"As near as practicable": Precision, ambiguity, and the social features of industrial quality control

Technology and Culture

Volumn 42, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 51-80

  Slaton, Amy ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0035625354     PISSN: 0040165X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (187)

1. Anson Marston, speech to Southwest Power Conference, 7 September 1931, typescript, n.p., box 9, Anson Marston Papers, Iowa State University Archives; Charles B. Dudley, "The Testing Engineer," Proceedings of the Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education (hereafter PSPEE) 13 (1906): 249; J. A. L Waddell, "Some Important Questions in Engineering Education," PSPEE 23 (1915): 215.
2. Anson Marston, speech to Southwest Power Conference, 7 September 1931, typescript, n.p., box 9, Anson Marston Papers, Iowa State University Archives; Charles B. Dudley, "The Testing Engineer," Proceedings of the Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education (hereafter PSPEE) 13 (1906): 249; J. A. L Waddell, "Some Important Questions in Engineering Education," PSPEE 23 (1915): 215.
3. "Engineering Alumni Reports" 1911-1914, Alumni Files, University of Pennsylvania Archives (hereafter UPA); C. S. Nichols, "Some Statistics of the Iowa State College Engineering Graduates," Iowa Engineer 11 (1911): 333-45; Anson Marston, "What Does the Engineering College Expect of the Construction Industry?" talk before the Construction Division of the American Society of Civil Engineers, 20 January 1927, typescript, n.p., box 5, Marston Papers; Ernest McCollough, Engineering as a Vocation (New York, 1912), 18-35, 112-13; Leonard C. Wason,"The Problems of the Contractor," Proceedings of the American Concrete Institute (hereafter PACI) 11 (1914): 369-84.
4. "Engineering Alumni Reports" 1911-1914, Alumni Files, University of Pennsylvania Archives (hereafter UPA); C. S. Nichols, "Some Statistics of the Iowa State College Engineering Graduates," Iowa Engineer 11 (1911): 333-45; Anson Marston, "What Does the Engineering College Expect of the Construction Industry?" talk before the Construction Division of the American Society of Civil Engineers, 20 January 1927, typescript, n.p., box 5, Marston Papers; Ernest McCollough, Engineering as a Vocation (New York, 1912), 18-35, 112-13; Leonard C. Wason,"The Problems of the Contractor," Proceedings of the American Concrete Institute (hereafter PACI) 11 (1914): 369-84.
5. "Engineering Alumni Reports" 1911-1914, Alumni Files, University of Pennsylvania Archives (hereafter UPA); C. S. Nichols, "Some Statistics of the Iowa State College Engineering Graduates," Iowa Engineer 11 (1911): 333-45; Anson Marston, "What Does the Engineering College Expect of the Construction Industry?" talk before the Construction Division of the American Society of Civil Engineers, 20 January 1927, typescript, n.p., box 5, Marston Papers; Ernest McCollough, Engineering as a Vocation (New York, 1912), 18-35, 112-13; Leonard C. Wason,"The Problems of the Contractor," Proceedings of the American Concrete Institute (hereafter PACI) 11 (1914): 369-84.
6. "Engineering Alumni Reports" 1911-1914, Alumni Files, University of Pennsylvania Archives (hereafter UPA); C. S. Nichols, "Some Statistics of the Iowa State College Engineering Graduates," Iowa Engineer 11 (1911): 333-45; Anson Marston, "What Does the Engineering College Expect of the Construction Industry?" talk before the Construction Division of the American Society of Civil Engineers, 20 January 1927, typescript, n.p., box 5, Marston Papers; Ernest McCollough, Engineering as a Vocation (New York, 1912), 18-35, 112-13; Leonard C. Wason,"The Problems of the Contractor," Proceedings of the American Concrete Institute (hereafter PACI) 11 (1914): 369-84.
7. "Engineering Alumni Reports" 1911-1914, Alumni Files, University of Pennsylvania Archives (hereafter UPA); C. S. Nichols, "Some Statistics of the Iowa State College Engineering Graduates," Iowa Engineer 11 (1911): 333-45; Anson Marston, "What Does the Engineering College Expect of the Construction Industry?" talk before the Construction Division of the American Society of Civil Engineers, 20 January 1927, typescript, n.p., box 5, Marston Papers; Ernest McCollough, Engineering as a Vocation (New York, 1912), 18-35, 112-13; Leonard C. Wason,"The Problems of the Contractor," Proceedings of the American Concrete Institute (hereafter PACI) 11 (1914): 369-84.
8. "The American Society for Testing Materials: Its Purpose and Work," Index to ASTM Standards and Tentative Specifications (Philadelphia, 1935), 5-11; David C. Mowery and Nathan Rosenberg, Technology and the Pursuit of Economic Growth (New York, 1989), esp. 35-58; Thomas J. Misa, A Nation of Steel: The Making of Modern America, 1865-1925 (Baltimore, 1995).
9. "The American Society for Testing Materials: Its Purpose and Work," Index to ASTM Standards and Tentative Specifications (Philadelphia, 1935), 5-11; David C. Mowery and Nathan Rosenberg, Technology and the Pursuit of Economic Growth (New York, 1989), esp. 35-58; Thomas J. Misa, A Nation of Steel: The Making of Modern America, 1865-1925 (Baltimore, 1995).
10. "The American Society for Testing Materials: Its Purpose and Work," Index to ASTM Standards and Tentative Specifications (Philadelphia, 1935), 5-11; David C. Mowery and Nathan Rosenberg, Technology and the Pursuit of Economic Growth (New York, 1989), esp. 35-58; Thomas J. Misa, A Nation of Steel: The Making of Modern America, 1865-1925 (Baltimore, 1995).
11. Despite its persistence as a managerial tool and topic of prescriptive literature, science-based quality control has received little attention from historians of business, labor, and technology. This article therefore draws on a diverse body of scholarship. A telling account of the occupational considerations of materials scientists in the early 1900s, and of the impact of those concerns on standards and testing and inspection methods, can be found in Bruce Seely, Building the American Highway System (Philadelphia, 1987). On the use of scientific investigation for the control of routine production problems, see David Noble, America By Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York, 1977), 69-83; Bruce Sinclair, A Centennial History of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1880-1980 (Toronto, 1980), 55-57, 146-57; Virginia P. Dawson, "Knowledge is Power: E. G. Bailey and the Invention and Marketing of the Bailey Boiler Meter," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 493-526; and Scott Gabriel Knowles, "Consumers Unions and the Consumer Product Testing Movement, 1960-1985" (paper delivered at Annual Meeting of the Society for the History of Technology, Munich, August 2000). David Hounshell's From the American System to Mass Production, 1800 to 1932 (Baltimore, 1984) describes some early approaches to industrial quality control and provides helpful details. For a valuable survey of the economic role of standards in industrial quality control, see Samuel Krislov, How Nations Choose Standards and Standards Change Nations (Pittsburgh, 1997). Krislov also undertakes an analysis of ideological features of modern standardization movements but misses the broader social impacts of these enterprises (43-49).
12. Despite its persistence as a managerial tool and topic of prescriptive literature, science-based quality control has received little attention from historians of business, labor, and technology. This article therefore draws on a diverse body of scholarship. A telling account of the occupational considerations of materials scientists in the early 1900s, and of the impact of those concerns on standards and testing and inspection methods, can be found in Bruce Seely, Building the American Highway System (Philadelphia, 1987). On the use of scientific investigation for the control of routine production problems, see David Noble, America By Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York, 1977), 69-83; Bruce Sinclair, A Centennial History of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1880-1980 (Toronto, 1980), 55-57, 146-57; Virginia P. Dawson, "Knowledge is Power: E. G. Bailey and the Invention and Marketing of the Bailey Boiler Meter," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 493-526; and Scott Gabriel Knowles, "Consumers Unions and the Consumer Product Testing Movement, 1960-1985" (paper delivered at Annual Meeting of the Society for the History of Technology, Munich, August 2000). David Hounshell's From the American System to Mass Production, 1800 to 1932 (Baltimore, 1984) describes some early approaches to industrial quality control and provides helpful details. For a valuable survey of the economic role of standards in industrial quality control, see Samuel Krislov, How Nations Choose Standards and Standards Change Nations (Pittsburgh, 1997). Krislov also undertakes an analysis of ideological features of modern standardization movements but misses the broader social impacts of these enterprises (43-49).
13. Despite its persistence as a managerial tool and topic of prescriptive literature, science-based quality control has received little attention from historians of business, labor, and technology. This article therefore draws on a diverse body of scholarship. A telling account of the occupational considerations of materials scientists in the early 1900s, and of the impact of those concerns on standards and testing and inspection methods, can be found in Bruce Seely, Building the American Highway System (Philadelphia, 1987). On the use of scientific investigation for the control of routine production problems, see David Noble, America By Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York, 1977), 69-83; Bruce Sinclair, A Centennial History of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1880-1980 (Toronto, 1980), 55-57, 146-57; Virginia P. Dawson, "Knowledge is Power: E. G. Bailey and the Invention and Marketing of the Bailey Boiler Meter," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 493-526; and Scott Gabriel Knowles, "Consumers Unions and the Consumer Product Testing Movement, 1960-1985" (paper delivered at Annual Meeting of the Society for the History of Technology, Munich, August 2000). David Hounshell's From the American System to Mass Production, 1800 to 1932 (Baltimore, 1984) describes some early approaches to industrial quality control and provides helpful details. For a valuable survey of the economic role of standards in industrial quality control, see Samuel Krislov, How Nations Choose Standards and Standards Change Nations (Pittsburgh, 1997). Krislov also undertakes an analysis of ideological features of modern standardization movements but misses the broader social impacts of these enterprises (43-49).
14. Despite its persistence as a managerial tool and topic of prescriptive literature, science-based quality control has received little attention from historians of business, labor, and technology. This article therefore draws on a diverse body of scholarship. A telling account of the occupational considerations of materials scientists in the early 1900s, and of the impact of those concerns on standards and testing and inspection methods, can be found in Bruce Seely, Building the American Highway System (Philadelphia, 1987). On the use of scientific investigation for the control of routine production problems, see David Noble, America By Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York, 1977), 69-83; Bruce Sinclair, A Centennial History of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1880-1980 (Toronto, 1980), 55-57, 146-57; Virginia P. Dawson, "Knowledge is Power: E. G. Bailey and the Invention and Marketing of the Bailey Boiler Meter," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 493-526; and Scott Gabriel Knowles, "Consumers Unions and the Consumer Product Testing Movement, 1960-1985" (paper delivered at Annual Meeting of the Society for the History of Technology, Munich, August 2000). David Hounshell's From the American System to Mass Production, 1800 to 1932 (Baltimore, 1984) describes some early approaches to industrial quality control and provides helpful details. For a valuable survey of the economic role of standards in industrial quality control, see Samuel Krislov, How Nations Choose Standards and Standards Change Nations (Pittsburgh, 1997). Krislov also undertakes an analysis of ideological features of modern standardization movements but misses the broader social impacts of these enterprises (43-49).
15. Despite its persistence as a managerial tool and topic of prescriptive literature, science-based quality control has received little attention from historians of business, labor, and technology. This article therefore draws on a diverse body of scholarship. A telling account of the occupational considerations of materials scientists in the early 1900s, and of the impact of those concerns on standards and testing and inspection methods, can be found in Bruce Seely, Building the American Highway System (Philadelphia, 1987). On the use of scientific investigation for the control of routine production problems, see David Noble, America By Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York, 1977), 69-83; Bruce Sinclair, A Centennial History of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1880-1980 (Toronto, 1980), 55-57, 146-57; Virginia P. Dawson, "Knowledge is Power: E. G. Bailey and the Invention and Marketing of the Bailey Boiler Meter," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 493-526; and Scott Gabriel Knowles, "Consumers Unions and the Consumer Product Testing Movement, 1960-1985" (paper delivered at Annual Meeting of the Society for the History of Technology, Munich, August 2000). David Hounshell's From the American System to Mass Production, 1800 to 1932 (Baltimore, 1984) describes some early approaches to industrial quality control and provides helpful details. For a valuable survey of the economic role of standards in industrial quality control, see Samuel Krislov, How Nations Choose Standards and Standards Change Nations (Pittsburgh, 1997). Krislov also undertakes an analysis of ideological features of modern standardization movements but misses the broader social impacts of these enterprises (43-49).
