Power and meaning on the periphery of a Malagasy kingdom

Ethnohistory

Volumn 48, Issue 1-2, 2001, Pages 171-204

  Middleton, Karen ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0035534697     PISSN: 00141801     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1215/00141801-48-1-2-171     Document Type: Article

References (173)

1. Karl Eggert, "Mahafaly as Misnomer," in Madagascar: Society and History, ed. Conrad Phillip Kottak, Jean-Aimé Rakotoarisoa, Aiden Southall, and Pierre Vérin (Durham, NC, 1986), 331.
2. Etienne de Flacourt, Histoire de la Grande Isle Madagascar, ed. Claude Allibert (Paris, 1995 [1658]), 486, n. 17. See also Pier Larson, "Desperately Seeking 'the Merina' (Central Madagascar): Reading Ethnonyms and Their Semantic Fields in African Identity Histories." Journal of Southern African Studies 22: 541-60.
3. Etienne de Flacourt, Histoire de la Grande Isle Madagascar, ed. Claude Allibert (Paris, 1995 [1658]), 486, n. 17. See also Pier Larson, "Desperately Seeking 'the Merina' (Central Madagascar): Reading Ethnonyms and Their Semantic Fields in African Identity Histories." Journal of Southern African Studies 22: 541-60.
4. Rita Astuti, People of the Sea: Identity and Descent among the Vezo of Madagascar (Cambridge, UK, 1995).
5. e siècles, "Thèse de troisième cycle, Université de Paris I, 1988.
6. e siècle," Omaly sy Anio 33/36 (1994): 287-98.
7. Astuti, People of the Sea, 5, 73; Peter J. Wilson, Freedom by a Hair's Breadth: Tsimihety in Madagascar (Ann Arbor, MI, 1992.).
8. Astuti, People of the Sea, 5, 73; Peter J. Wilson, Freedom by a Hair's Breadth: Tsimihety in Madagascar (Ann Arbor, MI, 1992.).
9. In fact, many of the names Esoavelomandroso listed as "Karimbola" (Tananaike, Tesoñindava, Tañalava, Tañalaña, Tsilane, and so on) were those of peoples farther west, peoples whom my own informants and their close neighbors classify as ̃Mahafale.̃ That the ethnonym Karembola today has multiple and indeed conflicting referents is hardly surprising, given the turbulent events this region has seen over four centuries. Thus in northern Androy it refers to the descendants of those who fled the Karembola in the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century in the wake of the Maroseraña conquest (Emile Defoort, "L'Androy," Bulletin économique de Madagascar 2 [1913]: 134, n. 1, 168; J.-P. Emphoux, "Archéologie de l'Androy: Deux sites importants: Andranosoa et le manda de Ramananga," Omaly sy Anio 13/14 [1981]: 89-98).
10. In fact, many of the names Esoavelomandroso listed as "Karimbola" (Tananaike, Tesoñindava, Tañalava, Tañalaña, Tsilane, and so on) were those of peoples farther west, peoples whom my own informants and their close neighbors classify as ̃Mahafale.̃ That the ethnonym Karembola today has multiple and indeed conflicting referents is hardly surprising, given the turbulent events this region has seen over four centuries. Thus in northern Androy it refers to the descendants of those who fled the Karembola in the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century in the wake of the Maroseraña conquest (Emile Defoort, "L'Androy," Bulletin économique de Madagascar 2 [1913]: 134, n. 1, 168; J.-P. Emphoux, "Archéologie de l'Androy: Deux sites importants: Andranosoa et le manda de Ramananga," Omaly sy Anio 13/14 [1981]: 89-98).
11. Nicole Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," Objets et Mondes 16/3 (1976) : 106-8; Charles Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy: Des clans au royaume, "Thèse de troisième cycle, Université de Paris I, 1986; Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Les formations politiques dans le Mahafale au XIXe siècle," 3, 8 n8. Paper presented to conference on Political Systems in Precolonial Madagascar, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1987.
12. Nicole Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," Objets et Mondes 16/3 (1976) : 106-8; Charles Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy: Des clans au royaume, "Thèse de troisième cycle, Université de Paris I, 1986; Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Les formations politiques dans le Mahafale au XIXe siècle," 3, 8 n8. Paper presented to conference on Political Systems in Precolonial Madagascar, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1987.
13. Nicole Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," Objets et Mondes 16/3 (1976) : 106-8; Charles Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy: Des clans au royaume, "Thèse de troisième cycle, Université de Paris I, 1986; Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Les formations politiques dans le Mahafale au XIXe siècle," 3, 8 n8. Paper presented to conference on Political Systems in Precolonial Madagascar, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1987.
14. Esoavelomandroso, "Les souverains du Menarandra," 293.
15. Ibid., 294.
16. This narrative replicates the "official" version of folohazomanga status that Esoavelomandroso records ("Les souverains du Menarandra," 293).
