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Volumn 300, Issue 5626, 2003, Pages 1755-1758

The neural basis of economic decision-making in the Ultimatum Game

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH; BRAIN; CELLS; COGNITIVE SYSTEMS; DECISION MAKING; ECONOMICS; MAGNETIC RESONANCE IMAGING;

EID: 0038179332     PISSN: 00368075     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1126/science.1082976     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (2416)

References (36)
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    • for Ultimatum Game research in simple societies
    • See J. Henrich et al. [Am. Econ. Rev. 91, 73 (2001)] for Ultimatum Game research in simple societies.
    • (2001) Am. Econ. Rev. , vol.91 , pp. 73
    • Henrich, J.1
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    • note
    • We use the term "cognitive" here, in place of the term "rational" (as commonly used in the traditional economic literature), in recognition of the fact that emotional responses may also have a rational basis (e.g., to punish unfair offers). The term "cognitive" is perhaps also problematic, for similar reasons. Terms such as "proximal" and "distal" may be more accurate, respectively indicating the immediate and longer-term sources of gain associated with the behavior. However, until the field converges on a new set of accepted terms for designating these classes of motivation, we use the terms cognitive and emotional as intuitively accessible, if not technically accurate.
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    • Materials and methods are available as supporting material on Science Online
    • Materials and methods are available as supporting material on Science Online.
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    • note
    • This methodology deviates somewhat from the standards of experimental economics, a field that generally proscribes the use of deception [see (34) for a summary of the issues, though there are some exceptions (35)]. We chose to use a limited amount of deception in the current study primarily because of the heavy logistic demands of an fMRI study, requiring a full distribution of offers in a constrained number of participants. Practical issues not-withstanding, we believe the use of deception had little if any impact on our results, and any effect was not likely to confound their interpretation. During the post-experiment debriefing, no subject gave any suggestion that they had been suspicious of the offers they received. Further, the behavioral results in the human partner condition replicate those found in versions of the game using no deception, with approximately half of offers of 20% of less of the total being rejected (9). Perhaps most importantly, if subjects suspected deception, this should have diminished emotional responses (i.e., if subjects suspected the offers to be fictitious, their emotional reactions to these offers, particularly unfair offers, should have been muted). The fact that we observed significant effects consistent with emotional responses suggests, once again, that the effects of deception were minimal and, if they were present, have simply caused an underestimate of the observed effects. Although we are sensitive to the issue of deception, we believe that the methodological constraints of fMRI justified our practice and that the findings do not appear to be tainted by subjects' possible perceptions of the deception used.
  • 15
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    • note
    • A common concern regarding the use of deception involves possible contamination of the participant pool. As mentioned previously, rejection rates in the current study replicate those typically reported from uncontrolled Ultimatum Game studies; therefore, we do not believe we suffered unduly from this. Furthermore, a comparison of rejection rates over the course of the experiment (i.e., longitudinally over participants) indicates no systematic trends in these rates (mean rejection rate of offers for first six participants was 32%; mean rate for last six participants was 35%).
  • 16
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    • note
    • After the conclusion of the Ultimatum Game with all partners, subjects then played a single round of the Prisoner's Dilemma (PD) game with each of the partners. This raises the possibility that subjects did not treat the Ultimatum Game as a true single-shot game. We do not believe playing the PD game affected their play in the Ultimatum Game in this study for several reasons. First, our behavioral results support the notion that the Ultimatum Game was played as a single-shot game. As noted above, the proportion of rejected offers in our study matches proportions reported in the experimental economic literature when the game is strictly controlled as single-shot. We would have expected much higher rejection rates in an iterated Ultimatum Game. Second, unpublished data of ours using a single-shot Ultimatum Game (with no subsequent task) produced rejection rates of unfair offers that are virtually identical to those reported here ($8:$2 split, 47% versus 49%; $9: $1 split, 61% versus 60%). We believe this evidence strongly suggests that subjects treated the Ultimatum Game as a single-shot game, as instructed.
  • 17
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    • note
    • We asked our participants as part of the debriefing process what they considered a "fair" offer to be irrespective of their decision to accept or reject, thus providing an indication of their standards of fairness. Of our participants, 58% considered any offer less than $5:$5 as unfair, with the remaining 42% deeming anything less than $7:$3 to be an unfair division.
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    • note
    • We would like to thank D. Kahneman, A. Scheres, and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. This work was supported in part by grants from the Seaver Institute and the Mind, Brain, Body, and Health Initiative.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.