16. Despite its persistence as a managerial tool and topic of prescriptive literature, science-based quality control has received little attention from historians of business, labor, and technology. This article therefore draws on a diverse body of scholarship. A telling account of the occupational considerations of materials scientists in the early 1900s, and of the impact of those concerns on standards and testing and inspection methods, can be found in Bruce Seely, Building the American Highway System (Philadelphia, 1987). On the use of scientific investigation for the control of routine production problems, see David Noble, America By Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York, 1977), 69-83; Bruce Sinclair, A Centennial History of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1880-1980 (Toronto, 1980), 55-57, 146-57; Virginia P. Dawson, "Knowledge is Power: E. G. Bailey and the Invention and Marketing of the Bailey Boiler Meter," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 493-526; and Scott Gabriel Knowles, "Consumers Unions and the Consumer Product Testing Movement, 1960-1985" (paper delivered at Annual Meeting of the Society for the History of Technology, Munich, August 2000). David Hounshell's From the American System to Mass Production, 1800 to 1932 (Baltimore, 1984) describes some early approaches to industrial quality control and provides helpful details. For a valuable survey of the economic role of standards in industrial quality control, see Samuel Krislov, How Nations Choose Standards and Standards Change Nations (Pittsburgh, 1997). Krislov also undertakes an analysis of ideological features of modern standardization movements but misses the broader social impacts of these enterprises (43-49).
17. Despite its persistence as a managerial tool and topic of prescriptive literature, science-based quality control has received little attention from historians of business, labor, and technology. This article therefore draws on a diverse body of scholarship. A telling account of the occupational considerations of materials scientists in the early 1900s, and of the impact of those concerns on standards and testing and inspection methods, can be found in Bruce Seely, Building the American Highway System (Philadelphia, 1987). On the use of scientific investigation for the control of routine production problems, see David Noble, America By Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York, 1977), 69-83; Bruce Sinclair, A Centennial History of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1880-1980 (Toronto, 1980), 55-57, 146-57; Virginia P. Dawson, "Knowledge is Power: E. G. Bailey and the Invention and Marketing of the Bailey Boiler Meter," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 493-526; and Scott Gabriel Knowles, "Consumers Unions and the Consumer Product Testing Movement, 1960-1985" (paper delivered at Annual Meeting of the Society for the History of Technology, Munich, August 2000). David Hounshell's From the American System to Mass Production, 1800 to 1932 (Baltimore, 1984) describes some early approaches to industrial quality control and provides helpful details. For a valuable survey of the economic role of standards in industrial quality control, see Samuel Krislov, How Nations Choose Standards and Standards Change Nations (Pittsburgh, 1997). Krislov also undertakes an analysis of ideological features of modern standardization movements but misses the broader social impacts of these enterprises (43-49).
18. Typical of hiring patterns in turn-of-the-century industries and government bodies are those represented in alumni records of the University of Pennsylvania School of Engineering. The career paths of graduates commonly show employment as "inspector" or "testing engineer" for five to ten years after graduation, followed by managerial and consulting positions; see "Engineering Alumni Reports," 1911-1914, Alumni Files, UPA. Employers often wrote to engineering faculty requesting the names of students they might hire for inspection positions; General Correspondence Files, Towne Scientific School 1900-1920, UPD 2.2, UPA. Engineers without college degrees found employment in engineering, architectural, and manufacturing firms on the level of "low-grade" draftsmen (that is, primarily in tracing and finishing drawings, not in designing or supervisory capacities). In new and relatively high-technology fields, such as electrical and chemical engineering, still fewer nongraduate engineers found employment; see McCollough, 42-43. See also Amy Slaton, Reinforced Concrete and the Modernization of American Building, 1900-1930 (Baltimore, 2001), chaps. 1-2.
19. Typical of hiring patterns in turn-of-the-century industries and government bodies are those represented in alumni records of the University of Pennsylvania School of Engineering. The career paths of graduates commonly show employment as "inspector" or "testing engineer" for five to ten years after graduation, followed by managerial and consulting positions; see "Engineering Alumni Reports," 1911-1914, Alumni Files, UPA. Employers often wrote to engineering faculty requesting the names of students they might hire for inspection positions; General Correspondence Files, Towne Scientific School 1900-1920, UPD 2.2, UPA. Engineers without college degrees found employment in engineering, architectural, and manufacturing firms on the level of "low-grade" draftsmen (that is, primarily in tracing and finishing drawings, not in designing or supervisory capacities). In new and relatively high-technology fields, such as electrical and chemical engineering, still fewer nongraduate engineers found employment; see McCollough, 42-43. See also Amy Slaton, Reinforced Concrete and the Modernization of American Building, 1900-1930 (Baltimore, 2001), chaps. 1-2.
20. Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home: Domestic Architecture and Cultural Conflict in Chicago, 1873-1913 (Chicago, 1980).
21. Marc Silver, Under Construction: Work and Alienation in the Building Trades (Albany, 1986), 1-13; William Haber, Industrial Relations in the Building Industry (Cambridge, Mass., 1930; reprint, New York, 1971), 36. See also Harry C. Bates, Bricklayers' Century of Craftsmanship (New York, 1955).
22. Marc Silver, Under Construction: Work and Alienation in the Building Trades (Albany, 1986), 1-13; William Haber, Industrial Relations in the Building Industry (Cambridge, Mass., 1930; reprint, New York, 1971), 36. See also Harry C. Bates, Bricklayers' Century of Craftsmanship (New York, 1955).
23. Marc Silver, Under Construction: Work and Alienation in the Building Trades (Albany, 1986), 1-13; William Haber, Industrial Relations in the Building Industry (Cambridge, Mass., 1930; reprint, New York, 1971), 36. See also Harry C. Bates, Bricklayers' Century of Craftsmanship (New York, 1955).
24. On the idea that protocols script interactions in technical work settings, see Stefan Timmermans and Marc Berg, "Standardization in Action: Achieving Local Universality through Medical Protocols," Social Studies of Science 47 (1997): 273-305.
25. Labor historians have recognized for decades that the distribution of technical skills within the workplace enacts a hierarchy of authority and opportunity. While the bulk of labor history places greatest emphasis on the administration of labor organizations and the trajectories of labor-management disputes, some scholars have integrated the physical features of industrial work into these developments and offer important grounding for this paper. Foundational works include Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1974); Noble (n. 4 above); David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, 1979); Daniel Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the New Factory System in the United States, 1880-1920 (Madison, Wisc., 1975); and David Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers (Cambridge, 1982). See also Philip Scranton, "None-Too-Porous Boundaries: Labor History and the History of Technology," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 722-43.
26. Labor historians have recognized for decades that the distribution of technical skills within the workplace enacts a hierarchy of authority and opportunity. While the bulk of labor history places greatest emphasis on the administration of labor organizations and the trajectories of labor-management disputes, some scholars have integrated the physical features of industrial work into these developments and offer important grounding for this paper. Foundational works include Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1974); Noble (n. 4 above); David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, 1979); Daniel Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the New Factory System in the United States, 1880-1920 (Madison, Wisc., 1975); and David Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers (Cambridge, 1982). See also Philip Scranton, "None-Too-Porous Boundaries: Labor History and the History of Technology," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 722-43.
27. Labor historians have recognized for decades that the distribution of technical skills within the workplace enacts a hierarchy of authority and opportunity. While the bulk of labor history places greatest emphasis on the administration of labor organizations and the trajectories of labor-management disputes, some scholars have integrated the physical features of industrial work into these developments and offer important grounding for this paper. Foundational works include Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1974); Noble (n. 4 above); David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, 1979); Daniel Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the New Factory System in the United States, 1880-1920 (Madison, Wisc., 1975); and David Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers (Cambridge, 1982). See also Philip Scranton, "None-Too-Porous Boundaries: Labor History and the History of Technology," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 722-43.
28. Labor historians have recognized for decades that the distribution of technical skills within the workplace enacts a hierarchy of authority and opportunity. While the bulk of labor history places greatest emphasis on the administration of labor organizations and the trajectories of labor-management disputes, some scholars have integrated the physical features of industrial work into these developments and offer important grounding for this paper. Foundational works include Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1974); Noble (n. 4 above); David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, 1979); Daniel Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the New Factory System in the United States, 1880-1920 (Madison, Wisc., 1975); and David Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers (Cambridge, 1982). See also Philip Scranton, "None-Too-Porous Boundaries: Labor History and the History of Technology," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 722-43.
29. Labor historians have recognized for decades that the distribution of technical skills within the workplace enacts a hierarchy of authority and opportunity. While the bulk of labor history places greatest emphasis on the administration of labor organizations and the trajectories of labor-management disputes, some scholars have integrated the physical features of industrial work into these developments and offer important grounding for this paper. Foundational works include Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1974); Noble (n. 4 above); David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, 1979); Daniel Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the New Factory System in the United States, 1880-1920 (Madison, Wisc., 1975); and David Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers (Cambridge, 1982). See also Philip Scranton, "None-Too-Porous Boundaries: Labor History and the History of Technology," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 722-43.
30. Labor historians have recognized for decades that the distribution of technical skills within the workplace enacts a hierarchy of authority and opportunity. While the bulk of labor history places greatest emphasis on the administration of labor organizations and the trajectories of labor-management disputes, some scholars have integrated the physical features of industrial work into these developments and offer important grounding for this paper. Foundational works include Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1974); Noble (n. 4 above); David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, 1979); Daniel Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the New Factory System in the United States, 1880-1920 (Madison, Wisc., 1975); and David Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers (Cambridge, 1982). See also Philip Scranton, "None-Too-Porous Boundaries: Labor History and the History of Technology," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 722-43.
31. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
32. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
33. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
34. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
35. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
36. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
37. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
38. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
39. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
40. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
41. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
42. The linkage of material and social changes in workers' lives has become increasingly obvious to historians. While some scholars explore the experiences of workers as consumers of material goods in the industrial era, others - from a variety of historical subdisciplines - focus on the workplace, revealing how even minute physical features of labor configure and reflect modern social organization. See, among many other works. Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago, 1979); Jaqueline Hall et al., Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1997), Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale (New York, 1978); Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (New York, 1991) and Joe Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of the Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, Ill., 1985). David Pye's bifurcation of production into "workmanship of risk" and "workmanship of certainty," in which he sees discretionary action as largely absent from mass-production operations, offers a more philosophical interpretation of the transformation brought to industrial work by mechanization; see The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968), 4-8. Several authors have filled out this portrait of modern work by describing alternative production settings with divisions of skill and authority quite different from those of large-scale industry, but with comparable social strategies behind the design of work. See Jonathan Zeitlin, "Between Flexibility and Mass Production: Strategic Ambiguity and Selective Adaptation in the British Engineering Industry," in Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization, ed. Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin (Cambridge, 1997); Philip Scranton, Figured Tapestry: Production, Market and Power in Philadelphia Textiles, 1885-1941 (Cambridge, 1989); and Endless Novelty: Specialty Production and American Industry, 1865-1925 (Princeton, N.J., 1997); and Gail Cooper, "Custom Design, Engineering Guarantees, and Unpatentable Data: The Air Conditioning Industry, 1902-1935," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 506-36. The changes to technology and labor autonomy described in these works are by no means unidirectional: an important description of how craft knowledge can persist in seemingly de-skilled modern production work is found in Michael Nuwer, "From Batch to Flow: Production Technology and Work-Force Skills in the Steel Industry, 1880-1920," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 808-38.
43. Jan Golinski, Making Natural Knowledge: Constructivism and the History of Science (Cambridge, 1998), 138.
44. Robert Kohler has articulated the importance of "moral
45. Robert Kohler has articulated the importance of "moral economies" in scientific domains, building on E. P. Thompson's conception of moral economies "that regulate authority relations and access to the means of production and rewards for achievement" Kohler, Lords of The Fly (Chicago, 1994), 3, 6. The tremendous importance of experimenters' social status in the conduct of science is articulated in Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life (Princeton, N.J., 1985); The idea that the exercise of judgment carries a shifting valuation in the scientific occupations (at times more or less valued than "objective" practice) is developed in Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison, "The Image of Objectivity," Representations 40 (1992): 81-128. On the connection of moral virtue and the use of faculties of judgment in science, see Peter Galison, "Judgment Against Objectivity," in Picturing Science, Producing Art, ed. Peter L. Galison and Caroline A. Jones (London, 1998).