17. Ty viloñ'ay boak'amy Maroseraña aby.
18. Viloñ'ay nifototse amy razañ'ay i añe. Le hirik'añe, hirik'añe, hirik'añe. Linova avao zahay.
19. Alain Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina: Interprétation d'une tradition orale (Paris, 1974), 100.
20. Gillian Feeley-Harnik, "Divine Kingship and the Meaning of History among the Sakalava (Madagascar), "Man, n.s., 13 (1978): 402-17.
21. Ibid., 404, 411.
22. Esoavelomandroso, "Les souverains du Menarandra," 294.
23. Jaques Lombard, Le royaume sakalava du Menabe. Essai d'analyse d'un système politique à Madagascar 17è-20è (Paris, 1988), 10, 77.
24. Cf. Christine Gailey and Thomas Patterson, "State Formation and Uneven Development," in State and Society: The Emergence and Development of Social Hierarchy and Political Centralization, ed. John Gledhill, Barbara Bender, and Mogens Larsen (London, 1988), 77.
25. Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 10.
26. Raymond Kent, "Religion and State: A Comparison of Antanosy and Sakalava in the 1600's," in Madagascar in History: Essays from the 1970s, ed. Raymond Kent (Albany, NY, 1979), 92.
27. René Battistini, Géographie humaine de la plaine cotière Mahafaly (Toulouse, France, 1964), 62.
28. David Hurvitz, "The 'Anjoaty' and Embouchures in Madagascar," in Madagascar: Society and History, ed. C. Kottak et al. (Durham, NC, 1986), 107-20.
29. Benedict Anderson, "The Idea of Power in Javanese Culture," in Language and Power: Exploring Political Cultures in Indonesia (Ithaca, NY, 1990 [1972]), 41.
30. Michael Adas, "From Avoidance to Confrontation: Peasant Protest in Precolonial and Colonial Southeast Asia," Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (1981): 217-47. See also Esoavelomandroso, "Les souverains du Menarandra," 2.94.
31. Michael Adas, "From Avoidance to Confrontation: Peasant Protest in Precolonial and Colonial Southeast Asia," Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (1981): 217-47. See also Esoavelomandroso, "Les souverains du Menarandra," 2.94.
32. Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Territoires et troupeaux des Temitongoa," in Histoire et organisation de l'espace à Madagascar, ed. Jean Fremigacci, Cahiers du Centre de recherches africaines (CRA) 7 (Paris, 1989), 54 n. 10; Raymond Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar, 1500-1700 (New York, 1970), 196;
33. Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Territoires et troupeaux des Temitongoa," in Histoire et organisation de l'espace à Madagascar, ed. Jean Fremigacci, Cahiers du Centre de recherches africaines (CRA) 7 (Paris, 1989), 54 n. 10; Raymond Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar, 1500-1700 (New York, 1970), 196;
34. Kent, "Religion and State," 93; but cf. Defoort, "L'Androy," 160; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 20.
35. Kent, "Religion and State," 93; but cf. Defoort, "L'Androy," 160; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 20.
36. Kent, "Religion and State," 93; but cf. Defoort, "L'Androy," 160; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 20.
37. For theories of the origins of dynasties in southern Madagascar, see Edvin Fagereng, Une famille de dynasties malgaches: Zafindravola, Maroseraña, Zafimbolamena, Andrevola, Zafimanely (Oslo, 1971); Kent, Early Kingdoms; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 11-38.
38. For theories of the origins of dynasties in southern Madagascar, see Edvin Fagereng, Une famille de dynasties malgaches: Zafindravola, Maroseraña, Zafimbolamena, Andrevola, Zafimanely (Oslo, 1971); Kent, Early Kingdoms; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 11-38.
39. For theories of the origins of dynasties in southern Madagascar, see Edvin Fagereng, Une famille de dynasties malgaches: Zafindravola, Maroseraña, Zafimbolamena, Andrevola, Zafimanely (Oslo, 1971); Kent, Early Kingdoms; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 11-38.
40. Esoavelomandroso, "Territoires et troupeaux," 54 n. 10.
41. Flacourt, Histoire de la Grande Isle; Defoort, "L'Androy," 62.
42. Flacourt, Histoire de la Grande Isle; Defoort, "L'Androy," 62.
43. As a matter of fact, Flacourt refers to this region as "Ampatres" (Histoire de la Grande Isle, 136-38); the term "Tandroy" [Anterndroea] appears for the first time fifty years later in Madagascar; or, Robert Drury's Journal during Fifteen Years' Captivity on That Island (London, 1890 [1729]), 30, 82, 310. Flacourt does not appear to refer to the Andriamañarene dynasty that ruled on the Manambovo by name.
44. As a matter of fact, Flacourt refers to this region as "Ampatres" (Histoire de la Grande Isle, 136-38); the term "Tandroy" [Anterndroea] appears for the first time fifty years later in Madagascar; or, Robert Drury's Journal during Fifteen Years' Captivity on That Island (London, 1890 [1729]), 30, 82, 310. Flacourt does not appear to refer to the Andriamañarene dynasty that ruled on the Manambovo by name.
