. ATTAC, Tout sur Attac, 30.
104. Bernard Cassen, "Contre la prolifération du commerce international: Inventer ensemble un 'Protectionnisme altruiste'," Le Monde diplomatique, February 2000.
105. Bernard Cassen, "To Save Society" (paper presented at the conference "Is Globalisation Inevitable and Desirable?" at the London School of Economics, 7 May 1997).
106. ATTAC, Tout sur Attac, 88.
107. Ibid., 96.
108. Susan George, in S. George and M. Wolf, La Mondialisation libérale (Paris: Grasset/Les Echos, 2002), 25.
109. Bernard Cassen, "Contre la prolifération."
110. Albert O. Hirschman, ed., "Rival Views of Market Society," in Rival Views of Market Society and Other Recent Essays (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986), 110.
111. ATTAC. Tout sur Attac, 22.
112. Ibid., 25.
113. Ibid., 24-25.
114. ATTAC, Les Paradis fiscaux ou la finance sans lois (Paris: Mille et une nuits, 2000), 39-40, 43-44.
115. ATTAC, Tout sur Attac, 18.
116. Ibid., 70.
117. Ibid., 54-58.
118. ATTAC, Remettre l'OMC à sa place (Paris: Mille et une nuits, 2001), 93-98.
119. My definition is a paraphrase of Jonah Levy's definition of associational liberalism. As defined by Levy, associational liberalism "combines a liberal aversion to the dirigiste state with a countervailing faith in the coordinating capacities of societal and local associations." Joseph Levy, Tocqueville's Revenge: State, Economy, and Society in Contemporary France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 8.
120. Cassen, "To Save Society."
121. This categorization is inspired by Levy, Tocqueville's Revenge, 79.
122. For a discussion of statism in the twentieth century, see Richard F. Kuisel, Capitalism and the State in Modern France (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
123. Levy, Tocqueville's Revenge, 79.
124. Chris Howell, "The Dilemmas of Post-Fordism: Socialists, Flexibility, and Labor Market Deregulation in France," Politics & Society 20, no. 1 (March 1992): 81-82.
125. Levy, Tocqueville's Revenge.
126. On the New Left, see Suzanne Berger, "Politics and Antipolitics in Western Europe in the Seventies," Daedalus 108, no. 1 (winter 1979): 27-50; Claus Offe, "Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics: Social Movements since the 1960s," in Changing Boundaries of the Political: Essays on the Evolving Balance between the State and Society, Public and Private in Europe, ed. C. S. Maier (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Russel J. Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds., Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 1990); Herbert Kitschelt, "Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democratic Theory," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 528 (July 1993): 13-29.
127. On the New Left, see Suzanne Berger, "Politics and Antipolitics in Western Europe in the Seventies," Daedalus 108, no. 1 (winter 1979): 27-50; Claus Offe, "Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics: Social Movements since the 1960s," in Changing Boundaries of the Political: Essays on the Evolving Balance between the State and Society, Public and Private in Europe, ed. C. S. Maier (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Russel J. Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds., Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 1990); Herbert Kitschelt, "Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democratic Theory," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 528 (July 1993): 13-29.
128. On the New Left, see Suzanne Berger, "Politics and Antipolitics in Western Europe in the Seventies," Daedalus 108, no. 1 (winter 1979): 27-50; Claus Offe, "Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics: Social Movements since the 1960s," in Changing Boundaries of the Political: Essays on the Evolving Balance between the State and Society, Public and Private in Europe, ed. C. S. Maier (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Russel J. Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds., Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 1990); Herbert Kitschelt, "Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democratic Theory," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 528 (July 1993): 13-29.
129. On the New Left, see Suzanne Berger, "Politics and Antipolitics in Western Europe in the Seventies," Daedalus 108, no. 1 (winter 1979): 27-50; Claus Offe, "Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics: Social Movements since the 1960s," in Changing Boundaries of the Political: Essays on the Evolving Balance between the State and Society, Public and Private in Europe, ed. C. S. Maier (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Russel J. Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds., Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 1990); Herbert Kitschelt, "Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democratic Theory," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 528 (July 1993): 13-29.