46. Robert Kohler has articulated the importance of "moral economies" in scientific domains, building on E. P. Thompson's conception of moral economies "that regulate authority relations and access to the means of production and rewards for achievement" Kohler, Lords of The Fly (Chicago, 1994), 3, 6. The tremendous importance of experimenters' social status in the conduct of science is articulated in Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life (Princeton, N.J., 1985); The idea that the exercise of judgment carries a shifting valuation in the scientific occupations (at times more or less valued than "objective" practice) is developed in Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison, "The Image of Objectivity," Representations 40 (1992): 81-128. On the connection of moral virtue and the use of faculties of judgment in science, see Peter Galison, "Judgment Against Objectivity," in Picturing Science, Producing Art, ed. Peter L. Galison and Caroline A. Jones (London, 1998).
47. Robert Kohler has articulated the importance of "moral economies" in scientific domains, building on E. P. Thompson's conception of moral economies "that regulate authority relations and access to the means of production and rewards for achievement" Kohler, Lords of The Fly (Chicago, 1994), 3, 6. The tremendous importance of experimenters' social status in the conduct of science is articulated in Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life (Princeton, N.J., 1985); The idea that the exercise of judgment carries a shifting valuation in the scientific occupations (at times more or less valued than "objective" practice) is developed in Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison, "The Image of Objectivity," Representations 40 (1992): 81-128. On the connection of moral virtue and the use of faculties of judgment in science, see Peter Galison, "Judgment Against Objectivity," in Picturing Science, Producing Art, ed. Peter L. Galison and Caroline A. Jones (London, 1998).
48. For a typical expression of this emphasis on morality in technical practice, see Dudley (n. 1 above), 233-51. For Dudley, an implicit antagonism between tester and producer, or between competing producers using the services of testers, virtually guaranteed more rigorous scientific practice than one would find in the isolated world of "pure" research on materials. See also Michael Aaron Dennis, "Accounting for Research: New Histories of Corporate Laboratories and the Social History of American Science" Social Studies of Science 17 (1987): 471-518.
49. For a typical expression of this emphasis on morality in technical practice, see Dudley (n. 1 above), 233-51. For Dudley, an implicit antagonism between tester and producer, or between competing producers using the services of testers, virtually guaranteed more rigorous scientific practice than one would find in the isolated world of "pure" research on materials. See also Michael Aaron Dennis, "Accounting for Research: New Histories of Corporate Laboratories and the Social History of American Science" Social Studies of Science 17 (1987): 471-518.
50. Krislov (n. 4 above); Witold Kula, Measures and Men (Princeton, N.J., 1986); Theodore Porter, Trust in Numbers (Princeton, N.J., 1995).
51. Krislov (n. 4 above); Witold Kula, Measures and Men (Princeton, N.J., 1986); Theodore Porter, Trust in Numbers (Princeton, N.J., 1995).
52. Krislov (n. 4 above); Witold Kula, Measures and Men (Princeton, N.J., 1986); Theodore Porter, Trust in Numbers (Princeton, N.J., 1995).
53. In construction, standards and specifications could govern commercial relations, such as those between a cement supplier and the engineering firm using that product to erect a building, or work relations, such as those between the managers of an engineering or scaffolding or plumbing firm and its employees. The two categories overlapped as firms inevitably challenged one another's technical credibility, but I will focus here on a case of the latter: how standards and specifications for the testing of building materials conferred a privileged status on testing personnel among employees of the building industries. For discussion of the many ways in which commercial exchanges between firms were governed by ideologies of occupational supremacy, see Amy Slaton and Janet Abbate, "The Hidden Lives of Standards: Technical Prescriptions and the Transformation of American Work," in Technologies of Power, ed. Gabrielle Hecht and Michael Allen (Cambridge, Mass., forthcoming).
54. The IATM was started in 1895 by Europeans and Americans who had worked together informally since about 1880; "The American Society for Testing Materials: Its Purpose and Work" (n. 3 above), 5.
55. C. L. Warwick, "The Work in the Field of Standardization of the American Society for Testing Materials," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 137 (1928): 49-54.
56. Rexmond C. Cochrane, Measures for Progress: A History of the National Bureau of Standards (New York, 1976), 14-18, 253-63; Krislov, 26-52; Gustavas Weber, The Bureau of Standards: Its History, Activities and Organization (Baltimore, 1925), 44-55; Noble (n. 4 above), 71-76; A. Hunter Dupree, Science in the Federal Government (Cambridge, Mass., 1957; reprint, Baltimore, 1986), 272.
57. Rexmond C. Cochrane, Measures for Progress: A History of the National Bureau of Standards (New York, 1976), 14-18, 253-63; Krislov, 26-52; Gustavas Weber, The Bureau of Standards: Its History, Activities and Organization (Baltimore, 1925), 44-55; Noble (n. 4 above), 71-76; A. Hunter Dupree, Science in the Federal Government (Cambridge, Mass., 1957; reprint, Baltimore, 1986), 272.
58. Rexmond C. Cochrane, Measures for Progress: A History of the National Bureau of Standards (New York, 1976), 14-18, 253-63; Krislov, 26-52; Gustavas Weber, The Bureau of Standards: Its History, Activities and Organization (Baltimore, 1925), 44-55; Noble (n. 4 above), 71-76; A. Hunter Dupree, Science in the Federal Government (Cambridge, Mass., 1957; reprint, Baltimore, 1986), 272.
59. Rexmond C. Cochrane, Measures for Progress: A History of the National Bureau of Standards (New York, 1976), 14-18, 253-63; Krislov, 26-52; Gustavas Weber, The Bureau of Standards: Its History, Activities and Organization (Baltimore, 1925), 44-55; Noble (n. 4 above), 71-76; A. Hunter Dupree, Science in the Federal Government (Cambridge, Mass., 1957; reprint, Baltimore, 1986), 272.
60. Rexmond C. Cochrane, Measures for Progress: A History of the National Bureau of Standards (New York, 1976), 14-18, 253-63; Krislov, 26-52; Gustavas Weber, The Bureau of Standards: Its History, Activities and Organization (Baltimore, 1925), 44-55; Noble (n. 4 above), 71-76; A. Hunter Dupree, Science in the Federal Government (Cambridge, Mass., 1957; reprint, Baltimore, 1986), 272.
61. Krislov, 27-37.
62. Other government-sponsored investigations of materials, such as those conducted by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers on building materials, functioned only as secondary resources for commercial concerns. The Corps of Engineers participated in the general exchange of technical knowledge about materials by publishing its own specifications in trade journals, and by joining the American Concrete Institute and similar bodies, but was not otherwise an arbiter of building or manufacturing practice. See William E. Marshall et al., "Testing Hydraulic Cements - II," Engineering News, 21 September 1901, 275-77.
63. Mowery and Rosenberg (n. 3 above), 46-47; "Basis of Cooperation Between Various Government Branches and the Standing Committees of the Society," Yearbook of the American Society for Testing Materials, 1922 (hereafter ASTM Yearbook) (Philadelphia, 1922), 245.
64. Mowery and Rosenberg (n. 3 above), 46-47; "Basis of Cooperation Between Various Government Branches and the Standing Committees of the Society," Yearbook of the American Society for Testing Materials, 1922 (hereafter ASTM Yearbook) (Philadelphia, 1922), 245.
65. Warwick, 50-51.
66. Ibid., 50-54; Daniel J. Hauer, "Specifications," in Handbook of Building Construction, ed. George A. Hool, vol. 2 (New York, 1920), 1075-76. New York City included ASTM standards for steel in its solicitation of bids for the new subway in 1902; a small construction company incorporated them into a contract written for a private client in the same year. See "The New York Rapid Transit Railway, XI: Inspection of Cement," Engineering News, 25 September 1902, 242-43; contracts of the Foundation Company, Chicago, Illinois, box 9, Foundation Company records, Division of Engineering and Industry, National Museum of American History, Washington, D.C. Not everyone was pleased with the spreading practice, however. On the proliferation of ASTM specifications and mixed reactions to their use by some building contractors, see Wason (n. 2 above), 372. Wason finds materials specifications to be too rigorous and generally unsuited to conditions on the construction site. See also Krislov (n. 4 above), 3-79, and Sara Wermiel, The Fireproof Building: Technology and Public Safety in the Nineteenth-Century American City (Baltimore, 2000).
67. Ibid., 50-54; Daniel J. Hauer, "Specifications," in Handbook of Building Construction, ed. George A. Hool, vol. 2 (New York, 1920), 1075-76. New York City included ASTM standards for steel in its solicitation of bids for the new subway in 1902; a small construction company incorporated them into a contract written for a private client in the same year. See "The New York Rapid Transit Railway, XI: Inspection of Cement," Engineering News, 25 September 1902, 242-43; contracts of the Foundation Company, Chicago, Illinois, box 9, Foundation Company records, Division of Engineering and Industry, National Museum of American History, Washington, D.C. Not everyone was pleased with the spreading practice, however. On the proliferation of ASTM specifications and mixed reactions to their use by some building contractors, see Wason (n. 2 above), 372. Wason finds materials specifications to be too rigorous and generally unsuited to conditions on the construction site. See also Krislov (n. 4 above), 3-79, and Sara Wermiel, The Fireproof Building: Technology and Public Safety in the Nineteenth-Century American City (Baltimore, 2000).
68. Ibid., 50-54; Daniel J. Hauer, "Specifications," in Handbook of Building Construction, ed. George A. Hool, vol. 2 (New York, 1920), 1075-76. New York City included ASTM standards for steel in its solicitation of bids for the new subway in 1902; a small construction company incorporated them into a contract written for a private client in the same year. See "The New York Rapid Transit Railway, XI: Inspection of Cement," Engineering News, 25 September 1902, 242-43; contracts of the Foundation Company, Chicago, Illinois, box 9, Foundation Company records, Division of Engineering and Industry, National Museum of American History, Washington, D.C. Not everyone was pleased with the spreading practice, however. On the proliferation of ASTM specifications and mixed reactions to their use by some building contractors, see Wason (n. 2 above), 372. Wason finds materials specifications to be too rigorous and generally unsuited to conditions on the construction site. See also Krislov (n. 4 above), 3-79, and Sara Wermiel, The Fireproof Building: Technology and Public Safety in the Nineteenth-Century American City (Baltimore, 2000).
69. Ibid., 50-54; Daniel J. Hauer, "Specifications," in Handbook of Building Construction, ed. George A. Hool, vol. 2 (New York, 1920), 1075-76. New York City included ASTM standards for steel in its solicitation of bids for the new subway in 1902; a small construction company incorporated them into a contract written for a private client in the same year. See "The New York Rapid Transit Railway, XI: Inspection of Cement," Engineering News, 25 September 1902, 242-43; contracts of the Foundation Company, Chicago, Illinois, box 9, Foundation Company records, Division of Engineering and Industry, National Museum of American History, Washington, D.C. Not everyone was pleased with the spreading practice, however. On the proliferation of ASTM specifications and mixed reactions to their use by some building contractors, see Wason (n. 2 above), 372. Wason finds materials specifications to be too rigorous and generally unsuited to conditions on the construction site. See also Krislov (n. 4 above), 3-79, and Sara Wermiel, The Fireproof Building: Technology and Public Safety in the Nineteenth-Century American City (Baltimore, 2000).
70. Ibid., 50-54; Daniel J. Hauer, "Specifications," in Handbook of Building Construction, ed. George A. Hool, vol. 2 (New York, 1920), 1075-76. New York City included ASTM standards for steel in its solicitation of bids for the new subway in 1902; a small construction company incorporated them into a contract written for a private client in the same year. See "The New York Rapid Transit Railway, XI: Inspection of Cement," Engineering News, 25 September 1902, 242-43; contracts of the Foundation Company, Chicago, Illinois, box 9, Foundation Company records, Division of Engineering and Industry, National Museum of American History, Washington, D.C. Not everyone was pleased with the spreading practice, however. On the proliferation of ASTM specifications and mixed reactions to their use by some building contractors, see Wason (n. 2 above), 372. Wason finds materials specifications to be too rigorous and generally unsuited to conditions on the construction site. See also Krislov (n. 4 above), 3-79, and Sara Wermiel, The Fireproof Building: Technology and Public Safety in the Nineteenth-Century American City (Baltimore, 2000).