45. Flacourt, Histoire de la Grande Isle, 140,136, 115. Flacourt's descriptions of "Karembola land" are inconsistent.
46. Ibid., 139-40. On p. 370, however, Dian Mamory is "[u]n grand des Ampatres."
47. Defoort mistakes the name "Andrianjoa" [Andrianjohoñe] for that of the particular sovereign under whom the Karembola suffered defeat (Defoort, "L'Androy," 168). It is in fact the name of the ruling dynasty or clan.
48. Ibid.
49. Scholars who have collected oral traditions in the Mahafale appear uncertain about exactly when the Menarandra kingdom was founded (Esoavelomandroso, "Territoires et troupeaux," 54 n. 10; Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," 102).
50. Scholars who have collected oral traditions in the Mahafale appear uncertain about exactly when the Menarandra kingdom was founded (Esoavelomandroso, "Territoires et troupeaux," 54 n. 10; Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," 102).
51. Madagascar; or, Robert Drury's Journal purports to be the memoirs of a young Londoner shipwrecked off the coast of Androy in 1702 and subsequently held captive by Tandroy for around seven or eight years. Authorship has been attributed to Daniel Defoe, however. Recently, Annie Molet-Sauvaget and Michael Parker Pearson review some of the evidence and come to contrasting conclusions about its status as a historical source (Anne Molet-Sauvaget, "Madagascar ou le Journal de Robert Drury" par Daniel Defoe [Paris, 1992.]; Michael Parker Pearson, "Reassessing Robert Drury's Journal as a Historical Source for Southern Madagascar," History in Africa 23 [1996]: 233-56).
52. Madagascar; or, Robert Drury's Journal purports to be the memoirs of a young Londoner shipwrecked off the coast of Androy in 1702 and subsequently held captive by Tandroy for around seven or eight years. Authorship has been attributed to Daniel Defoe, however. Recently, Annie Molet-Sauvaget and Michael Parker Pearson review some of the evidence and come to contrasting conclusions about its status as a historical source (Anne Molet-Sauvaget, "Madagascar ou le Journal de Robert Drury" par Daniel Defoe [Paris, 1992.]; Michael Parker Pearson, "Reassessing Robert Drury's Journal as a Historical Source for Southern Madagascar," History in Africa 23 [1996]: 233-56).
53. Cf. Defoort, "L'Androy," 168, 170. Certain Andrianjohos and their followers appear to have remained in the Mahafale and become Maroseraña subjects (Esoavelomandroso, "Les souverains du Menarandra," 291-92).
54. Cf. Defoort, "L'Androy," 168, 170. Certain Andrianjohos and their followers appear to have remained in the Mahafale and become Maroseraña subjects (Esoavelomandroso, "Les souverains du Menarandra," 291-92).
55. Defoort, "L'Androy," 169-71; Georges Heurtebize, Histoire des Afomarolahy (Extrême-sud de Madagascar), (Paris, 1986); Marie de Chantal Radimilahy, "Migrations anciennes dans l'Androy, "Omaly sy Anio 13/14 (1981): 99-112; Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Milieu naturel et peuplement de l'Androy de XVIe au XIXe siecles," in Madagascar: Society and History, ed. C. Kottak et al. (Durham, NC, 1986), 121-31.
56. Defoort, "L'Androy," 169-71; Georges Heurtebize, Histoire des Afomarolahy (Extrême-sud de Madagascar), (Paris, 1986); Marie de Chantal Radimilahy, "Migrations anciennes dans l'Androy, "Omaly sy Anio 13/14 (1981): 99-112; Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Milieu naturel et peuplement de l'Androy de XVIe au XIXe siecles," in Madagascar: Society and History, ed. C. Kottak et al. (Durham, NC, 1986), 121-31.
57. Defoort, "L'Androy," 169-71; Georges Heurtebize, Histoire des Afomarolahy (Extrême-sud de Madagascar), (Paris, 1986); Marie de Chantal Radimilahy, "Migrations anciennes dans l'Androy, "Omaly sy Anio 13/14 (1981): 99-112; Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Milieu naturel et peuplement de l'Androy de XVIe au XIXe siecles," in Madagascar: Society and History, ed. C. Kottak et al. (Durham, NC, 1986), 121-31.
58. Defoort, "L'Androy," 169-71; Georges Heurtebize, Histoire des Afomarolahy (Extrême-sud de Madagascar), (Paris, 1986); Marie de Chantal Radimilahy, "Migrations anciennes dans l'Androy, "Omaly sy Anio 13/14 (1981): 99-112; Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Milieu naturel et peuplement de l'Androy de XVIe au XIXe siecles," in Madagascar: Society and History, ed. C. Kottak et al. (Durham, NC, 1986), 121-31.