130. For an overview of the evolution of the French Left during the 1970s and the 1980s, see George Ross, "The Changing Face of Popular Power in France," in Labor Parties in Postindustrial Societies, ed. F. Fox Piven (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).
131. Marcel Gauchet, " 1995: Les voies secrètes de la société libérale," Le Débat no. 111 (September/October 2000): 121-36; Pierre Rosanvallon, "L'Esprit de 1995," Le Débat no. 111 (September/October 2000): 118-20.
132. Marcel Gauchet, " 1995: Les voies secrètes de la société libérale," Le Débat no. 111 (September/October 2000): 121-36; Pierre Rosanvallon, "L'Esprit de 1995," Le Débat no. 111 (September/October 2000): 118-20.
133. ATTAC is also one of the main organizers, together with the Brazilian Workers' Party, of the annual World Social Forum that met in Porto Alegre in 2001 and 2002.
134. Gordon and Meunier, "Globalization and French Cultural Identity," 37. Gordon and Meunier were not talking about ATTAC or associational statism but about the French reaction against globalization in general.
135. See della Porta and Diani, Social Movements, 80.
136. Ibid., 81.
137. C. Monnot, "Divergences au sein de la 'Nébuleuse' anti-OMC," Le Monde, 26 October 1999.
138. Glyn Ford and Harlem Désir, "Near Victory in the European Parliament," Tobin Tax Initiative, Center for Environmental Economic Development, retrieved from http://www.ceedweb.org/iirp/euronear.htm.
139. Bernard Cassen, "Pour la reconquête du sens des mots," in ATTAC, ed., Contre la dictature des marchés (Paris: La Dispute/Syllepse/VO Editions, 1999), 141. "Newspeak" (novlang in French) refers to the new language invented by Big Brother in George Orwell's 1984.
140. ATTAC, "Avec ATTAC se réapproprier l'Avenir," 2002 Manifesto (Paris: ATTAC, 2002), 1.
141. Sidney Tarrow, "Contentious Politics in a Composite Polity," in Contentious Europeans: Protest and Politics in an Emerging Polity, ed. D. Imig and S. Tarrow (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 247.
142. Interview with Christophe Ventura, international office secretary of ATTAC, 5 December 2000.
143. Lichbach and Almeida, "Global Order and Local Resistance," 43.
144. In early December 2000, the prefecture of Alpes-Maritimes, in southeast France, sealed the border with Italy to prevent Italian activists from participating in the protest against the European Union (EU) summit in Nice. A similar dynamic took place in January 2001 during the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, at the Canadian border in April 2001 during the Quebec summit, at the Italian border in July 2001 during the Genoa 08 summit, and at the Spanish border in March 2002 during the Barcelona EU summit. This increasingly common practice is accompanied by a criminalization of antiglobalization protests, as a growing number of protesters are arrested and intelligence about organizations is centralized in European agencies. For example, the EU council of ministers has been discussing the possibility of extending the Schengen information system based in Strasbourg, France, so as to include a list of individuals known for having caused a "public order disturbance" or likely to organize and participate in events "threatening public order or security" and prevent them from travelling within Europe. Although the plan would officially aim at violent demonstrators, hooligans, and terrorists, and not at peaceful and lawful protesters, it has raised the concern of nongovernmental organizations monitoring civil liberties. A. Travis and I. Black, "Violent Protesters Face EU Travel Ban," The Guardian, 4 December 2001.
145. Tarrow, Power in Movement, 187.
146. Sidney Tarrow, "The Europeanisation of Conflict: Reflections from a Social Movement Perspective," West European Politics 18, no. 2 (April 1995): 223-51; Doug Imig and Sidney Tarrow, "Political Contention in a Europeanising Polity," West European Politics 23, no. 4 (October 2000): 73-93.
147. Sidney Tarrow, "The Europeanisation of Conflict: Reflections from a Social Movement Perspective," West European Politics 18, no. 2 (April 1995): 223-51; Doug Imig and Sidney Tarrow, "Political Contention in a Europeanising Polity," West European Politics 23, no. 4 (October 2000): 73-93.
148. On diffusion processes, see McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention. 334-35.
149. On globalization and varieties of capitalism, see Suzanne Berger and