71. Ibid., 50-54; Daniel J. Hauer, "Specifications," in Handbook of Building Construction, ed. George A. Hool, vol. 2 (New York, 1920), 1075-76. New York City included ASTM standards for steel in its solicitation of bids for the new subway in 1902; a small construction company incorporated them into a contract written for a private client in the same year. See "The New York Rapid Transit Railway, XI: Inspection of Cement," Engineering News, 25 September 1902, 242-43; contracts of the Foundation Company, Chicago, Illinois, box 9, Foundation Company records, Division of Engineering and Industry, National Museum of American History, Washington, D.C. Not everyone was pleased with the spreading practice, however. On the proliferation of ASTM specifications and mixed reactions to their use by some building contractors, see Wason (n. 2 above), 372. Wason finds materials specifications to be too rigorous and generally unsuited to conditions on the construction site. See also Krislov (n. 4 above), 3-79, and Sara Wermiel, The Fireproof Building: Technology and Public Safety in the Nineteenth-Century American City (Baltimore, 2000).
72. Edwin Layton, "Scientific Technology, 1845-1900: The Hydraulic Turbine and the Origins of American Industrial Research," Technology and Culture 20 (1979): 64-89; Edward W. Constant, "Science, Dynamometers, and Water Turbines," Technology and Culture 24 (April 1983): 193-94. On the later twentieth century, see Krislov, 53-79. Also of interest is C. A. Crane, "The Relation Between Engineers and Contractors," PACI 13 (1917): 130-42.
73. Edwin Layton, "Scientific Technology, 1845-1900: The Hydraulic Turbine and the Origins of American Industrial Research," Technology and Culture 20 (1979): 64-89; Edward W. Constant, "Science, Dynamometers, and Water Turbines," Technology and Culture 24 (April 1983): 193-94. On the later twentieth century, see Krislov, 53-79. Also of interest is C. A. Crane, "The Relation Between Engineers and Contractors," PACI 13 (1917): 130-42.
74. Edwin Layton, "Scientific Technology, 1845-1900: The Hydraulic Turbine and the Origins of American Industrial Research," Technology and Culture 20 (1979): 64-89; Edward W. Constant, "Science, Dynamometers, and Water Turbines," Technology and Culture 24 (April 1983): 193-94. On the later twentieth century, see Krislov, 53-79. Also of interest is C. A. Crane, "The Relation Between Engineers and Contractors," PACI 13 (1917): 130-42.
75. Edwin Layton, "Scientific Technology, 1845-1900: The Hydraulic Turbine and the Origins of American Industrial Research," Technology and Culture 20 (1979): 64-89; Edward W. Constant, "Science, Dynamometers, and Water Turbines," Technology and Culture 24 (April 1983): 193-94. On the later twentieth century, see Krislov, 53-79. Also of interest is C. A. Crane, "The Relation Between Engineers and Contractors," PACI 13 (1917): 130-42.
76. Noble (n. 4 above), 257-77.
77. Typical expressions of this desire appear in C. Canby Balderston, Victor Karabasz, and Robert P. Brecht, Management as an Enterprise (New York, 1935), 247-65; Guy Cramer, "The Final Test of Quality," Factory, October 1908, 195-97. Dawson (n. 4 above) provides a detailed picture of how boiler owners distributed responsibility for firing boilers through the use of metering devices. A superintendent of the Sperry Gyroscope Company wrote in 1921 that modern machinists used steel rules, calipers, gauges, and micrometers, and that machinists' possession of such tools might "give an indication of [the machinist's] knowledge of the work," but Sperry machinists nonetheless had their work monitored by foremen and inspectors; Merrill R. Lott, "Basing Compensation on Individual's Work," Industrial Management 62 (1921): 211-15. Paul Kreuzpointner, engineer of tests for the Pennsylvania Railroad, hired many young engineers for testing and inspection positions, and wrote that "It is neither scientifically nor commercially judicious to consider the work of testing . . . to be performed by any man of average intelligence who is willing to accept low pay"; "The Ethics of Testing," Proceeding of the ASTM (hereafter PASTM) 2 (1902): 119.
78. Typical expressions of this desire appear in C. Canby Balderston, Victor Karabasz, and Robert P. Brecht, Management as an Enterprise (New York, 1935), 247-65; Guy Cramer, "The Final Test of Quality," Factory, October 1908, 195-97. Dawson (n. 4 above) provides a detailed picture of how boiler owners distributed responsibility for firing boilers through the use of metering devices. A superintendent of the Sperry Gyroscope Company wrote in 1921 that modern machinists used steel rules, calipers, gauges, and micrometers, and that machinists' possession of such tools might "give an indication of [the machinist's] knowledge of the work," but Sperry machinists nonetheless had their work monitored by foremen and inspectors; Merrill R. Lott, "Basing Compensation on Individual's Work," Industrial Management 62 (1921): 211-15. Paul Kreuzpointner, engineer of tests for the Pennsylvania Railroad, hired many young engineers for testing and inspection positions, and wrote that "It is neither scientifically nor commercially judicious to consider the work of testing . . . to be performed by any man of average intelligence who is willing to accept low pay"; "The Ethics of Testing," Proceeding of the ASTM (hereafter PASTM) 2 (1902): 119.
79. Typical expressions of this desire appear in C. Canby Balderston, Victor Karabasz, and Robert P. Brecht, Management as an Enterprise (New York, 1935), 247-65; Guy Cramer, "The Final Test of Quality," Factory, October 1908, 195-97. Dawson (n. 4 above) provides a detailed picture of how boiler owners distributed responsibility for firing boilers through the use of metering devices. A superintendent of the Sperry Gyroscope Company wrote in 1921 that modern machinists used steel rules, calipers, gauges, and micrometers, and that machinists' possession of such tools might "give an indication of [the machinist's] knowledge of the work," but Sperry machinists nonetheless had their work monitored by foremen and inspectors; Merrill R. Lott, "Basing Compensation on Individual's Work," Industrial Management 62 (1921): 211-15. Paul Kreuzpointner, engineer of tests for the Pennsylvania Railroad, hired many young engineers for testing and inspection positions, and wrote that "It is neither scientifically nor commercially judicious to consider the work of testing . . . to be performed by any man of average intelligence who is willing to accept low pay"; "The Ethics of Testing," Proceeding of the ASTM (hereafter PASTM) 2 (1902): 119.
80. Typical expressions of this desire appear in C. Canby Balderston, Victor Karabasz, and Robert P. Brecht, Management as an Enterprise (New York, 1935), 247-65; Guy Cramer, "The Final Test of Quality," Factory, October 1908, 195-97. Dawson (n. 4 above) provides a detailed picture of how boiler owners distributed responsibility for firing boilers through the use of metering devices. A superintendent of the Sperry Gyroscope Company wrote in 1921 that modern machinists used steel rules, calipers, gauges, and micrometers, and that machinists' possession of such tools might "give an indication of [the machinist's] knowledge of the work," but Sperry machinists nonetheless had their work monitored by foremen and inspectors; Merrill R. Lott, "Basing Compensation on Individual's Work," Industrial Management 62 (1921): 211-15. Paul Kreuzpointner, engineer of tests for the Pennsylvania Railroad, hired many young engineers for testing and inspection positions, and wrote that "It is neither scientifically nor commercially judicious to consider the work of testing . . . to be performed by any man of average intelligence who is willing to accept low pay"; "The Ethics of Testing," Proceeding of the ASTM (hereafter PASTM) 2 (1902): 119.
81. Typical expressions of this desire appear in C. Canby Balderston, Victor Karabasz, and Robert P. Brecht, Management as an Enterprise (New York, 1935), 247-65; Guy Cramer, "The Final Test of Quality," Factory, October 1908, 195-97. Dawson (n. 4 above) provides a detailed picture of how boiler owners distributed responsibility for firing boilers through the use of metering devices. A superintendent of the Sperry Gyroscope Company wrote in 1921 that modern machinists used steel rules, calipers, gauges, and micrometers, and that machinists' possession of such tools might "give an indication of [the machinist's] knowledge of the work," but Sperry machinists nonetheless had their work monitored by foremen and inspectors; Merrill R. Lott, "Basing Compensation on Individual's Work," Industrial Management 62 (1921): 211-15. Paul Kreuzpointner, engineer of tests for the Pennsylvania Railroad, hired many young engineers for testing and inspection positions, and wrote that "It is neither scientifically nor commercially judicious to consider the work of testing . . . to be performed by any man of average intelligence who is willing to accept low pay"; "The Ethics of Testing," Proceeding of the ASTM (hereafter PASTM) 2 (1902): 119.
82. W. Bernard Carlson surveys the efforts of early twentieth-century engineering educators to match academic programs to the growing needs of American industry, describing both the demand and supply sides of this trend; see "Academic Entrepreneurship: Dugald C. Jackson and the MlT-GE Cooperative Engineering Course, 1907-1932," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 536-67. Carlson describes institutional and curricular programs; here, I extend Carlson's analysis to the level of the content of engineering codes of practice. On the general idea that engineering graduates were the preferred labor pool for industry after 1900, see John W. Servos, "Engineers, Businessmen, and the Academy: The Beginnings of Sponsored Research at the University of Michigan," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 727, 731; Bruce Seely, "Research, Education and Science in American Engineering Colleges: 1900-1960," Technology and Culture 34 (1993): 381.
83. W. Bernard Carlson surveys the efforts of early twentieth-century engineering educators to match academic programs to the growing needs of American industry, describing both the demand and supply sides of this trend; see "Academic Entrepreneurship: Dugald C. Jackson and the MlT-GE Cooperative Engineering Course, 1907-1932," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 536-67. Carlson describes institutional and curricular programs; here, I extend Carlson's analysis to the level of the content of engineering codes of practice. On the general idea that engineering graduates were the preferred labor pool for industry after 1900, see John W. Servos, "Engineers, Businessmen, and the Academy: The Beginnings of Sponsored Research at the University of Michigan," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 727, 731; Bruce Seely, "Research, Education and Science in American Engineering Colleges: 1900-1960," Technology and Culture 34 (1993): 381.
84. W. Bernard Carlson surveys the efforts of early twentieth-century engineering educators to match academic programs to the growing needs of American industry, describing both the demand and supply sides of this trend; see "Academic Entrepreneurship: Dugald C. Jackson and the MlT-GE Cooperative Engineering Course, 1907-1932," Technology and Culture 29 (1988): 536-67. Carlson describes institutional and curricular programs; here, I extend Carlson's analysis to the level of the content of engineering codes of practice. On the general idea that engineering graduates were the preferred labor pool for industry after 1900, see John W. Servos, "Engineers, Businessmen, and the Academy: The Beginnings of Sponsored Research at the University of Michigan," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 727, 731; Bruce Seely, "Research, Education and Science in American Engineering Colleges: 1900-1960," Technology and Culture 34 (1993): 381.
85. Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education, A Study of Technical Institutes (Philadelphia, 1931), 3-8. The creation of technical institutes seemed advisable to many engineers and manufacturers as commercial demand exceeded the supply of graduates from four-year university engineering programs, and SPEE's report recommended the provision of such opportunities to young men to whom technical training would be otherwise "unavailable." All of this suggests a certain opening of testing and inspection jobs to people of relatively low economic standing, but the growth of technical institutes was slow and concern about the threats such schools posed to "engineering professionalism" persisted; see John G. D. Mack, "Trades Training for Non-Technically Educated Men," PSPEE 9 (1900): 310-12. A follow-up study by SPEE (now the American Society for Engineering Education [ASEE]) in 1958-59 recorded continuing resistance to the idea of nonuniversity engineering programs, and the socioeconomic origins of this occupational gatekeeping should be explored; see G. Ross Henninger, The Technical Institute in America: ASEE National Survey of Technical Institute Education (New York, 1959).
86. Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education, A Study of Technical Institutes (Philadelphia, 1931), 3-8. The creation of technical institutes seemed advisable to many engineers and manufacturers as commercial demand exceeded the supply of graduates from four-year university engineering programs, and SPEE's report recommended the provision of such opportunities to young men to whom technical training would be otherwise "unavailable." All of this suggests a certain opening of testing and inspection jobs to people of relatively low economic standing, but the growth of technical institutes was slow and concern about the threats such schools posed to "engineering professionalism" persisted; see John G. D. Mack, "Trades Training for Non-Technically Educated Men," PSPEE 9 (1900): 310-12. A follow-up study by SPEE (now the American Society for Engineering Education [ASEE]) in 1958-59 recorded continuing resistance to the idea of nonuniversity engineering programs, and the socioeconomic origins of this occupational gatekeeping should be explored; see G. Ross Henninger, The Technical Institute in America: ASEE National Survey of Technical Institute Education (New York, 1959).
87. Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education, A Study of Technical Institutes (Philadelphia, 1931), 3-8. The creation of technical institutes seemed advisable to many engineers and manufacturers as commercial demand exceeded the supply of graduates from four-year university engineering programs, and SPEE's report recommended the provision of such opportunities to young men to whom technical training would be otherwise "unavailable." All of this suggests a certain opening of testing and inspection jobs to people of relatively low economic standing, but the growth of technical institutes was slow and concern about the threats such schools posed to "engineering professionalism" persisted; see John G. D. Mack, "Trades Training for Non-Technically Educated Men," PSPEE 9 (1900): 310-12. A follow-up study by SPEE (now the American Society for Engineering Education [ASEE]) in 1958-59 recorded continuing resistance to the idea of nonuniversity engineering programs, and the socioeconomic origins of this occupational gatekeeping should be explored; see G. Ross Henninger, The Technical Institute in America: ASEE National Survey of Technical Institute Education (New York, 1959).
88. Cecil Elliott, Technics and Architecture: The Development of Materials and Systems for Building (Cambridge, Mass., 1992), 164-97; William B. Coney and Barbara Posadas, "Concrete in Illinois: Its History and Preservation," Illinois Preservation Series No. 8 (n.d.).
89. Cecil Elliott, Technics and Architecture: The Development of Materials and Systems for Building (Cambridge, Mass., 1992), 164-97; William B. Coney and Barbara Posadas, "Concrete in Illinois: Its History and Preservation," Illinois Preservation Series No. 8 (n.d.).
90. For a typical case of routinization in the concrete construction industry, see promotional materials of the Trussed Concrete Steel Company, including descriptions of prefabricated steel reinforcing in Hy-Rib: Its Application in Roofs, Floors, Wall, Sidings, Partitions, Ceilings, Furring (Detroit, 1912; copy in the Hagley Museum and Library Trade Catalog Collection). The use of prefabricated reinforcement would bring great economies to builders and building buyers, the company claimed, by permitting the dismissal of highly skilled steel handlers (n.p.).
91. Alfred Chandler and other analysts of modern management except construction from the early twentieth-century industrial embrace of mass-production methods; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 242; Arthur Stinchecombe, "Bureaucratic and Craft Administration of Production: A Comparative Study," Administrative Science Quarterly 4 (1959): 169. Their view is contradicted not only by large-scale concrete construction projects (such as the Panama Canal and Walter Gropius's massive Dessau-Torten housing project of the late 1920s) but also by the countless smaller commercial projects that used routinized labor and standardized or prefabricated building parts after 1900. See Silver (n. 7 above), 317-19, and Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above).
92. Alfred Chandler and other analysts of modern management except construction from the early twentieth-century industrial embrace of mass-production methods; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 242; Arthur Stinchecombe, "Bureaucratic and Craft Administration of Production: A Comparative Study," Administrative Science Quarterly 4 (1959): 169. Their view is contradicted not only by large-scale concrete construction projects (such as the Panama Canal and Walter Gropius's massive Dessau-Torten housing project of the late 1920s) but also by the countless smaller commercial projects that used routinized labor and standardized or prefabricated building parts after 1900. See Silver (n. 7 above), 317-19, and Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above).
93. Alfred Chandler and other analysts of modern management except construction from the early twentieth-century industrial embrace of mass-production methods; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 242; Arthur Stinchecombe, "Bureaucratic and Craft Administration of Production: A Comparative Study," Administrative Science Quarterly 4 (1959): 169. Their view is contradicted not only by large-scale concrete construction projects (such as the Panama Canal and Walter Gropius's massive Dessau-Torten housing project of the late 1920s) but also by the countless smaller commercial projects that used routinized labor and standardized or prefabricated building parts after 1900. See Silver (n. 7 above), 317-19, and Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above).
94. Alfred Chandler and other analysts of modern management except construction from the early twentieth-century industrial embrace of mass-production methods; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 242; Arthur Stinchecombe, "Bureaucratic and Craft Administration of Production: A Comparative Study," Administrative Science Quarterly 4 (1959): 169. Their view is contradicted not only by large-scale concrete construction projects (such as the Panama Canal and Walter Gropius's massive Dessau-Torten housing project of the late 1920s) but also by the countless smaller commercial projects that used routinized labor and standardized or prefabricated building parts after 1900. See Silver (n. 7 above), 317-19, and Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above).
95. Mario Salvadori, Why Buildings Stand Up: The Strength of Architecture (New York, 1980), 67.
96. William A. Maples and Robert E. Wilde, "A Story of Progress: 50 Years of the American Concrete Institute," Journal of the American Concrete Institute 25 (February 1954): 412-13. A 1904 editorial in Cement Age, a journal produced by and for the cement industry, praised contemporary German practices of strict supervision and hiring for the building trades: "Steps of this kind are certainly steps in the right direction, for most failures in concrete work are not likely to result from lack of strength in the concrete itself, nor from want of proper calculations in the Engineering Department, but from lack of supervision and watchfulness on the part of those charged with the examination of the work" (Cement Age 1 [December 1904]: 228).
97. See Haber (n. 7 above), chap. 3. In fact, contractors and local industrialists were willing to train workers. They sponsored building trades schools in many cities, but these represented vocational programs that de-emphasized experimentation and decision making; Wright (n. 6 above), 175.
98. See Haber (n. 7 above), chap. 3. In fact, contractors and local industrialists were willing to train workers. They sponsored building trades schools in many cities, but these represented vocational programs that de-emphasized experimentation and decision making; Wright (n. 6 above), 175.
99. In his account of emerging grain markets in the Midwest in the late nineteenth century, William Cronon has connected the fluidity of grain to the design of standards and sorting systems. His linkage of materiality, physical technologies, and commercial instruments has been a model for this article; see Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York, 1991), 97-147.
100. Some consumers of cement tested their purchases at the cement mill, prior to shipping. This speeded up delivery and prevented large quantities of cement from taking up storage space at the construction site. For a description of such arrangements, see Richard K. Meade, Manufacture of Cement (Scranton, Pa., 1922), pt. 2, 1-41.
101. For a thorough description of one such laboratory, see "The New York Rapid Transit Railway, XI: Inspection of Cement" (n. 23 above).
102. On their use in the university laboratories where testing personnel received their training, see Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above), chap. 1.
103. "Simple and Rapid Tests for Cement," Engineering News, 4 September 1902, 166.
104. Ibid. See also Ernest McCullough, "Proper Specifications and Design Standards for Reinforced Concrete," in 28th Annual Report of the Illinois Society of Engineers and Surveyors (Chicago, 1913), 205, and Norman N. Aylon, "Concrete Construction Inspection: Who Does What?" Canadian Architect 19 (July 1974): 38. A 1913 catalog of concrete construction machinery offered two "field models" of compression testing machines; one could test at forces of 50 tons, the other at 75 tons. See the catalog of the F. H. Hopkins Company, 1913, in the files of the Aberthaw Construction Company, Billerica, Massachusetts. A word about failed tests: many tests, by their nature, yielded results long after a cement or a concrete mix had been incorporated into the building under construction. Unsatisfactory results might occasionally result in the replacement of an element, or in the redesign of a building to add buttressing of some type, but design margins of safety were such that errors most often brought an adjustment of fees or other compensation by the contractor. Some specifications included provisions for arbitration between contractor and building-buyer on such matters. See C. K. Smoley, "Agreements and Specifications," in Stone, Brick, and Concrete (Scranton, Pa., 1928), 14, 38.
105. Ibid. See also Ernest McCullough, "Proper Specifications and Design Standards for Reinforced Concrete," in 28th Annual Report of the Illinois Society of Engineers and Surveyors (Chicago, 1913), 205, and Norman N. Aylon, "Concrete Construction Inspection: Who Does What?" Canadian Architect 19 (July 1974): 38. A 1913 catalog of concrete construction machinery offered two "field models" of compression testing machines; one could test at forces of 50 tons, the other at 75 tons. See the catalog of the F. H. Hopkins Company, 1913, in the files of the Aberthaw Construction Company, Billerica, Massachusetts. A word about failed tests: many tests, by their nature, yielded results long after a cement or a concrete mix had been incorporated into the building under construction. Unsatisfactory results might occasionally result in the replacement of an element, or in the redesign of a building to add buttressing of some type, but design margins of safety were such that errors most often brought an adjustment of fees or other compensation by the contractor. Some specifications included provisions for arbitration between contractor and building-buyer on such matters. See C. K. Smoley, "Agreements and Specifications," in Stone, Brick, and Concrete (Scranton, Pa., 1928), 14, 38.
106. Ibid. See also Ernest McCullough, "Proper Specifications and Design Standards for Reinforced Concrete," in 28th Annual Report of the Illinois Society of Engineers and Surveyors (Chicago, 1913), 205, and Norman N. Aylon, "Concrete Construction Inspection: Who Does What?" Canadian Architect 19 (July 1974): 38. A 1913 catalog of concrete construction machinery offered two "field models" of compression testing machines; one could test at forces of 50 tons, the other at 75 tons. See the catalog of the F. H. Hopkins Company, 1913, in the files of the Aberthaw Construction Company, Billerica, Massachusetts. A word about failed tests: many tests, by their nature, yielded results long after a cement or a concrete mix had been incorporated into the building under construction. Unsatisfactory results might occasionally result in the replacement of an element, or in the redesign of a building to add buttressing of some type, but design margins of safety were such that errors most often brought an adjustment of fees or other compensation by the contractor. Some specifications included provisions for arbitration between contractor and building-buyer on such matters. See C. K. Smoley, "Agreements and Specifications," in Stone, Brick, and Concrete (Scranton, Pa., 1928), 14, 38.
107. Ibid. See also Ernest McCullough, "Proper Specifications and Design Standards for Reinforced Concrete," in 28th Annual Report of the Illinois Society of Engineers and Surveyors (Chicago, 1913), 205, and Norman N. Aylon, "Concrete Construction Inspection: Who Does What?" Canadian Architect 19 (July 1974): 38. A 1913 catalog of concrete construction machinery offered two "field models" of compression testing machines; one could test at forces of 50 tons, the other at 75 tons. See the catalog of the F. H. Hopkins Company, 1913, in the files of the Aberthaw Construction Company, Billerica, Massachusetts. A word about failed tests: many tests, by their nature, yielded results long after a cement or a concrete mix had been incorporated into the building under construction. Unsatisfactory results might occasionally result in the replacement of an element, or in the redesign of a building to add buttressing of some type, but design margins of safety were such that errors most often brought an adjustment of fees or other compensation by the contractor. Some specifications included provisions for arbitration between contractor and building-buyer on such matters. See C. K. Smoley, "Agreements and Specifications," in Stone, Brick, and Concrete (Scranton, Pa., 1928), 14, 38.
108. McCullough, "Proper Specifications and Design Standards," 205; Aylon, 3.
109. McCullough, "Proper Specifications and Design Standards," 205; Aylon, 3.
110. As early as 1879 the American Society of Civil Engineers had formed a committee to devise a uniform system for tests of cement; H. F. Gonnerman, "Development of Cement Performance Tests and Requirements," Research Department Bulletin, Portland Cement Association 3 (March 1958): 18, Various approaches to the problem, including centralized testing laboratories and grassroots cooperative efforts among cement makers were suggested; see "Report of the Board of Engineers, U.S.A., on the Properties and Testing of Hydraulic Cement," Engineering News, 12 September 1901, 181; Pitson Cleaver, letter to the editor, Engineering News, 28 October 1902, 382. Robert Lesley, a cement manufacturer and publisher, advocated in 1906 the creation of a centralized private laboratory, to be a "supreme court of testing in the hands of those representing the highest advance in the art." This scheme had some commercial advantages but failed to address the problem of immediate on-site testing. See Robert Lesley, "9th Annual Convention of the ASTM," Cement Age 13 (July 1906): 110.