59. See also Esoavelomandroso, "Les formations politiques," 8 n. 8. It offers a different view of folohazomanga power and agency than "Les souverains du Menarandra."
60. Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy."
61. Esoavelomandroso, "Les formations politiques," 6.
62. In this respect the status of these so-called folohazomanga was similar to the Tokobeitelo confederacy in the Linta (Esoavelomandroso, "Territoires et troupeaux") and the renelime in the Onilahy (Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy"), groups that predated the kingdoms and retained their autonomy.
63. Colonial administrator and ethnographer Raymond Decary misinterpreted this statement to mean that the Karembola people south of Beloha claimed to be autochthones (Raymond Decary, "Monographie de district de Tsihombe," Bulletin économique de Madagascar 7/1 [1921], 35). In fact, when Karembolas describe themselves as tompo tane ("masters" or "owners of the land"), they mean that "they obtained mastery or dominion" (mahazo ty hahenjañe) rather than that they are autochthones. To express the idea of autochthony, they employ a phrase that conveys a past tense such as nitompo tane nay nay ["They were the masters of the land since time immemorial"].
64. Karen Middleton, "The Ironies of Plant Transfer: The Case of Prickly Pear in Madagascar." Paper presented at conference on African Environments Past and Present, St. Antony's, Oxford University, 1999.
65. "Service Historique de l'Armée de Terre, Château de Vincennes, D448." Report of Captain Mourey, Head of Tsihombe District, to Head of Fort-Dauphin Province, 14 December 1911.
66. Manassé Esoavelomandroso, "Les conventions Franco-Mahafale de 1859 et 1860," Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer 73 (1986): 67.
67. Alfred Grandidier, "Notice sur les cotes suds et sud-ouests de Madagascar," Bulletin de la Société de Géographie 2 (1867): 384-95.
68. Defoort, "L'Androy," 144. The trade in guns through the bays of the Karembola persisted through the first decade of French colonial rule, causing problems for the military administration.
69. Adas, "From Avoidance to Confrontation," 219; Stanley J. Tambiah, World Conqueror and World Renouncer (Cambridge, UK, 1976), 120-23.
70. Adas, "From Avoidance to Confrontation," 219; Stanley J. Tambiah, World Conqueror and World Renouncer (Cambridge, UK, 1976), 120-23.
71. Igor Kopytoff, ed., The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington, IN, 1987).
72. Louis Hubert Lyautey, Lettres du Sud de Madagascar, 1900-1902 (Paris, 1935), 301.
73. A longtime resident in the Ampanihy region, Speyer's papers disappeared in mysterious circumstances after his death in 1943 (Lotte Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly: Eine ethnische Gruppe im Süd-Westen Madagaskars [Berlin, 1981], 136). Fortunately, a copy had been made of the map (Charles Poirier, "Généalogie des Rois Maroserañana du Sud de l'Onilahy," Bulletin de l'Academie Malgache 28 [1953]: 29-31; reprinted in Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 137).
74. A longtime resident in the Ampanihy region, Speyer's papers disappeared in mysterious circumstances after his death in 1943 (Lotte Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly: Eine ethnische Gruppe im Süd-Westen Madagaskars [Berlin, 1981], 136). Fortunately, a copy had been made of the map (Charles Poirier, "Généalogie des Rois Maroserañana du Sud de l'Onilahy," Bulletin de l'Academie Malgache 28 [1953]: 29-31; reprinted in Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 137).
75. A longtime resident in the Ampanihy region, Speyer's papers disappeared in mysterious circumstances after his death in 1943 (Lotte Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly: Eine ethnische Gruppe im Süd-Westen Madagaskars [Berlin, 1981], 136). Fortunately, a copy had been made of the map (Charles Poirier, "Généalogie des Rois Maroserañana du Sud de l'Onilahy," Bulletin de l'Academie Malgache 28 [1953]: 29-31; reprinted in Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 137).
76. See, for example, maps attached to following reports: 132R 41 (10) Tsiombe 27 September 1902; 41 (11) 448M, "Service Historique de l'Armée de Terre, Château de Vincennes."
77. For my informants the Tankitre are typically "Mahafale." They are said to have accompanied the Maroseraña on their original journey into the Mahafale. However, in the Mahafale the Tankitre are classed as "Karimbola" and added to the renetane, that is, groups that arrived from Anosy, Androy, or Bara land around the time the Maroseraña settled at Ambava Mahafale (Esoavelomandroso, "Les formations politiques," 9, n. 9).
78. See Jean-François Baré, Pouvoir des vivants, langage des morts: Idéo-logiques sakalava (Paris, 1977); Lombard, Le royaume sakalava; Feeley-Harnik, "Divine Kingship."
79. See Jean-François Baré, Pouvoir des vivants, langage des morts: Idéo-logiques sakalava (Paris, 1977); Lombard, Le royaume sakalava; Feeley-Harnik, "Divine Kingship."