111. As early as 1879 the American Society of Civil Engineers had formed a committee to devise a uniform system for tests of cement; H. F. Gonnerman, "Development of Cement Performance Tests and Requirements," Research Department Bulletin, Portland Cement Association 3 (March 1958): 18, Various approaches to the problem, including centralized testing laboratories and grassroots cooperative efforts among cement makers were suggested; see "Report of the Board of Engineers, U.S.A., on the Properties and Testing of Hydraulic Cement," Engineering News, 12 September 1901, 181; Pitson Cleaver, letter to the editor, Engineering News, 28 October 1902, 382. Robert Lesley, a cement manufacturer and publisher, advocated in 1906 the creation of a centralized private laboratory, to be a "supreme court of testing in the hands of those representing the highest advance in the art." This scheme had some commercial advantages but failed to address the problem of immediate on-site testing. See Robert Lesley, "9th Annual Convention of the ASTM," Cement Age 13 (July 1906): 110.
112. As early as 1879 the American Society of Civil Engineers had formed a committee to devise a uniform system for tests of cement; H. F. Gonnerman, "Development of Cement Performance Tests and Requirements," Research Department Bulletin, Portland Cement Association 3 (March 1958): 18, Various approaches to the problem, including centralized testing laboratories and grassroots cooperative efforts among cement makers were suggested; see "Report of the Board of Engineers, U.S.A., on the Properties and Testing of Hydraulic Cement," Engineering News, 12 September 1901, 181; Pitson Cleaver, letter to the editor, Engineering News, 28 October 1902, 382. Robert Lesley, a cement manufacturer and publisher, advocated in 1906 the creation of a centralized private laboratory, to be a "supreme court of testing in the hands of those representing the highest advance in the art." This scheme had some commercial advantages but failed to address the problem of immediate on-site testing. See Robert Lesley, "9th Annual Convention of the ASTM," Cement Age 13 (July 1906): 110.
113. As early as 1879 the American Society of Civil Engineers had formed a committee to devise a uniform system for tests of cement; H. F. Gonnerman, "Development of Cement Performance Tests and Requirements," Research Department Bulletin, Portland Cement Association 3 (March 1958): 18, Various approaches to the problem, including centralized testing laboratories and grassroots cooperative efforts among cement makers were suggested; see "Report of the Board of Engineers, U.S.A., on the Properties and Testing of Hydraulic Cement," Engineering News, 12 September 1901, 181; Pitson Cleaver, letter to the editor, Engineering News, 28 October 1902, 382. Robert Lesley, a cement manufacturer and publisher, advocated in 1906 the creation of a centralized private laboratory, to be a "supreme court of testing in the hands of those representing the highest advance in the art." This scheme had some commercial advantages but failed to address the problem of immediate on-site testing. See Robert Lesley, "9th Annual Convention of the ASTM," Cement Age 13 (July 1906): 110.
114. "Progress Report of Special Committee on Uniform Tests of Cement," Proceedings of the American Society of Civil Engineers 29 (January 1903): 2-11.
115. "The American Society for Testing Materials: Its Purpose and Work" (n. 3 above), 5. Robert W. Lesley, "Discussion on Standard Specifications for Cement " PASTM 7 (1907): 132; John G. Brown, "Discussion on Specifications for Cement," PASTM 5 (1905): 124.
116. "The American Society for Testing Materials: Its Purpose and Work" (n. 3 above), 5. Robert W. Lesley, "Discussion on Standard Specifications for Cement " PASTM 7 (1907): 132; John G. Brown, "Discussion on Specifications for Cement," PASTM 5 (1905): 124.
117. "The American Society for Testing Materials: Its Purpose and Work" (n. 3 above), 5. Robert W. Lesley, "Discussion on Standard Specifications for Cement " PASTM 7 (1907): 132; John G. Brown, "Discussion on Specifications for Cement," PASTM 5 (1905): 124.
118. The editors of Engineering Record believed in 1896 that it was simply too soon to recommend numerical values because knowledge of cement and concrete was limited, and thought that standardizing testing methods was a preliminary step to introducing complete specifications; "Standard Methods of Testing Cement," Engineering Record, 24 October 1896. The ASTM specifications of 1904, and 1909 and 1917 revisions, contained values for tensile strength, but cautioned that these could vary according to circumstance.
119. In his brief sociological analysis of scientific and technological testing, Trevor Pinch outlines the importance for testers of establishing the veracity of the test itself (how closely it recreates the conditions under which a material will be used, for example). Pinch here offers an additional analytical tool for probing the negotiated nature of testing and inspection. See "'Testing - One, Two, Three . . . Testing': Toward a Sociology of Testing," Science, Technology, and Human Values 18 (1993): 25-41. Donald Mackenzie broadens the social context in which the usefulness of a given test is established to include military and political forces; see "The Construction of Technical Facts," chap. 7 in Inventing Accuracy: A Historical Sociology of Nuclear Missile Guidance (Cambridge, Mass., 1990).
120. In his brief sociological analysis of scientific and technological testing, Trevor Pinch outlines the importance for testers of establishing the veracity of the test itself (how closely it recreates the conditions under which a material will be used, for example). Pinch here offers an additional analytical tool for probing the negotiated nature of testing and inspection. See "'Testing - One, Two, Three . . . Testing': Toward a Sociology of Testing," Science, Technology, and Human Values 18 (1993): 25-41. Donald Mackenzie broadens the social context in which the usefulness of a given test is established to include military and political forces; see "The Construction of Technical Facts," chap. 7 in Inventing Accuracy: A Historical Sociology of Nuclear Missile Guidance (Cambridge, Mass., 1990).
121. "Report of the Board of Engineers," 181.
122. See, for example, Richard L. Humphrey, comments in "Discussion on Specifications for Cement," PASTM 4 (1904): 135.
123. W. Purves Taylor, "Notes on Cement Testing," Papers Read Before the American Association of Portland Cement Manufacturers (New York, 1904), 36. On the history of the "personal equation," see Simon Schaffer, "Astronomers Mark Time: Discipline and the Personal Equation," Science in Context 2 (1988): 115-45. Frederick W. Taylor supported the quantification of such personal idiosyncrasy through the determination of "personal coefficients," a development of physiologists' that measured reaction times in production workers; The Principles of Scientific Management (New York, 1911; reprint, 1967), 89-94.
124. W. Purves Taylor, "Notes on Cement Testing," Papers Read Before the American Association of Portland Cement Manufacturers (New York, 1904), 36. On the history of the "personal equation," see Simon Schaffer, "Astronomers Mark Time: Discipline and the Personal Equation," Science in Context 2 (1988): 115-45. Frederick W. Taylor supported the quantification of such personal idiosyncrasy through the determination of "personal coefficients," a development of physiologists' that measured reaction times in production workers; The Principles of Scientific Management (New York, 1911; reprint, 1967), 89-94.
125. W. Purves Taylor, "Notes on Cement Testing," Papers Read Before the American Association of Portland Cement Manufacturers (New York, 1904), 36. On the history of the "personal equation," see Simon Schaffer, "Astronomers Mark Time: Discipline and the Personal Equation," Science in Context 2 (1988): 115-45. Frederick W. Taylor supported the quantification of such personal idiosyncrasy through the determination of "personal coefficients," a development of physiologists' that measured reaction times in production workers; The Principles of Scientific Management (New York, 1911; reprint, 1967), 89-94.
126. Richard L. Humphrey, "Cement Testing in Municipal Laboratories," PASTM 2 (1902): 156.
127. Daniel Mead, Contracts, Specifications and Engineering Relations (New York, 1933), 297.
128. Ibid., 298.
129. Herbert J. Gilkey, Glenn Murphy, Elmer O. Bergman, Materials Testing (New York, 1941), v.
130. For Herbert Gilkey and his colleagues at Iowa State College, a "water-cement-ratio law" developed by Duff Abrams at the University of Illinois failed to address "important variations 'within the law.'" But this failure, for Gilkey et al., did not limit the law's fundamental usefulness as a general guide to practice, nor did it "detract from the credit that is due the man who through his researches first recognized the usefulness of the relationship and gave expression to it"; Materials Testing, 104.
131. Humphrey, "Discussion on Specifications for Cement" (n. 48 above), 135; W. Purves Taylor (n. 49 above), 36.
132. Humphrey, "Discussion on Specifications for Cement" (n. 48 above), 135; W. Purves Taylor (n. 49 above), 36.
133. Kreuzpointner (n. 26 above), 119.
134. Anson Marston, "The Engineering Division," Iowa State Alumnus, June 1924,276-78; Clement C. Williams, Building an Engineering Career (New York, 1934), 43. For a related discussion, see Francis C. Caldwell, "Laboratory Notes and Reports," PSPEE 10 (1902): 66-72. For elaboration of the debate between advocates of rote and "experience-based" engineering education, see Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above), chap. 2.
135. Anson Marston, "The Engineering Division," Iowa State Alumnus, June 1924,276-78; Clement C. Williams, Building an Engineering Career (New York, 1934), 43. For a related discussion, see Francis C. Caldwell, "Laboratory Notes and Reports," PSPEE 10 (1902): 66-72. For elaboration of the debate between advocates of rote and "experience-based" engineering education, see Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above), chap. 2.
136. Anson Marston, "The Engineering Division," Iowa State Alumnus, June 1924,276-78; Clement C. Williams, Building an Engineering Career (New York, 1934), 43. For a related discussion, see Francis C. Caldwell, "Laboratory Notes and Reports," PSPEE 10 (1902): 66-72. For elaboration of the debate between advocates of rote and "experience-based" engineering education, see Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above), chap. 2.
137. Anson Marston, "The Engineering Division," Iowa State Alumnus, June 1924,276-78; Clement C. Williams, Building an Engineering Career (New York, 1934), 43. For a related discussion, see Francis C. Caldwell, "Laboratory Notes and Reports," PSPEE 10 (1902): 66-72. For elaboration of the debate between advocates of rote and "experience-based" engineering education, see Slaton, Reinforced Concrete (n. 7 above), chap. 2.
138. Williams, 44. For typical invocations of "character building" in higher education in this period, see John Price Jackson, "Methods of Study for Technical Students," PSPEE 11 (1903): 101-16, and William C. Bauer, "Class and Laboratory Work in Engineering" PSPEE 23 (1911): 106-23. It should be noted that comments published in the Proceedings of SPEE were probably in some measure meant to position instructors within the society
139. Williams, 44. For typical invocations of "character building" in higher education in this period, see John Price Jackson, "Methods of Study for Technical Students," PSPEE 11 (1903): 101-16, and William C. Bauer, "Class and Laboratory Work in Engineering" PSPEE 23 (1911): 106-23. It should be noted that comments published in the Proceedings of SPEE were probably in some measure meant to position instructors within the society along political lines, solidifying allegiance and displaying erudition, and did not necessarily reflect their classroom practice. However, the comments do reflect conceptions of status and opportunity under which the writers functioned. The idea that scientific practice might bring moral improvement to well-bred young people was popularized in the Victorian era by a range of educators and cultural observers. The degree of self-consciousness with which engineering professionals appropriated this scientific rhetoric for their own technical occupations is an important question that Bruce Seely (n. 26 above, 358-67) addresses for a somewhat later period.
140. Williams, 44. For typical invocations of "character building" in higher education in this period, see John Price Jackson, "Methods of Study for Technical Students," PSPEE 11 (1903): 101-16, and William C. Bauer, "Class and Laboratory Work in Engineering" PSPEE 23 (1911): 106-23. It should be noted that comments published in the Proceedings of SPEE were probably in some measure meant to position instructors within the society along political lines, solidifying allegiance and displaying erudition, and did not necessarily reflect their classroom practice. However, the comments do reflect conceptions of status and opportunity under which the writers functioned. The idea that scientific practice might bring moral improvement to well-bred young people was popularized in the Victorian era by a range of educators and cultural observers. The degree of self-consciousness with which engineering professionals appropriated this scientific rhetoric for their own technical occupations is an important question that Bruce Seely (n. 26 above, 358-67) addresses for a somewhat later period.
141. "Progress Report of Special Committee on Uniform Tests of Cement" (n. 43 above), 2-11.
142. PASTM 4 (1904): 114, 118.
143. Many examples of this ideology can be found in the communications of engineering educators in this period. References to the importance of inducing "surprise" or "shock" (by allowing the students to discover errors in instrument calibration or by having them witness the dramatic destruction of a test specimen) are especially suggestive. See George R. Chatburn, "A Laboratory Exercise: Calibration of a Riehle-Gray Apparatus," PSPEE 8 (1901): 292-93; Robert G. Brown, "An Account of Change in, and Operation of, The Materials Testing Laboratory of the University of Cincinnati," Engineering Education 20 (1912): 174.
144. Many examples of this ideology can be found in the communications of engineering educators in this period. References to the importance of inducing "surprise" or "shock" (by allowing the students to discover errors in instrument calibration or by having them witness the dramatic destruction of a test specimen) are especially suggestive. See George R. Chatburn, "A Laboratory Exercise: Calibration of a Riehle-Gray Apparatus," PSPEE 8 (1901): 292-93; Robert G. Brown, "An Account of Change in, and Operation of, The Materials Testing Laboratory of the University of Cincinnati," Engineering Education 20 (1912): 174.
145. "Standard Specifications for Cement," ASTM Yearbook 1911 (Philadelphia, 1911), 140.
146. Frank McCready, "Some Avoidable Causes of Variation in Cement Testing," PASTM 7 (1907): 351-52.
147. Ibid., 349.
148. For overviews of this literature, see Golinski (n. 11 above), 133-61, and Alex Soojung-Kim Pang, "Visual Representation and Post-Constructivist History of Science," Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 28 (1997): 139-71.
149. For overviews of this literature, see Golinski (n. 11 above), 133-61, and Alex Soojung-Kim Pang, "Visual Representation and Post-Constructivist History of Science," Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 28 (1997): 139-71.
150. "Standard Specifications for Cement," 137.
151. Controversy over the mechanization of sample preparation offers additional evidence of the testing engineers' special self-concept. See Marshall et al. (n. 20 above), 250; Allen W. Carpenter, "A Ramming Device for Compacting Cement in Briquette Molds," Engineering News, 9 January 1902, 30; C. J. Griesenaur, "A Laboratory Mixer for Dry Cement and Sand," Engineering News, 7 August 1902, 100.
152. Controversy over the mechanization of sample preparation offers additional evidence of the testing engineers' special self-concept. See Marshall et al. (n. 20 above), 250; Allen W. Carpenter, "A Ramming Device for Compacting Cement in Briquette Molds," Engineering News, 9 January 1902, 30; C. J. Griesenaur, "A Laboratory Mixer for Dry Cement and Sand," Engineering News, 7 August 1902, 100.
153. Controversy over the mechanization of sample preparation offers additional evidence of the testing engineers' special self-concept. See Marshall et al. (n. 20 above), 250; Allen W. Carpenter, "A Ramming Device for Compacting Cement in Briquette Molds," Engineering News, 9 January 1902, 30; C. J. Griesenaur, "A Laboratory Mixer for Dry Cement and Sand," Engineering News, 7 August 1902, 100.
154. Williams (n. 54 above) wrote: "The students' possibilities of education are limited by inherited powers" (p. 42). Charles Dudley (n. 1 above), 239-40. The precise linkages between racial or class agendas and the appropriation of scientific reputation among academics is a rich and underexamined topic. Certainly most engineers and materials scientists would sense ideological tensions between the traditionally ascendant occupational status of scientific research and the desire to produce commercially useful knowledge. At the least, Williams was probably aware of existing pedagogical theories of "mental discipline," as described by David Hollinger. Hollinger identifies a more general trend toward the institutionalization of social practices behind the late-nineteenth-century faith in "moral regeneration through science," and certainly engineers and materials scientists based in growing, service-oriented universities might have perceived and forwarded this trend; see Hollinger, "Inquiry and Uplift: Late Nineteenth-Century American Academics and the Moral Efficacy of Scientific Practice" in The Authority of Experts (Bloomington, Ind., 1984), ed. Thomas L. Haskell.
155. Williams (n. 54 above) wrote: "The students' possibilities of education are limited by inherited powers" (p. 42). Charles Dudley (n. 1 above), 239-40. The precise linkages between racial or class agendas and the appropriation of scientific reputation among academics is a rich and underexamined topic. Certainly most engineers and materials scientists would sense ideological tensions between the traditionally ascendant occupational status of scientific research and the desire to produce commercially useful knowledge. At the least, Williams was probably aware of existing pedagogical theories of "mental discipline," as described by David Hollinger. Hollinger identifies a more general trend toward the institutionalization of social practices behind the late-nineteenth-century faith in "moral regeneration through science," and certainly engineers and materials scientists based in growing, service-oriented universities might have perceived and forwarded this trend; see Hollinger, "Inquiry and Uplift: Late Nineteenth-Century American Academics and the Moral Efficacy of Scientific Practice" in The Authority of Experts (Bloomington, Ind., 1984), ed. Thomas L. Haskell.
156. Williams (n. 54 above) wrote: "The students' possibilities of education are limited by inherited powers" (p. 42). Charles Dudley (n. 1 above), 239-40. The precise linkages between racial or class agendas and the appropriation of scientific reputation among academics is a rich and underexamined topic. Certainly most engineers and materials scientists would sense ideological tensions between the traditionally ascendant occupational status of scientific research and the desire to produce commercially useful knowledge. At the least, Williams was probably aware of existing pedagogical theories of "mental discipline," as described by David Hollinger. Hollinger identifies a more general trend toward the institutionalization of social practices behind the late-nineteenth-century faith in "moral regeneration through science," and certainly engineers and materials scientists based in growing, service-oriented universities might have perceived and forwarded this trend; see Hollinger, "Inquiry and Uplift: Late Nineteenth-Century American Academics and the Moral Efficacy of Scientific Practice" in The Authority of Experts (Bloomington, Ind., 1984), ed. Thomas L. Haskell.
157. On the ethnic origins of engineering students, see Edwin Layton, Revolt of the Engineers (Baltimore, 1971; reprint, 1986), 9, summarizing the survey conducted by the Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education in 1924. See also David Wharton, A Struggle Worthy of Note: The Engineering and Technological Education of Black Americans (Westport, Conn., 1992), and John E. Fleming, The Lengthening Shadow of Slavery: A Historical Justification for Affirmative Action for Blacks in Higher Education (Washington, D.C., 1976).
158. On the ethnic origins of engineering students, see Edwin Layton, Revolt of the Engineers (Baltimore, 1971; reprint, 1986), 9, summarizing the survey conducted by the Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education in 1924. See also David Wharton, A Struggle Worthy of Note: The Engineering and Technological Education of Black Americans (Westport, Conn., 1992), and John E. Fleming, The Lengthening Shadow of Slavery: A Historical Justification for Affirmative Action for Blacks in Higher Education (Washington, D.C., 1976).
159. On the ethnic origins of engineering students, see Edwin Layton, Revolt of the Engineers (Baltimore, 1971; reprint, 1986), 9, summarizing the survey conducted by the Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education in 1924. See also David Wharton, A Struggle Worthy of Note: The Engineering and Technological Education of Black Americans (Westport, Conn., 1992), and John E. Fleming, The Lengthening Shadow of Slavery: A Historical Justification for Affirmative Action for Blacks in Higher Education (Washington, D.C., 1976).
160. Roger L. Geiger has written of this period: "The enrollment growth seems to represent in part an unspoken accommodation between the universities and a stratum of society that previously had little involvement with higher education. In general, after 1885 more and more families from the middle ranks of society found themselves with sufficient wealth to be able to spare the labor of adolescent sons. At the same time they sought, perhaps instinctively, to buttress their social position against increasingly numerous immigrants." To Advance Knowledge: The Growth of American Research Universities 1900-1940 (New York, 1986), 13.
161. Historians and sociologists have recognized that translations of esoteric knowledge for commercial application can serve occupational as well as technical goals. These translations instantiate through their design the authority of a given profession in the workplace. See Andrew Abbott, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago, 1988); Sinclair (n. 4 above), esp. 144-57; and Stuart Shapiro, "Degrees of Freedom: The Interaction of Standards of Practice and Engineering Judgment," Science, Technology, and Human Values 22 (1997): 291-93. For a story of professional development that parallels the themes of this article, see JoAnne Brown, The Definition of a Profession: The Authority of Metaphor in the History of Intelligence Testing 1890-1930 (Princeton, N.J., 1992). In describing the tensions inherent in the popularization (or marketing, perhaps) of expert knowledge, Brown directs attention to Peter Novick's book on historians' efforts at professionalization, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (New York, 1988).
162. Historians and sociologists have recognized that translations of esoteric knowledge for commercial application can serve occupational as well as technical goals. These translations instantiate through their design the authority of a given profession in the workplace. See Andrew Abbott, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago, 1988); Sinclair (n. 4 above), esp. 144-57; and Stuart Shapiro, "Degrees of Freedom: The Interaction of Standards of Practice and Engineering Judgment," Science, Technology, and Human Values 22 (1997): 291-93. For a story of professional development that parallels the themes of this article, see JoAnne Brown, The Definition of a Profession: The Authority of Metaphor in the History of Intelligence Testing 1890-1930 (Princeton, N.J., 1992). In describing the tensions inherent in the popularization (or marketing, perhaps) of expert knowledge, Brown directs attention to Peter Novick's book on historians' efforts at professionalization, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (New York, 1988).
163. Historians and sociologists have recognized that translations of esoteric knowledge for commercial application can serve occupational as well as technical goals. These translations instantiate through their design the authority of a given profession in the workplace. See Andrew Abbott, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago, 1988); Sinclair (n. 4 above), esp. 144-57; and Stuart Shapiro, "Degrees of Freedom: The Interaction of Standards of Practice and Engineering Judgment," Science, Technology, and Human Values 22 (1997): 291-93. For a story of professional development that parallels the themes of this article, see JoAnne Brown, The Definition of a Profession: The Authority of Metaphor in the History of Intelligence Testing 1890-1930 (Princeton, N.J., 1992). In describing the tensions inherent in the popularization (or marketing, perhaps) of expert knowledge, Brown directs attention to Peter Novick's book on historians' efforts at professionalization, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (New York, 1988).
164. Historians and sociologists have recognized that translations of esoteric knowledge for commercial application can serve occupational as well as technical goals. These translations instantiate through their design the authority of a given profession in the workplace. See Andrew Abbott, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago, 1988); Sinclair (n. 4 above), esp. 144-57; and Stuart Shapiro, "Degrees of Freedom: The Interaction of Standards of Practice and Engineering Judgment," Science, Technology, and Human Values 22 (1997): 291-93. For a story of professional development that parallels the themes of this article, see JoAnne Brown, The Definition of a Profession: The Authority of Metaphor in the History of Intelligence Testing 1890-1930 (Princeton, N.J., 1992). In describing the tensions inherent in the popularization (or marketing, perhaps) of expert knowledge, Brown directs attention to Peter Novick's book on historians' efforts at professionalization, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (New York, 1988).
165. Historians and sociologists have recognized that translations of esoteric knowledge for commercial application can serve occupational as well as technical goals. These translations instantiate through their design the authority of a given profession in the workplace. See Andrew Abbott, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago, 1988); Sinclair (n. 4 above), esp. 144-57; and Stuart Shapiro, "Degrees of Freedom: The Interaction of Standards of Practice and Engineering Judgment," Science, Technology, and Human Values 22 (1997): 291-93. For a story of professional development that parallels the themes of this article, see JoAnne Brown, The Definition of a Profession: The Authority of Metaphor in the History of Intelligence Testing 1890-1930 (Princeton, N.J., 1992). In describing the tensions inherent in the popularization (or marketing, perhaps) of expert knowledge, Brown directs attention to Peter Novick's book on historians' efforts at professionalization, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (New York, 1988).
166. Further, academics' involvement with industrial problems continued a long history of service to industry rooted in the agricultural experiment station movement of the 1870s, which by 1900 had produced the engineering experiment stations and related initiatives. In dozens of American universities technical faculties undertook primary research and applied their findings to practical problems of manufacturing, construction, and other industries. Through such efforts faculty secured both revenue and prestige within their parent institutions. For a contemporary statement strongly supporting industrial research by universities, see Arthur N. Talbot, "The Extension of Engineering Investigational Work by Engineering Schools," PSPEE 12 (1904): 75-83.
167. On the history of academic engineering research for industry, see Seely (n. 26 above) and Servos (n. 27 above), also John Servos, "Industrial Relations of Science: Chemical Engineering at MIT, 1900-1939," Isis 71 (1980): 531-49. Seely offers a valuable overview of university engineering research as public service initiative, in which academics attended to problems of local and state government that industry had ignored. However, he does not explicate the Progressive Era rhetoric of "apolitical expertise." Servos ("Engineers, Businessmen, and the Academy," 722) points out that the boom in sponsored research came with World War I, but we find important grounding of the movement long before if we look below the level of industrial research and development.