80. See Jean-François Baré, Pouvoir des vivants, langage des morts: Idéo-logiques sakalava (Paris, 1977); Lombard, Le royaume sakalava; Feeley-Harnik, "Divine Kingship."
81. Maurice Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar (Cambridge, UK, 1986); Gerald Berg, "Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790," Journal of African History 29: 191-211; Françoise Raison-Jourde, Bible et Pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1991).
82. Maurice Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar (Cambridge, UK, 1986); Gerald Berg, "Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790," Journal of African History 29: 191-211; Françoise Raison-Jourde, Bible et Pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1991).
83. Maurice Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar (Cambridge, UK, 1986); Gerald Berg, "Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790," Journal of African History 29: 191-211; Françoise Raison-Jourde, Bible et Pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1991).
84. Flacourt, Histoire de la Grande Isle, 25-26, 160; cf. Kent, "Religion and State," 86. For references relating to the significance of sombily in the later polities of southeastern Madagascar, see Philip Thomas, "Place, Person, and Ancestry among the Temanambondro of Southeast Madagascar," Ph.D. diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 1996, 189 n. 11.
85. Flacourt, Histoire de la Grande Isle, 25-26, 160; cf. Kent, "Religion and State," 86. For references relating to the significance of sombily in the later polities of southeastern Madagascar, see Philip Thomas, "Place, Person, and Ancestry among the Temanambondro of Southeast Madagascar," Ph.D. diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 1996, 189 n. 11.
86. Flacourt, Histoire de la Grande Isle, 25-26, 160; cf. Kent, "Religion and State," 86. For references relating to the significance of sombily in the later polities of southeastern Madagascar, see Philip Thomas, "Place, Person, and Ancestry among the Temanambondro of Southeast Madagascar," Ph.D. diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 1996, 189 n. 11.
87. While the literature tends to gloss the term hazomanga as the wooden stakes at which sacrifices to ancestors are made, the Karembola together with other southern Malagasy peoples use the term of the cult in toto - its paraphernalia, its officiants, its prescriptions, and its taboos.
88. It has been suggested that the hazomanga was introduced by the Maroseraña, and that before their arrival, people made their sacrifices beneath tamarind trees (Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 125, 141; Kent, Early Kingdoms, 314; Henri Lavondès, Bekoropoka: Quelques aspects de la vie familiale et sociale d'un village malgache (Paris, 1967), 21, 21 n. 3; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 19-20). Others, however, argue that the hazomanga was a feature of lineage organization in the Mahafale prior to or at least independently of this dynasty (Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy"; Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," 97). On this reading, rather than bring a new religion, the Maroseraña manipulated an existing ancestor cult in the hope of transforming autonomous groups and clients into subjects.
89. It has been suggested that the hazomanga was introduced by the Maroseraña, and that before their arrival, people made their sacrifices beneath tamarind trees (Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 125, 141; Kent, Early Kingdoms, 314; Henri Lavondès, Bekoropoka: Quelques aspects de la vie familiale et sociale d'un village malgache (Paris, 1967), 21, 21 n. 3; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 19-20). Others, however, argue that the hazomanga was a feature of lineage organization in the Mahafale prior to or at least independently of this dynasty (Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy"; Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," 97). On this reading, rather than bring a new religion, the Maroseraña manipulated an existing ancestor cult in the hope of transforming autonomous groups and clients into subjects.
90. It has been suggested that the hazomanga was introduced by the Maroseraña, and that before their arrival, people made their sacrifices beneath tamarind trees (Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 125, 141; Kent, Early Kingdoms, 314; Henri Lavondès, Bekoropoka: Quelques aspects de la vie familiale et sociale d'un village malgache (Paris, 1967), 21, 21 n. 3; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 19-20). Others, however, argue that the hazomanga was a feature of lineage organization in the Mahafale prior to or at least independently of this dynasty (Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy"; Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," 97). On this reading, rather than bring a new religion, the Maroseraña manipulated an existing ancestor cult in the hope of transforming autonomous groups and clients into subjects.
91. It has been suggested that the hazomanga was introduced by the Maroseraña, and that before their arrival, people made their sacrifices beneath tamarind trees (Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 125, 141; Kent, Early Kingdoms, 314; Henri Lavondès, Bekoropoka: Quelques aspects de la vie familiale et sociale d'un village malgache (Paris, 1967), 21, 21 n. 3; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 19-20). Others, however, argue that the hazomanga was a feature of lineage organization in the Mahafale prior to or at least independently of this dynasty (Clément, "Les Mahafale de l'Onilahy"; Boulfroy, "Vers l'art funéraire mahafaly," 97). On this reading, rather than bring a new religion, the Maroseraña manipulated an existing ancestor cult in the hope of transforming autonomous groups and clients into subjects.
92. Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 141-42. A broadly similar "politics of identity" operated in the Sakalava kingdoms (Baré, Pouvoir des Vivants; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava; Feeley-Harnik, "Divine Kingship"). However, Lombard indicates that although in Menabe formerly autonomous lineages were reconstituted as clans whose identities were defined in relation to the monarchy (Le royaume sakalava, 27), in Boeny the mpanjaka-be failed to impose his ancestors and his history throughout the kingdom, resulting in "a jigsaw" of small more or less autonomous territories (ibid.: 34-35). Cf. Kent, "Religion and State," 92-93.
93. Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 141-42. A broadly similar "politics of identity" operated in the Sakalava kingdoms (Baré, Pouvoir des Vivants; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava; Feeley-Harnik, "Divine Kingship"). However, Lombard indicates that although in Menabe formerly autonomous lineages were reconstituted as clans whose identities were defined in relation to the monarchy (Le royaume sakalava, 27), in Boeny the mpanjaka-be failed to impose his ancestors and his history throughout the kingdom, resulting in "a jigsaw" of small more or less autonomous territories (ibid.: 34-35). Cf. Kent, "Religion and State," 92-93.
94. Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 141-42. A broadly similar "politics of identity" operated in the Sakalava kingdoms (Baré, Pouvoir des Vivants; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava; Feeley-Harnik, "Divine Kingship"). However, Lombard indicates that although in Menabe formerly autonomous lineages were reconstituted as clans whose identities were defined in relation to the monarchy (Le royaume sakalava, 27), in Boeny the mpanjaka-be failed to impose his ancestors and his history throughout the kingdom, resulting in "a jigsaw" of small more or less autonomous territories (ibid.: 34-35). Cf. Kent, "Religion and State," 92-93.
95. Ty vily hazomanga'ay, tsy zaka hatsotsoene avao fa vily razañe. Nareo maro. E. Fa misy anombe. E. Anombe telopolo ty vily. Tia ty vy lava nanefe ty Faloañombe. Hoe ty vily'e. Tia ty soakazo area aze. Vy lava, firanga, soakazo. Vily raike avao.
96. Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 47.
97. See also Nicholas Thomas, Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific (Cambridge, MA, 1996).
98. See Berg, "Sacred Acquisition"; Bloch, From Blessing to Violence.
99. See Berg, "Sacred Acquisition"; Bloch, From Blessing to Violence.
100. At that time, forging the vy lava was the specialization of particular groups (cf. Marie de Chantal Radimilahy, L'ancienne métallurgie du fer à Madagascar [Oxford: BAR International Series, 1988], notably the Faloañombe in the Mahafale).
101. Karen Middleton, "Memory, Alliance, and Landscapes of Power in the Karembola (Madagascar)." Paper presented at European Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) conference, Barcelona, 1997.
102. Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (Cambridge, UK, 1989).
103. Middleton, "Memory, Alliance, and Landscapes of Power."
104. Gillian Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate: Restoring Independence in Madagascar (Washington, DC, 1991), 59.
105. Ibid., 61-62.
106. e siecles." ASEMI 4, no. 4: 53-89.
107. e siecles." ASEMI 4, no. 4: 53-89.
108. Lavondès, Bekoropoka, 21, 21 n. 3; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 19-20.
109. Lavondès, Bekoropoka, 21, 21 n. 3; Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 19-20.
110. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence.
111. Ottino, "Hiérarchie et alliance," 73.
112. Karen Middleton, "Circumcision, Death, and Strangers," Journal of Religion in Africa, 27 (1997): 341-73.
113. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence. Bloch argues that ritual is the "special strategy" of "traditional authority" because its "highly formalised," "repetitive" style of communication is "marked" by its "unique ability to encompass" and "to imply no alternative" (Bloch, "Symbol, Song, Dance, and Features of Articulation: Is Religion an Extreme Form of Traditional Authority? in Ritual, History, and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989 [1974]).
114. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence. Bloch argues that ritual is the "special strategy" of "traditional authority" because its "highly formalised," "repetitive" style of communication is "marked" by its "unique ability to encompass" and "to imply no alternative" (Bloch, "Symbol, Song, Dance, and Features of Articulation: Is Religion an Extreme Form of Traditional Authority? in Ritual, History, and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989 [1974]).
115. Lombard, Le royaume sakalava; Baré, Pouvoir des vivants.
116. Lombard, Le royaume sakalava; Baré, Pouvoir des vivants.
117. Kent, "Religion and State," 80.
118. Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate.
119. See John Kelly and Martha Kaplan, "History, Structure, and Ritual," Annual Review of Anthropology 19 (1990): 136; Katherine Synder, "Elders' Authority and Women's Protest: The Masay Ritual and Social Change among the Iraqw of Tanzania," Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute, n.s., 3 (1997): 561-76.
120. See John Kelly and Martha Kaplan, "History, Structure, and Ritual," Annual Review of Anthropology 19 (1990): 136; Katherine Synder, "Elders' Authority and Women's Protest: The Masay Ritual and Social Change among the Iraqw of Tanzania," Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute, n.s., 3 (1997): 561-76.
121. Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate; Kent, "Religion and State," 92.
122. Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate; Kent, "Religion and State," 92.
123. Lavondès, Bekoropoka, 102; Baré, Pouvoir des vivants, 51; Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate, 57, 69-88.
124. Lavondès, Bekoropoka, 102; Baré, Pouvoir des vivants, 51; Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate, 57, 69-88.
125. Lavondès, Bekoropoka, 102; Baré, Pouvoir des vivants, 51; Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate, 57, 69-88.
126. Astuti, People of the Sea, 75; but see Marikandia, "L'espace littoral Vezo," for a different emphasis.
127. Astuti, People of the Sea, 75; but see Marikandia, "L'espace littoral Vezo," for a different emphasis.
128. Wilson, Freedom by a Hair's Breadth, 113-15.
129. Astuti, People of the Sea, 73-75.
130. Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry, Introduction, in Death and the Regeneration of Life, ed. Maurice Bloch and Johnathan Parry (Cambridge, UK, 1981), 7.
131. Maurice Bloch, Prey into Hunter: The Politics of Religious Experience (Cambridge, UK, 1992).
132. Raymond Decary, L'Androy (Extrême Sud de Madagascar): Essai de monographie régionale, vol. 2 (Paris, 1933), 91-94.
133. Replicating a more general controversy in the historiography of Madagascar (see, e.g., Françoise Raison-Jourde, Introduction, in Les souverains de Madagascar: L'histoire royale et ses résurgences contemporaines, ed. F. Raison-Jourde [Paris, 1983], 19-20, 35), Karembola narratives represent lineage organization as a type of sociopolitical organization that is both created by royalty and contrasted with it, a tool for state-building and for devolution, perhaps developing in the face of state intrusion as an alternative to migration (cf. Gailey and Patterson, "State Formation," 85).
134. Cf. Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 144.
135. Gillian Feeley-Harnik, "The King's Men in Madagascar: Slavery, Citizenship, and Sakalava Monarchy," Africa 52 (1982): 31-50.
136. Middleton, "Memory, Alliance, and Landscapes of Power."
137. Wilson, Freedom by a Hair's Breadth, 17.
138. Esoavelomandroso, "Les souverains du Menarandra," 290.
139. It would be interesting to know whether Maroseraña oral histories keep any record of these unions and, if so, what meanings they hold for them. One cannot suppose that Karembola and Maroseraña took identical views of the political significance of wife-giving; see Edmund Leach, Political Systems of Highland Burma: A Study of Kachin Social Structure (London, 1970 [1954]), 217-23. In any case, the sovereigns of the Menarandra appear not to have deployed marriage in any systematic way to define Karembola political status, whether as dependents (wife-takers under hypogamy) or as tribute-payers (wife-givers under hypergamy). While I was often told that folohazomanga were rooted in the Maroseraña through gifts of ancestry (hazomanga, cattle earmarks, clan identities, and land), I never heard their status defined in affinal idioms.
140. Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 144.
141. Maurice Bloch, "The Disconnection between Power and Rank as a Process: An Outline of the Development of Kingdoms in Central Madagascar," in Ritual, History, and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989 [1971]).
142. Clifford Geertz, Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali (Princeton, NJ, 1980).
143. Michael Lambek and Andrew Walsh, "The Imagined Community of the Antankaraña: Identity, History, and Ritual in Northern Madagascar," Journal of Religion in Africa 27 (1997): 308-33.
144. Gillian Feeley-Harnik, "Finding Memories in Madagascar," in Images of Memory: On Remembering and Representation, ed. Suzanne Küchler and Walter Melion (Washington, DC, 1991), 121-40. Given the role embodied work at royal places plays in "imposing" royal ancestors on Sakalava people (Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate, 58), I should note that none of the oral traditions I collected ever suggested that the Karembola did any work during Maroseraña funerals.
145. Gillian Feeley-Harnik, "Finding Memories in Madagascar," in Images of Memory: On Remembering and Representation, ed. Suzanne Küchler and Walter Melion (Washington, DC, 1991), 121-40. Given the role embodied work at royal places plays in "imposing" royal ancestors on Sakalava people (Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate, 58), I should note that none of the oral traditions I collected ever suggested that the Karembola did any work during Maroseraña funerals.
146. Karen Middleton, "Tomb-work, Body-work: Ancestry, Gender, and Reproduction among the Karembola of Madagascar." Paper presented at Satterthwaite Colloquium on Religion and Ritual, United Kingdom 1996.
147. Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 142, 144.