168. On the history of academic engineering research for industry, see Seely (n. 26 above) and Servos (n. 27 above), also John Servos, "Industrial Relations of Science: Chemical Engineering at MIT, 1900-1939," Isis 71 (1980): 531-49. Seely offers a valuable overview of university engineering research as public service initiative, in which academics attended to problems of local and state government that industry had ignored. However, he does not explicate the Progressive Era rhetoric of "apolitical expertise." Servos ("Engineers, Businessmen, and the Academy," 722) points out that the boom in sponsored research came with World War I, but we find important grounding of the movement long before if we look below the level of industrial research and development.
169. On the history of academic engineering research for industry, see Seely (n. 26 above) and Servos (n. 27 above), also John Servos, "Industrial Relations of Science: Chemical Engineering at MIT, 1900-1939," Isis 71 (1980): 531-49. Seely offers a valuable overview of university engineering research as public service initiative, in which academics attended to problems of local and state government that industry had ignored. However, he does not explicate the Progressive Era rhetoric of "apolitical expertise." Servos ("Engineers, Businessmen, and the Academy," 722) points out that the boom in sponsored research came with World War I, but we find important grounding of the movement long before if we look below the level of industrial research and development.
170. Engineering News Supplement 50 (1904): 269, cited in Mead (n. 51 above), 284.
171. Engineering News Supplement 50 (1904): 269, cited in Mead (n. 51 above), 284.
172. Halbert P. Gillette and George S. Hill, Concrete Construction Methods and Cost (New York, 1908), 29, on tests performed by the State Engineer of Illinois.
173. Edwin Layton, for example, acknowledges that professional engineers' shift from "art to science" during the industrial boom of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries proceeded slowly, but in laying the problem of engineers' conduct in this period along a time line of increasing rationality (that is, as a case of theory and mathematics replacing a reliance on rules of thumb) he obscures the occupational and other social utilities of all the intermediate states of combined "art" and "science." See Layton, Revolt of the Engineers (n. 69 above) 3, 4, et passim; see also Noble (n. 4 above), 24-29.
174. Edwin Layton, for example, acknowledges that professional engineers' shift from "art to science" during the industrial boom of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries proceeded slowly, but in laying the problem of engineers' conduct in this period along a time line of increasing rationality (that is, as a case of theory and mathematics replacing a reliance on rules of thumb) he obscures the occupational and other social utilities of all the intermediate states of combined "art" and "science." See Layton, Revolt of the Engineers (n. 69 above) 3, 4, et passim; see also Noble (n. 4 above), 24-29.
175. For an example of a setting in which standardized procedures enacted a negotiation of workplace (and political) influence, see Ken Alder, "Making Things the Same: Representation, Tolerance and the End of the Ancien Regime in France," Social Studies of Science (1998): 499-545.
176. Steven Shapin, "The House of Experiment in Seventeenth-Century England," Isis 79 (1988): 373-404, and "Pump and Circumstance: Robert Boyle's Literary Technology," Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 481-520; Simon Schaffer, "On Astronomical Drawing," in Galison and Jones, Picturing Science, Producing Art (n. 12 above).
177. Steven Shapin, "The House of Experiment in Seventeenth-Century England," Isis 79 (1988): 373-404, and "Pump and Circumstance: Robert Boyle's Literary Technology," Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 481-520; Simon Schaffer, "On Astronomical Drawing," in Galison and Jones, Picturing Science, Producing Art (n. 12 above).
178. Steven Shapin, "The House of Experiment in Seventeenth-Century England," Isis 79 (1988): 373-404, and "Pump and Circumstance: Robert Boyle's Literary Technology," Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 481-520; Simon Schaffer, "On Astronomical Drawing," in Galison and Jones, Picturing Science, Producing Art (n. 12 above).
179. Steven Shapin, "The House of Experiment in Seventeenth-Century England," Isis 79 (1988): 373-404, and "Pump and Circumstance: Robert Boyle's Literary Technology," Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 481-520; Simon Schaffer, "On Astronomical Drawing," in Galison and Jones, Picturing Science, Producing Art (n. 12 above).
180. As Simon Schaffer shows, such trends are predicated on a social consensus that precedes the establishment of techniques or definitive information. Theodore Porter and Geoffrey Bowker elaborate the calculus of credit and blame that configures intellectual credibility in commercial spheres, doing so, to paraphrase Graeme Gooday, by suspending judgment about the epistemic persuasiveness of standardization. Simon Schaffer, "Accurate Measurement is an English Science," and Graeme J. N. Gooday, "The Morals of Energy Metering: Constructing and Deconstructing the Precision of Victorian Electrical Engineer's Ammeter and Voltmeter," both in The Values of Precision, ed. M. Norton Wise (Princeton, N.J., 1995), 124, 240; Porter (n. 14 above); Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, Mass., 1994). See also Timmermans and Berg (n. 8 above); Linda F. Hogle, "Standardization Across Non-Standard Domains: The Case of Organ Procurement," Science, Technology and Human Values 20 (1995): 482-500; Kathryn Henderson, "Flexible Sketches and Inflexible Data Bases: Visual Communication, Conscription Devices, and Boundary Objects in Design Engineering," Science, Technology and Human Values 16 (1991 ): 448-73.
181. As Simon Schaffer shows, such trends are predicated on a social consensus that precedes the establishment of techniques or definitive information. Theodore Porter and Geoffrey Bowker elaborate the calculus of credit and blame that configures intellectual credibility in commercial spheres, doing so, to paraphrase Graeme Gooday, by suspending judgment about the epistemic persuasiveness of standardization. Simon Schaffer, "Accurate Measurement is an English Science," and Graeme J. N. Gooday, "The Morals of Energy Metering: Constructing and Deconstructing the Precision of Victorian Electrical Engineer's Ammeter and Voltmeter," both in The Values of Precision, ed. M. Norton Wise (Princeton, N.J., 1995), 124, 240; Porter (n. 14 above); Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, Mass., 1994). See also Timmermans and Berg (n. 8 above); Linda F. Hogle, "Standardization Across Non-Standard Domains: The Case of Organ Procurement," Science, Technology and Human Values 20 (1995): 482-500; Kathryn Henderson, "Flexible Sketches and Inflexible Data Bases: Visual Communication, Conscription Devices, and Boundary Objects in Design Engineering," Science, Technology and Human Values 16 (1991 ): 448-73.
182. As Simon Schaffer shows, such trends are predicated on a social consensus that precedes the establishment of techniques or definitive information. Theodore Porter and Geoffrey Bowker elaborate the calculus of credit and blame that configures intellectual credibility in commercial spheres, doing so, to paraphrase Graeme Gooday, by suspending judgment about the epistemic persuasiveness of standardization. Simon Schaffer, "Accurate Measurement is an English Science," and Graeme J. N. Gooday, "The Morals of Energy Metering: Constructing and Deconstructing the Precision of Victorian Electrical Engineer's Ammeter and Voltmeter," both in The Values of Precision, ed. M. Norton Wise (Princeton, N.J., 1995), 124, 240; Porter (n. 14 above); Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, Mass., 1994). See also Timmermans and Berg (n. 8 above); Linda F. Hogle, "Standardization Across Non-Standard Domains: The Case of Organ Procurement," Science, Technology and Human Values 20 (1995): 482-500; Kathryn Henderson, "Flexible Sketches and Inflexible Data Bases: Visual Communication, Conscription Devices, and Boundary Objects in Design Engineering," Science, Technology and Human Values 16 (1991 ): 448-73.
183. As Simon Schaffer shows, such trends are predicated on a social consensus that precedes the establishment of techniques or definitive information. Theodore Porter and Geoffrey Bowker elaborate the calculus of credit and blame that configures intellectual credibility in commercial spheres, doing so, to paraphrase Graeme Gooday, by suspending judgment about the epistemic persuasiveness of standardization. Simon Schaffer, "Accurate Measurement is an English Science," and Graeme J. N. Gooday, "The Morals of Energy Metering: Constructing and Deconstructing the Precision of Victorian Electrical Engineer's Ammeter and Voltmeter," both in The Values of Precision, ed. M. Norton Wise (Princeton, N.J., 1995), 124, 240; Porter (n. 14 above); Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, Mass., 1994). See also Timmermans and Berg (n. 8 above); Linda F. Hogle, "Standardization Across Non-Standard Domains: The Case of Organ Procurement," Science, Technology and Human Values 20 (1995): 482-500; Kathryn Henderson, "Flexible Sketches and Inflexible Data Bases: Visual Communication, Conscription Devices, and Boundary Objects in Design Engineering," Science, Technology and Human Values 16 (1991 ): 448-73.
184. As Simon Schaffer shows, such trends are predicated on a social consensus that precedes the establishment of techniques or definitive information. Theodore Porter and Geoffrey Bowker elaborate the calculus of credit and blame that configures intellectual credibility in commercial spheres, doing so, to paraphrase Graeme Gooday, by suspending judgment about the epistemic persuasiveness of standardization. Simon Schaffer, "Accurate Measurement is an English Science," and Graeme J. N. Gooday, "The Morals of Energy Metering: Constructing and Deconstructing the Precision of Victorian Electrical Engineer's Ammeter and Voltmeter," both in The Values of Precision, ed. M. Norton Wise (Princeton, N.J., 1995), 124, 240; Porter (n. 14 above); Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, Mass., 1994). See also Timmermans and Berg (n. 8 above); Linda F. Hogle, "Standardization Across Non-Standard Domains: The Case of Organ Procurement," Science, Technology and Human Values 20 (1995): 482-500; Kathryn Henderson, "Flexible Sketches and Inflexible Data Bases: Visual Communication, Conscription Devices, and Boundary Objects in Design Engineering," Science, Technology and Human Values 16 (1991 ): 448-73.
185. As Simon Schaffer shows, such trends are predicated on a social consensus that precedes the establishment of techniques or definitive information. Theodore Porter and Geoffrey Bowker elaborate the calculus of credit and blame that configures intellectual credibility in commercial spheres, doing so, to paraphrase Graeme Gooday, by suspending judgment about the epistemic persuasiveness of standardization. Simon Schaffer, "Accurate Measurement is an English Science," and Graeme J. N. Gooday, "The Morals of Energy Metering: Constructing and Deconstructing the Precision of Victorian Electrical Engineer's Ammeter and Voltmeter," both in The Values of Precision, ed. M. Norton Wise (Princeton, N.J., 1995), 124, 240; Porter (n. 14 above); Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, Mass., 1994). See also Timmermans and Berg (n. 8 above); Linda F. Hogle, "Standardization Across Non-Standard Domains: The Case of Organ Procurement," Science, Technology and Human Values 20 (1995): 482-500; Kathryn Henderson, "Flexible Sketches and Inflexible Data Bases: Visual Communication, Conscription Devices, and Boundary Objects in Design Engineering," Science, Technology and Human Values 16 (1991 ): 448-73.
186. As Simon Schaffer shows, such trends are predicated on a social consensus that precedes the establishment of techniques or definitive information. Theodore Porter and Geoffrey Bowker elaborate the calculus of credit and blame that configures intellectual credibility in commercial spheres, doing so, to paraphrase Graeme Gooday, by suspending judgment about the epistemic persuasiveness of standardization. Simon Schaffer, "Accurate Measurement is an English Science," and Graeme J. N. Gooday, "The Morals of Energy Metering: Constructing and Deconstructing the Precision of Victorian Electrical Engineer's Ammeter and Voltmeter," both in The Values of Precision, ed. M. Norton Wise (Princeton, N.J., 1995), 124, 240; Porter (n. 14 above); Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, Mass., 1994). See also Timmermans and Berg (n. 8 above); Linda F. Hogle, "Standardization Across Non-Standard Domains: The Case of Organ Procurement," Science, Technology and Human Values 20 (1995): 482-500; Kathryn Henderson, "Flexible Sketches and Inflexible Data Bases: Visual Communication, Conscription Devices, and Boundary Objects in Design Engineering," Science, Technology and Human Values 16 (1991 ): 448-73.
187. Ken Alder, in "Making Things the Same," has shown that in mass-production contexts, where interchangeability and other manifestations of uniformity are crucial, jigs, gauges, and technical drawings serve not just as representations of physical ideals but as templates of political interactions. They assist in the resolution of mistrust among groups with differing interests (artisans, entrepreneurs, clientele) by articulating what goods, what work, and whose judgment are worthy of payment. Such views give to industrial quality control a much richer historical identity than it has previously held.