148. Evidence from a number of sources suggests that monumentality began evolving in the Androy and Karembola in the eighteenth century. This would support a link to political devolution (Heurtebize, Les Afomarolahy; M. Parker Pearson, Karen Godden, Ramilisonina, Retsihisatse, and J.-L. Schwenninger, "The Central Androy Survey: Preliminary Results," Nyame Akuma 39 [1992.]: 32-35; Karen Middleton, "Tombs, Umbilical Cords, and the Syllable Fo," in Cultures of Madagascar, ed. Sandra Evers and Marc Spindler [Leiden, 1995], 223-35).
149. Evidence from a number of sources suggests that monumentality began evolving in the Androy and Karembola in the eighteenth century. This would support a link to political devolution (Heurtebize, Les Afomarolahy; M. Parker Pearson, Karen Godden, Ramilisonina, Retsihisatse, and J.-L. Schwenninger, "The Central Androy Survey: Preliminary Results," Nyame Akuma 39 [1992.]: 32-35; Karen Middleton, "Tombs, Umbilical Cords, and the Syllable Fo," in Cultures of Madagascar, ed. Sandra Evers and Marc Spindler [Leiden, 1995], 223-35).
150. Evidence from a number of sources suggests that monumentality began evolving in the Androy and Karembola in the eighteenth century. This would support a link to political devolution (Heurtebize, Les Afomarolahy; M. Parker Pearson, Karen Godden, Ramilisonina, Retsihisatse, and J.-L. Schwenninger, "The Central Androy Survey: Preliminary Results," Nyame Akuma 39 [1992.]: 32-35; Karen Middleton, "Tombs, Umbilical Cords, and the Syllable Fo," in Cultures of Madagascar, ed. Sandra Evers and Marc Spindler [Leiden, 1995], 223-35).
151. 104 See also Middleton, "Memory, Alliance, and Landscapes of Power."
152. By contrast, Andrianampoinimerina is said to have reserved rights to determine how and where Merina ancestral tombs were built (Berg, "Sacred Acquisition," 211). Certain traditions I collected suggest, however, that the Maroseraña attempted to tax Karembola funerals by demanding a cattle payment whenever subjects died.
153. Raison-Jourde, Introduction, 9.
154. Esoavelomandroso, "Les formations politiques," 9 n. 8.
155. Lombard, Le royaume sakalava, 16.
156. Raison-Jourde, Introduction, 15.
157. Philippe Beaujard.
158. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence.
159. Esoavelomandroso, "Les souverains du Menarandra," 294
160. Berg, "Sacred Acquisition," 191-211.
161. For similar stories about mpanjaka in Madagascar, see Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 142; Astuti, People of the Sea, 72-73; Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate.
162. For similar stories about mpanjaka in Madagascar, see Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 142; Astuti, People of the Sea, 72-73; Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate.
163. For similar stories about mpanjaka in Madagascar, see Schomerus-Gernböck, Die Mahafaly, 142; Astuti, People of the Sea, 72-73; Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate.
164. The "Marcher" lords bore the brunt of this failure. Portrayed as interlopers and pretenders (ondate nihambo, ondate mavande), there is no suggestion in the oral traditions I collected that Tankitre "entitlements" were based on anything other than despotic greed. Consequently, they were able to sustain their preeminence on the marches only so long as their military strength held.
165. For Lombard the moment when pastoralists were given cattle earmarks by the monarch was the moment they became integrated into the sociopolitical structure of the Sakalava kingdom (Le royaume sakalava, 77). He argues that through the system of ceremonial prestations, Sakalava monarchies sought to control the circulation and distribution of cattle as the source of wealth, the symbol of power, and the basis of status and prestige (ibid.: 13). The role of cattle and ceremonial exchanges in constituting power and status in the Karembola proved far more resistant to centralized control.
166. Feeley-Harnik, A Green Estate.
167. Astuti, People of the Sea; Thomas, "Place, Person, and Ancestry," 54; Feeley-Harnik, "Finding Memories," 132.
168. Astuti, People of the Sea; Thomas, "Place, Person, and Ancestry," 54; Feeley-Harnik, "Finding Memories," 132.
169. Astuti, People of the Sea; Thomas, "Place, Person, and Ancestry," 54; Feeley-Harnik, "Finding Memories," 132.
170. John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Boulder, co, 1992), 236; Barbara Harlow, introduction to Colonial Harem, ed. Malek Alloula (Minneapolis, MN, 1986); Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. R. Nice (Cambridge, UK, 1977.
171. John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Boulder, co, 1992), 236; Barbara Harlow, introduction to Colonial Harem, ed. Malek Alloula (Minneapolis, MN, 1986); Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. R. Nice (Cambridge, UK, 1977.
172. John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Boulder, co, 1992), 236; Barbara Harlow, introduction to Colonial Harem, ed. Malek Alloula (Minneapolis, MN, 1986); Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. R. Nice (Cambridge, UK, 1977.
173. Michael Lambek, "The Sakalava Poiesis of History: Realizing the Past through Spirit Possession in Madagascar," American Ethnologist 25 (1998): 106-27.